Parliamentary debates: Thursday, 3 September 2026

09:00

I seek leave to present a legislative statement on Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill.

Leave has been sought for that course of action. Is there any objection? There appears to be none.

I present a legislative statement on Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill.

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

09:01

I move, That the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill be now read a second time.

In accordance with a determination of the Business Committee, this bill is set down for committee stage immediately. I declare the House in committee.

09:05

I move, That the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill be now read a third time.

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

E ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, nau mai, haere mai. He rā hei whakamānawa i tō koutou manawanui me tō koutou ū. Nō reira rau rangatira mā, me ngā tamariki hoki, tēnei taku mihi ki a koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

[To the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui, welcome, welcome. It is a day to commend your persistence and your commitment. Therefore, to the many leaders and the children, also, I hereby acknowledge you. Greetings and thanks to you, and to us all.]

I’m pleased to speak in support of the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill. The negotiations began in 2017 officially, but, of course, Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui have sought justice from the Crown for many generations, and today marks an important milestone on the journey to settle the historical claims of the hapū and iwi of Whanganui.

Many people have contributed to this third reading today, and I acknowledge those people, of course. At a time like this, our minds naturally turn to those who have been part of that process and who are now longer with us today, and I acknowledge them and their passing. To the trustees, past and present, your wisdom and leadership have been critical to negotiating this settlement, which advances reconciliation between iwi and the Crown.

I want to acknowledge my predecessors, the Hon Christopher Finlayson KC and the Hon Andrew Little, my ministerial colleagues, Crown agencies, and local authorities for their work towards this settlement, and, of course, I acknowledge the efforts of the negotiators from Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, led by Ken Mair, and the Crown chief negotiator, the Hon Rick Barker. I do want to acknowledge the words of Ken last night, particularly his emphasis on the need for commitment, for courage, and for compassion as we forge a new relationship and work together.

Finally, I’d like to acknowledge all the people of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui who have come to Parliament today, and also those who are watching online and tuning in to this debate on their crystal sets up and down the country.

This settlement arises from a history of significant Crown breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. From 1840, the Crown failed consistently to act in good faith in its dealings with the hapū and iwi of Whanganui, including the 89,000-acre Whanganui Block purchase in 1848. These actions undermined the relationship that Whanganui rangatira had sought from the Crown.

The Crown’s actions also contributed to the conflict and division during the 19th century, when the Crown brought war to Whanganui. Many Whanganui Māori later joined the peaceful resistance movement at Parihaka and were met with unconscionable and unjust treatment by the Crown.

Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui suffered from their loss of tikanga, including diminished ability to pass down their reo and access to their resources. Socio-economic deprivation and the impact of native land laws eroded hapū foundations, with profound and enduring consequences. This settlement seeks to acknowledge and to address those historical grievances.

I delivered the Crown apology to Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui at the deed of settlement’s signing, and that occasion acknowledged both the deep mamae endured by generations of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, and the undiminished mana Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui retain. It was a wonderful day, the signing of He Rau Tukutuku, your deed of settlement, at Kaiwhaiki Marae, on the banks of Te Awa Tupua in May this year. It was a beautiful day, and I will never forget it. I will never forget the challenge, the waiata, the wonderful kai, and the warm friendship on that day. I am honoured to be here to see this settlement through its final stages.

The gift you presented to the Crown, “Toitū te whenua”, was centred on the Whiritaunoka, made from knotted Taunoka, which is native broom. It recalls the actions of your rangatira Hōri Kīngi Te Anaqua, who in 1869 knotted Taunoka as a symbol of peace and unity among hapū and extended that peace to the Crown. That gift symbolises rebuilding our relationship and our shared commitment to move forward together.

The settlement lays the foundation for Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui to reestablish their connection to their rohe, strengthen their identity, and provide for future generations. The settlement redress package returns 27 sites of cultural significance as a $15.5 million cultural revitalisation fund. The relationship redress with Crown agencies and financial and commercial redress is worth $30 million, and rights to purchase commercial properties.

Of course, as all Ministers say, this settlement can never fully compensate Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui for what they have suffered because of Crown actions. However, through the settlement, the Crown, on behalf of all New Zealanders living in this country today, seeks a restored and strengthened relationship with Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, grounded in mutual trust, cooperation, and partnership. I hope this renews Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui’s confidence in the future.

In closing, I affirm the Crown’s commitment to building a positive future together in this rowdy democracy that we call New Zealand. Through He Rau Tukutuku and this bill, I look forward to a growing and enduring partnership with Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and the Crown, guided by your values and aspirations. Toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua.

[Cultural integrity, cultural authority, and cultural sustenance.]

So it is with pleasure that I commend this bill to the House. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

Ko te pātai kia whakaaetia te mōtini.

[The question is that the motion be agreed to.]

09:12

Tēnā koe e te Māngai o te Whare. Ko te mihi tuatahi ki te Atua, nāna nei ngā mea katoa. Ko te mihi tuarua ki te Whare e tū nei, tēnā koe.

Apiti hono, tātai hono, te hunga mate ki te hunga mate. Apiti hono, tātai hono, te hunga ora ki te hunga ora.

Ka huri au ki a koutou, nau mai, haere mai ki tēnei Whare Pāremata. Ko tēnei rā ko te rā mō koutou.Nō reira tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, huihui mai tātou katoa.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker. The first greeting is to God, to whom all things belong. The second greeting is to the House that stands here; greetings.

That which is joined remains an unbroken line, the deceased with the deceased. That which is joined remains an unbroken line, the living with the living.

I turn to you, welcome, welcome to this House of Parliament. Today is the day all about you. Therefore, greetings and thanks to you, and to all of us gathered here.]

I rise in support of the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill in this third and final reading—a huge milestone to mark today. I want to welcome all of you to Parliament and to acknowledge the long and arduous journey that it has taken to get to this point in time. I would like to acknowledge all of those who have carried this claim upon their shoulders over the year, some of whom are no longer with us now but are here today with us in spirit.

There are many, many people who have enabled this piece of legislation to reach this point in time. In particular, I would like to acknowledge Ken Mair for his ongoing work, effort, commitment, and struggle to pursuing this claim. I’d also like to acknowledge the Hon Rick Barker, who is here today, for helping with those negotiations and making sure that things progressed well. I know both of you have committed so much of your time, your energy, and your aroha to make this claim come to a point where the people can enjoy the benefits of what it offers future generations.

This bill represents the culmination of many years of work, many years of advocacy, negotiation, and determination by generations of Whanganui leaders. It is important that the House considers, at this final passage of the legislation, that it’s not just about the bill; it is about the people, it is about the whenua that it represents, and it is about the awa at the heart of this claim. It is about a history that cannot be changed, but Parliament has a responsibility to confront its past honestly. Historical grievances acknowledged through this settlement in the legislation on the Table here include the Crown’s conduct in the past and the breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi.

During the conflicts in the 1840s and the 1860s, the failure to complete the 1848 Whanganui Block Transaction fairly and in good faith—that impacted through the Native Land Court system and the alienation of land through taking land through the public works takings. These were not abstract events; they were a systematic attack on these people’s rangatiratanga over the years. They had consequences for families, for hapū, for iwi, and for generations yet to come. The effects of dispossession and marginalisation do not just disappear because time passes. That is why Treaty settlements matter for New Zealand, for Aotearoa. They are one part of our country’s ongoing work to confront our history honestly, and acknowledge where the Crown quite clearly failed, and build a better relationship, hopefully, in our future.

As I said when this bill was first debated, no settlement can ever fully restore what has been taken and what has been lost, and no apology can erase generations of hurt. But an acknowledgment by the Crown that it failed its obligations under Te Tiriti o Waitangi is a good start. It matters because the alternative is to pretend these things did not happen, and we cannot build a stronger and more confident country by refusing to confront that difficult part of our past.

The settlement before us includes a formal Crown apology and acknowledgments of historical Treaty breaches. It includes financial and also cultural redress—financial redress of $30 million. It includes really important parts of the cultural redress, including the vesting of 27 sites of cultural significance.

No amount of money can return land that has been alienated, and no payment can undo the experience of those tūpuna who lived through war, who lived through dispossession, and the erosion of the ability to determine their own future. No legislation can erase that, but what this bill can do is formally recognise that history, it can provide redress, and, importantly, it can provide a basis for how we work better together going forward. That relationship between Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and the Crown—this is an opportunity that we should focus on going forward.

I want to acknowledge the people who have carried on this work. I have already mentioned those people, but also to acknowledge all of those people who have worked together so well. This work has happened because iwi and hapū refuse to allow their grievances and their aspirations to simply be forgotten. That perseverance deserves recognition in this House, and I want to acknowledge the members of the Whanganui community who have contributed to this process in so many different ways.

There is also a responsibility on behalf of the Crown once this bill passes. A settlement should not be regarded at all as the end of a relationship; it should be just the beginning of a brand new chapter. That point was made powerfully during the earlier debate. Once settlements have been signed, the question becomes whether the Crown will continue to support iwi and whether commitments made are honoured in practice, on going forward, in the decades to come. That is an important question, because reconciliation is not achieved simply by passing a bill in this House; it is built over time. It is built through relationships and it is built by keeping commitments, and it is built by ensuring that the lessons of history inform the way the Crown behaves going forward. For Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, this settlement should provide a platform, a foundation, for the future—for cultural revitalisation, for economic development, for stronger relationships, and for continued exercise of tino rangatiratanga. That future should be one in which the Crown listens, one in which iwi and hapū are partners in decisions that affect their communities, and one in which the mistakes of the past are not repeated.

This is about the future today. While Treaty settlements are often about historic—we talk about what’s happened in the past, I think it’s important that we focus today on the future and the opportunities that this settlement bill provides. It is about what we want New Zealand to be going forward. Do we want a country that is prepared to acknowledge the Crown has caused harm? And do we want a country that can look honestly at our history without being diminished by it? I believe that answer is yes. We can acknowledge the wrongs of the past while still having confidence in the future for our children and for our grandchildren. We can recognise the Crown’s breaches while believing our relationships can change. And we can respect the mana of iwi and hapū while building a country in which all New Zealanders have a stake.

That is the nation-building work that Treaty settlements represent, and today, this House has an opportunity to recognise the determination of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui. We have an opportunity to acknowledge the historical wrongs that have been committed by the Crown and an opportunity to take us forward as a people. I hope that when this legislation is passed, it is not remembered simply as the day the settlement bill became law. I hope it is remembered as a moment when the Crown and Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui turned a page together—not by forgetting the past, but by finally acknowledging it; not by pretending harm can be undone, but by committing to a relationship that is stronger, more respectful, and more enduring. On behalf of te whānau Reipa, I am proud to support this bill in its third reading. I acknowledge Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and I acknowledge those negotiators, those kaumātua, the whānau, and the generations who have carried this kaupapa for so long. I look forward to seeing the settlement become a foundation for your future, for your tamariki, and for all of those yet to come. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, huihui mai tātou katoa.

09:22

Kia ora koutou, Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui. It’s good to see familiar faces again from when you so generously greeted us as the Māori Affairs Committee and with the Minister down in your rohe some weeks ago. There’s nothing as profound as coming to the place, to the lands, to sit alongside the awa and to understand the context of the people for whom the settlement makes some small amends for the evils of the Crown.

Reading through, again, the historical account, about the sullied hand of that infamous facilitator of original trouble through New Zealand Company actions, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, the hyper-capitalist who was convicted in Britain of abducting a young girl and then he sets out to the South Pacific to try and abduct a whole country, and with the dishonest land dealings and the backing of the Governor’s military force, he wreaks havoc and mischief. Even after all that mischief-making, he gets elected as the member for Hutt South to this Parliament.

I read the accounts of the Heretaunga skirmishes and the five youths who were so brutally and summarily executed unjustly. Every time I read that story of the poisoning with arsenic of the flower, it just makes me sick to the stomach that people would do that to other people. It paints a picture of Crown breaches and injustices against Wanganui that are irreparable and for which there can be no satisfactory compensation or amends. The conflict in Wanganui and the retribution of the Crown against the legitimate resistance of your people, both passive and with force, is inexcusable, and here today this Parliament acknowledges it was the Crown that did wrong. It was the Crown that acted unjustly.

Your settlement opens a way forward for you who have withstood. But the outstanding truth of what this does for us as a nation—and I echo the sentiments of my colleague—is that it is your generosity and accepting the settlement that is the act of nation building. That generosity is what makes me, as tangata Tiriti, ever profoundly humbled by the blessing of being a New Zealander among the tangata whenua of Aotearoa—ever humbled. I think the finest attributes that the world recognises as New Zealand attributes are, in fact, those either directly enacted and expressed by Māori or those that we who have come from somewhere else learned from Māori. Those principles of manaakitanga and generosity and kindness and friendliness; those are things that, when I hear people speak about the New Zealand character and personality, I think that my ancestors learned that stuff from Māori. That’s how I feel about it—that’s how I feel about it.

Today marks a profound and important step for you as an iwi. But I want to say that we have to do better as a country. You know that we are heading into the election time and we try to make these settlements nonpolitical, but I just want to say, I would love it—I would love it—that when we can stand here together in unanimity and vote, every party in this House, for a settlement such as this one, that irrespective of who wins the election on 7 November, we bind ourselves as representatives of the nation to upholding that profound and visionary basis upon which to build a country that is Te Tiriti o Waitangi. And that we actually honour it and we actually step up to it, because it is in honouring that agreement in its deepest meaning that we become a truly cohesive nation.

The paradox of recognising tino rangatiratanga, the right of Māori to self-determination, is that it actually makes us in unity. It actually brings us together. Those who would advocate that somehow upholding the Treaty means different rights for different people have completely missed the actual intent and meaning of that agreement. So my bid and my wish for my fellow colleagues is that we do better for the good of the nation, and we give thanks that of all the bases on which to found a country, we founded ours with a peaceful contract between the newcomers and the sovereign indigenous people who were already here. What a fantastic foundation for a nation. Let’s step up to it and live up to it. I believe settlements such as this are an expression of the best of what we are capable of, but we can do better.

Whanganui, I see in the certainty that you expressed to us down in your rohe a determination to build a great and a thriving nation for your people, and I wish you the very greatest success in that. We, as Te Pāti Kākāriki, as the Green Party, will always stand beside you in support of that ambition. Thank you for coming here today and for receiving this offering, and for your generosity in accepting it, because you help to move the Crown towards honour, because it is the Crown that has committed the dishonour. So thank you for your acceptance and for your generosity, and kia kaha. Ngā mihi.

09:31

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Tēnā koutou katoa. He mihi mahana ki a koutou o ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui. Haere mai ki tēnei Whare Pāremata.

[Greetings to you all. Warm greetings to you, the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui. Welcome to this House of Parliament.]

I am not a member of the Māori Affairs Committee, unfortunately. It gets to engage so deeply with these settlement bills. But I encourage every Kiwi, every New Zealander, every person of the world who’s interested in history to reach to these settlement bills, to read historical accounts, to understand the history of this country as it’s laid down—not just in this bill, which will become an Act and be in the legislative, but all Treaty settlements that have gone through this House and the ones that are still to come. They talk to a long-carried burden, a burden which, through the Acts of Treaty settlement legislation, is designed to be shared and carried by all New Zealanders, with this House representing the Crown’s burden to carry.

The history of New Zealand is a weight on the past that we all have. But these settlement bills are also designed to create a future that we can build together so that we can look each other in the eye and see the common humanity, which wasn’t seen in the past, but make sure that the country that we are building goes on with forever. Toitū Nu Tireni.

09:33

E te Pīka, tihei mauri ora.

Ko te tī, ko te ta, ki te weu, ko te aka, ko te aka matua e here nei i a tātou. E ngā mana, e ngā reo, e ngā kārangatanga maha o ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, ka nui te mihi atu nā tēnei uri nō Te Popoto i Utakura.Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

E kore e mimiti te mamae i riro whenua atu, otirā ngā wāhi tapu pērā tonu i ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui.Riro whenua atu, hoki whenua mai. Ahakoa he iti, he tīmatanga tēnei. Mā konei ka tū rangatira anō te mana Māori, ka pūāwai te hapū me ngā uri whakatupu.

Heoi anō, ko te whenua te waiū mō ngā uri whakatupu, mā konei ka ora te iwi. Tēnei ka mihi, tēnei ka mihi, tēnei ka mihi ki a tātou katoa. ]

[Mr Speaker, it is the breath of life.

From one side to the other, the taproot, the vine, the principal vine that binds us all. To those with authority, the representatives, the many relatives of ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, many greetings from this descendant from Te Popoto i Utakura. Greetings and thanks to you all.

The anguish from the loss of land will never recede; indeed, the heirlooms that were passed down from the ancestors for the benefit for all of the descendants. As land was lost, it must return. Though modest, this is a beginning. Through this, Māori authority will stand proud, and the hapū and descendants will flourish. Furthermore, the land is nourishment for the descendants to come, and through this the people will achieve wellbeing.

I greet you, I congratulate you, I acknowledge us all.]

I’ll begin my contribution today on behalf of New Zealand First with sending greetings from my leader the Rt Hon Winston Peters and Matua Shane Jones to Ngā Hapū o te Iwi o Whanganui.

Toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua—hold fast to the language, hold fast to the spiritual authority, hold fast to the land. This historical whakataukī was explicitly spoken by the ancestor Tinirau of Whanganui, and it serves as a regional mandate to protect the core pillars of cultural survival.

Today is a significant day for those gathered in this House, gathered today for the third and final reading of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill. I wish to acknowledge all the kaumatua and representatives—Ken Mair, Rick Barker, and others who are with us today in the gallery—and, of course, make mention of those who are not here because, during this time it has taken for the settlement to come through to the third and final reading, they have passed on.

For generations, the mamae, the grievances, have been carried, long before this bill even arrived at Parliament. We’re not just debating legislation today; what we are witnessing is the weaving together of a fragmented history. We’re here to acknowledge the many strands of grievance, resilience, and hope that has brought us to this moment. Like an echo of the past, there’s been a turbulence and grievance in navigating this settlement—discord, dispute—and, in time, with the passage of time, this bill will settle on calmer waters as it comes to rest.

As to history and contemporary times, there are turbulences always to navigate, as in the passage of this bill into law towards a full and final settlement. A depiction and symbol of Whanganui Māori history which navigated its own turbulence during the Whanganui Māori conflicts with the Crown and Māori during periods for which this settlement, in part, addresses, lies not far from New Zealand Parliament and just along the waterfront at Te Papa Tongarewa, the prominent Whanganui waka taua, Teremoe. Teremoe was a prominent waka carrying Whanganui Māori during the Whanganui River and land conflicts of 1864 and 1865, notably the battle of Moutoa Island in May 1864, which Moutoa Gardens, one of the 27 cultural sites under settlement, was named in memory of. It was later reclaimed and renamed Pākaitore, resultant from the 79 days in 1995, that occupation led by Tariana Turia, Niko Tangaroa, Ken Mair, and also aided by a young legal adviser at the time, Harete Hipango.

Another battle Teremoe transported Whanganui Māori to was the battle of Ohautahi, where prominent Whanganui chief Hoani Wiremu Hipango fought in defence and protection of his mid-lower Whanganui River lands, domain, and all people from the advances of the Pai Mārire, commonly known as Hauhau. Hipango was a prominent pro-Government chief who fought and died from invasion in protection of all those settled and living in the mid-lower reaches the Whanganui River.

The waka tau Teremoe was bequeathed to the Wellington Dominion Museum in 1930 by Waata, the son of Hoani and Ema Hipango, rangatira of Whanganui, and whom former parliamentary colleague of ours Harete Hipango-Brownlie is kaitiaki of. This waka has been settled and resting at New Zealand’s Te Papa Tongarewa, emblematic of those turbulent times and incursions, a reminder of the Whanganui past, its turbulence and transience towards a presence and present state of resting, peace, and calm.

Let me transport us now forward to today’s settlement. It’s noted that this settlement, not unlike other Treaty settlements, has not been without dispute and discord. It has not been without troubled waters and turbulent currents. I turn to the advice received from officials in relation to a few of those turbulences and troubled waters in the initial briefing report on 27 May 2026, where, notably, some Whanganui hapū, uri, and members sought to pause the passage of this bill to address their concerns relating to a perceived lack of hapū representation and, in the main, a contested and disputed mandating process. However, the Treaty settlement process is far from perfect, and the determination from the Ministers was to agree that there was sufficient support—support from the claimant community to sign the deed and approve the post-settlement governance entities for establishment. However, it is now a matter for Whanganui to resolve their internal differences amongst themselves once a full and final settlement is reached with the Crown as a result of the passage of this bill.

It’s worthy to mention that of particular note is that, this being a Treaty settlement today, prominent Whanganui rangatira siblings Te Ānaua, Te Māwae, and Rere-ō-maki, mother of prominent Māori leader and chief Te Keepa Te Rangihiwinui, and Kāwana Paipai all signed the Treaty of Waitangi at Putiki at the mouth of the Whanganui River on 23 May 1840, Rere-ō-maki being one of five or so women rangatira to do so.

Erected at Moutoa Gardens, Pākaitore, one of the 27 significant cultural sites to be vested from this settlement, are two prominent statues depicting, recalling, and memorials to Te Keepa Te Rangihiwinui, Rere-ō-maki’s son, and his service to both the Crown and his Whanganui Māori people; and also the weeping woman statue, in the form of an angel, a personification of grief commemorating the 15 Māori fighting in defence of all people—Māori and settlers of Whanganui—who were killed at Moutoa Island on 14 May 1864 and described as kūpapa.

These two statues have withstood the test of time and weathered the seasons as a reminder and testimony to the history and an enduring commitment and relationship sought between those prominent Māori leaders of the day with the Crown. History, though, cannot be undone, and often a concrete reminder of the past is the best depiction of how to best move forward and leave standing that which is a significant part of history which has shaped our future.

This settlement, and the passage of a bill that will soon become law, will become evidence of the Crown’s commitment to acknowledge, in apology and other forms as outlined in the deed and legislation, those past grievances and wrongs with what is soon to become a full and final settlement negotiated to honour the Crown’s and Whanganui’s commitment in so doing.

This settlement is a critical step toward healing, reconciliation, and the official recognition of historical Treaty claims. It unlocks vibrant cultural, social, environmental, and economic pathways for hapū, marae, rangatahi, kaumātua, and future generations. It honours and aligns with the broader Whanganui settlement journey laid down by Te Awa Tupua settlement Act. This bill reflects years of dedication, dialogue, and resilience. It marks a momentous path forward for Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and the wider community.

As I conclude, I return to an earlier comment. This bill is the weaving together of the many strands of grievance, resilience, and hope that has brought us to this moment. It is hope that must now be the focus—hope to carry the people forward. Let go the grievance of the past. Let hope guide and inspire a new generation as they navigate calmer waters. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

[Authorised translation to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

09:42

Tēnā koe e te Pīka. Kei aku whanaunga kua tae mae nei.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker. I acknowledge my relatives who have arrived here.]

Today, I stand as a member of Parliament. Today, I stand as Te Pāti Māori, but I cast this vote as an uri, proudly. I’ve wondered what our tūpuna would make of today, of their mokopuna sitting inside a Parliament that once made laws over them, now casting a vote to put a settlement into the law of this whenua. At the first reading, I said that the House had been waiting for ngā hapū o Whanganui. Today, w’ānau, we are here. Our kaumātua, our hapū, our rangatahi, our mokopuna are with us, and those who did not live to see this day. He whakaaro ngā roimata.

[Tears are compassion.]

Today, we are allowed to celebrate. We’re allowed to cry with relief. We’re allowed to feel proud. We’re allowed to take a moment and look around and congratulate yourself for this journey, because this moment was generations—generations—in the making.

Long before the Crown was ready to recognise our rights, our people knew who we were. In 1994, they articulated that through the Whanganuitanga declaration of nationhood, Pākaitore, Te Awa Tupua, and, now, He Rau Tukutuku—different generations asserting enduring truth despite the Crown ignoring us and dishonouring us. Our pāhake and our kaumātua, our claimants and negotiators, our marae and all those who worked behind the scenes—many carried this kaupapa knowing they may never see this day. Now, another generation is ready to pick it up.

One of our rangatahi, Aimee Simon, told the select committee how she began this journey as a mokopuna, listening to tribunal evidence, then as a volunteer, then today as a kaimahi supporting it. She remembered Koro Morv, Nanny Jo, Uncle Haimona Rzoska—Sam—and Papa Mal Rerekura. Then she spoke about her own tamariki. And there is the vision He Rau Tukutuku. She told the select committee that the true success of this settlement would not be measured by legislation, assets, or financial redress; it would be measured by whether future generations know their whakapapa, speak their reo, understand their history, remain connected to their w’enua, connected to their awa, and confidently stand as uri of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, because passing this bill is not the destination.

Our responsibility, now, is to make sure our mokopuna do not merely survive as Whanganui but that they thrive, that the reo is alive in their homes, that marae are filled with our people, that their w’enua is creating opportunity and abundance, that Te Awa Tupua is protected as w’akapapa, that rangatahi are leading wherever they choose, and that mana motuhake is not simply spoken about but lived.

With the future comes responsibility. Te Tomokanga ki Te Matapihi seeks to reset the relationship between Te Uku and Te Rino. Our rangatahi told the committee that responsibility belongs to us both, and I note that the Crown said they humbly seek, at long last, to respond with reconciliation and truly live up to the aspirations of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. That is what this place has promised. The sincerity of your promise, of your apology, will not be measured by what is written into law today, not what you debate about whether it’s true or not and what its intent was; it’s actually whether you, tomorrow, decide to truly walk the walk. It will be measured by the relationships that you live tomorrow. I have every confidence in the mana, the integrity, and the dignity of my people, but today is about whether you will have that mana and integrity and dignity to them.

The final word belongs to our people. He rau mahara, he rau aroha, he rau moemoeā, he ara tupu rau.

[So many memories, so much love, so many dreams, so many pathways for growth.]

Our tūpuna knew who they were carrying the kaupapa for. Now, we must carry it for those who we know exist tomorrow. That is the thread from tūpuna, through us, to mokopuna. Today, as uri with enormous pride and gratitude, I add my vote to that weaving.

Toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua, toitū te Whanganuitanga, toitū te matua iwi. Ko au te awa, ko te awa ko au.

[Cultural integrity, cultural authority, and cultural sustenance; sustenance of Whanganui identity, sustenance of the wider people. I am the river, the river is me.]

09:47

A ha ko te whakaariki, ko te whakaariki

Tukua mai kia piri, tukua mai kia tata

Kia eke mai ki runga ki te paepaetapu a Rangiāhuta e

[It is the intruders, it is the intruders

Let them approach, let them come close

All the way to the sacred threshold of Rangiāhuta]

Tēnā tātou. Tēnā tātou ngā hapū o te awa o Whanganui. E hari ana te ngākau ki te kite i ō koutou kanohi e noho mai nei, e mātakitaki mai nei i ēnei kauwhau e tino tautoko ana i Te Rau Tukutuku.

Nō reira e ngā hapū, e ngā uri, ngā mokopuna o Koko Huia, rarau mai rā.

E tuku mihi atu ana ki ngā kaikerēme, ngā kaikerēme roa te wā e pīkau ana i ēnei o ngā nawe, ngā take, ngā taimahatanga ki runga i a koutou, ki runga i a rātou, ki mua Taripiunara, ki mua i te iwi.

Nō reira e mihi atu ana ki a rātou kua whetūrangitia, otirā koutou ngā waihotanga iho o rātou mā.

E hari ana te ngākau ki te kite i rau tāngata, te rau tāngata o Whanganui e puta mai ana. Tēnei a Te Taitokerau e mihi atu ana ki a koutou.

[Greetings to us all. Greetings to us all, the hapū of Te iwi o Whanganui. My heart is gladdened to see your faces sitting here, watching these speeches that are very supportive of Te Rau Tukutuku.

Therefore, to the hapū, to the descendants, the grandchildren of Koko Huia, welcome.

I acknowledge the claimants, the claimants that been carrying these grievances, these issues, and these difficulties upon you for a long time, and upon those who have passed, before the courts and before the people.

Therefore, I acknowledge those who have become stars; indeed, you who have been left behind by them.

My heart is gladdened to see so many people, so many people from Whanganui who have come. Northland hereby greets you.]

Last night, at Pipitea, it was beautiful to see our whānau whakaeke on to the marae and to see our mokopuna alongside, because, far too often, our mokopuna don’t get a chance to be exposed to these opportunities. To bring them into the marae and into te Whare Pāremata to see this historic moment E mihi ana ki a koutou, ngā rangatira, ngā mātua, koutou ngā kaihautū o te kura, nau mai rā.

E tika ana, ēnei momo whakataunga, kāore e ea ana te mamae. Kāhore he mea kia ea ngā mahi anō hoki. He timatanga tēnei, mo te Karauna, otirā mō ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui. Māku e kī atu horekau wēnei mahi kia oti. He huarahi anga whakamua mō te ināianei, anō, mō te āpōpō.

Nō reira e mihi atu ana ki a koutou.

[I congratulate you, the leaders, the parents, the leaders of the school, welcome.

It is true that these types of settlements do not assuage the hurt. There is nothing that can make up for the actions, either. This is a beginning, for the Crown and, indeed, for the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui. I say to you, this work is not finished. It is a pathway forward for the present, and also for the future.

Therefore, I congratulate you.]

I want to reflect on what Matua Ken shared quietly in our pōwhiri last night. He gave a little bit of a kauwhau, and in his kauwhau, I wrote it down because it’s challenging, ēnei momo mahi [these types of activities], eh? And if you watch Whakaata Māori, you see the show The Negotiators, and so Matua Ken shared, “If you’re going to bring change, you’d better be committed to see it through.” It requires a total commitment and to be courageous, but he also noted, with this, compassion—that we need to be compassionate—because, in its most difficult times, that is when we need to be most compassionate. Treaty settlements—ahau nei nā, nō ngā hapū o Ngāpuhi[], you know; kōwhao rauspeaking as one from the subtribes of Ngāpuhi[Ngāpuhi of many relationships]—and diverse voices and challenges within ourselves as we work through the Crown-driven process—me kī, nā te Kāwanatanga [it should be said, because of the Government] the red book that they use on us is not something that is agreed to. It is their rautaki, it is their kaupapa here, and we are merely the people who have to respond to it. I acknowledge the raru, because how do we protect our whanaungatanga when there is so much at stake?

So, to get here to this point where we are in the final reading is a tribute to compassion, to yourselves, to your uri, but also he anga whakamua [looking ahead to the future], and that is the tribute to you as people, but also the grace once again you have given to the dishonourable Kāwanatanga. May I remind this House: when we sign these agreements and these settlements, don’t breach them the next day—don’t breach them the next day. He kōrero whakatupato tēnei ki tēnei Whare, ki ngā mema o tēnei Whare: kia ū, kia mau ki ēnei momo whakataunga kerēme. Kia ora.

[This is a word of caution to this House, to the members of this House: may you remain steadfast and hold firm to these kinds of claims settlements. Thank you.]

09:52

Tēnā koe e te Māngai, kia ora.

Te mihi tuatahi ki ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, nau mai, haere mai ki tēnei Whare, tō Whare, tō tātou Whare, te Whare Pāremata. Nau mai, haere mai, whakatau mai.

[Greetings, Mr Speaker, thank you.

The first greeting is to the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui: welcome, welcome to this House, your House, our House, Parliament House. Welcome, welcome, welcome.]

I always feel very privileged to be able to speak at these readings for Treaty settlements, because it’s a part of history, and although we heard last night that this has been a long journey, and I think approximately 40 years was mentioned by Ken Mair, I know that this has been far longer than that. I look at Treaty settlements through the eyes of the historical account, and we’re now approaching about 100 settlements that the Crown has enacted with iwi across the motu, and I say that you are not an educated New Zealander until you actually read the historical accounts of each and every one of those Treaty settlements, because that there truly tells us not just of our history but of our recent history. The people that were of those times are close to today.

I read of this particular settlement. The Treaty was signed in, I think it was, May of 1840, one of the many signatory documents that went around at that time for the Treaty settlement, and quickly after that, as Hūhana has just said, the wrongdoings began. Unfortunately, this is repeated across the motu for iwi katoa all over our country, and it’s not proud for me to stand here and to recognise that that was the case.

I look through the historical account and there’s chapter after chapter of wrongdoings. It is a repetitiveness that happened decade after decade, and unfortunately, this is just one of many across the motu. That is what we’re trying to move forward from. Appropriately, we’ve had the Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, the Hon Paul Goldsmith, stand and apologise today for what has happened well in the past, and that is appropriate because we do need to have a new beginning. That’s what this process is about.

These processes are quite long and drawn out. I’ve been fortunate to be part of the Māori Affairs Committee to play our small part in it when we received the bill after the first reading. One of the great opportunities we have as a select committee is to come out on to the whenua. We came to you, to your marae at Pipitea, and it was wonderful for us to be able to do that, to be on your whenua, to hear from you, and to gain even greater understanding of what this arduous journey has been for you.

We’ve got a lot of the members here from my, should I say, Māori Affairs Committee: we’ve got Oriini Kaipara, we’ve got Steve Abel, we have Georgie Dansey, we’ve got the Hon Willie Jackson, Greg Fleming here, and we’ve also got Rima Nakhle, a Lebanese member, and we’ve also got Paulo Garcia, a Filipino member, as well. We’re having our work at the select committee looked at through all sorts of lenses, and the lenses of those who have come to our country to make this their home are similarly extremely disappointed at what this journey has been.

It’s appropriate to thank all those that have actually been a part of the recent journey of this year. We’ve mentioned you, Ken, and your mahi. We’ve got Rick Kingi, we’ve got Rawiri Tinirau, and there’s many others. There’s lots. Also, on the Crown side, the Hon Rick Barker, who’s here seated before us, and all the mahi that you’ve put into this, Rick, and also accompanied by others such as Tracy Waitokia and Amy Simon. These are the people that are the beginning of, I hope, what is the new relationship. They have represented the Crown with regards to negotiation, but every new beginning starts somewhere. I believe it’s those people that have started this journey.

This occasion here is just but a milestone, of us apologising, conveying to the world what this settlement includes, and the Crown is gracious in the fact that you, the many iwi that have settled and the iwi that are too settle, accept what these settlements are, understanding it is but a pittance of what has been lost. We understand that, but it is my true, humble wish that this is the opportunity for the new relationship that is so important between the Crown and iwi moving forward, but also the wish that I have for you as a people to use what this is as a new beginning as well.

Throughout all of the select committee processes I’ve been involved with, with regards to the submissions, there is always opposition that comes forward. There’s usually opposition to mandating, there’s sometimes opposition to what the bill includes, doesn’t include, and all that sort of stuff, and we never move forward without a strong mandate from those that are negotiating, and you have achieved that, obviously, to get it to this point. I wish you well with this new beginning. This is, as has been spoken to by many others, something that we the Crown—and by the way, we in this House are here for but a moment in time. We’re kaitiaki of what we’re doing here at the moment. We’re not going to be here for ever; in fact, not for long.

Yes, we will.

—is the way that it actually is. Oh, Goldie might say that we will, but my point is that it is the Crown, the entity, that needs to be sure that we’re actually meeting what we’re saying in the new beginning of what this is.

Without further delay—and, Ken Mair, I know that you’re wanting to have this done this term; we’re achieving that for you, and I’m pleased that we’ve been able to have consensus. Every party around the House on the committee was absolutely in agreement with achieving that goal. Nō reira, Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

10:01

Kia ora, Mr Speaker.

E ngā hapū o Whanganui, ngā mihi nui ki a koutou i whakarangatira i a mātou i tēnei wā. He hōnore nui ki te kōrero ki a koutou i tēnei wā. E tika ana ki te maumahara i te rangatira, i a Rauru, tana kaha ki te kōkiri i tō tātou reo i ngā wā katoa. Nō reira, Rauru, moe mai, moe mai, moe mai rā.

Ka nui tēnei. Harikoa mātou, tātou i tēnei wā. Tēnā koutou, haramai, nau mai.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker.

To the hapū of Whanganui, many greetings to you who have honoured us at this time. It is a great honour to speak to you at this time. It is appropriate to remember the noble leader, Rauru, his strength to progress our language at all times. Therefore, Rauru, rest in peace.

That is enough. We, all of us, are gladdened at this time. Greetings, welcome, welcome.]

It’s a wonderful day, isn’t it? We’re a bit solemner in this House today. It’s beautiful to see you all. Congratulations, Whanganui. Congratulations. Give yourselves a clap. There’s so much to celebrate, and I’ve heard some beautiful kōrero today. When I think of this area, I just think of some of the wonderful people and personalities who’ve come out of Whanganui—you can be so proud. I’ve been close to a few of them—one or two of them probably won’t want to admit that—but I think about the personalities in your area who dreamed about this day. I think about my old mate Nick Tangaroa. I was a young union official, and Nick had to keep me and Ken Mair in line—very hard to keep Ken Mair in line. He talked about this sort of stuff to us, as young people, and he was a Māori activist in the union movement—very rare. There was only a few of us. Most of us got kicked out in the end, but I think about Nick Tangaroa. What a personality of the area.

I think about Tari and when we first heard “Ko au te awa, ko te awa ko au.”, we thought, “Wow! That’s just fabulous. What’s that mean, Tari? She said, “That means we’re all at one. When the river is affected, we’re affected.” It was the most beautiful kōrero you could hear—Tariana Turia. She was with the Labour Party—I don’t know if we quite fitted her tikanga. She was the last on the list, if you remember. Even she couldn’t work out how she got in. She certainly got out a few years later, but Tari brought the tikanga. Kāore ia e mōhio ki te kōrero Māori, kei te pai tēnā.

[She didn’t know how to speak Māori; that’s OK.]

We always said, “Don’t worry about it, Tari.” She goes, “Oh, I’m a bit whakamā.” “We’re all whakamā. Don’t worry about it, Tari, because you carry the tikanga. You carry your people of Whanganui.” What a wonderful person in terms of advocating for her people. When you come out with “Ko au te awa, ko te awa ko au.”, and people think, “What’s that mean?”—I am the river, and the river is me. It’s just magnificent. These are the personalities of your area.

Then, I’ve got my old mate Adrian Rurawhe. God, who would have thought someone from a back block, blinking, Māori, blimmin, broken-down town would go—oh, sorry Rātana; sorry, Deb Ngarewa-Packer; aroha mai—on to become Speaker of the House. Who would believe it? Magnificent—magnificent. See, we’re more than just Treaty settlements—we’re more than just Treaty settlements. We’re able to do things here, there, and everywhere. Adrian was a wonderful example of that—always calm, always keeping some of the radical Māoris like Peeni Henare and Cushla Tangaere-Manuel in place, and I would say myself, of course. Adrian was the epitome of calmness and made me so proud. He was always talking Rātana, always talking Whanganui, and always talking settlements and was at our hui, eh, Ken, in terms of advocating for this kaupapa, supporting—sadly—Minister Goldsmith and the National Party and advocating kia whakakotahi mō te kaupapa [uniting for the mission], because we had complainants there, as we do through Treaty settlements.

I think about these people and the effect they’ve had on our lives, all from this Wanganui or Whanganui. I think about Ruka Broughton, my old mate Ruka Broughton, who, sadly, has lost his brother in the last week or two. Ruka’s been a mate of mine for many, many years. Do you get many experts like that in terms of reo and tikanga? He’s such an expert that he’s selling hangis. I said, “What are you doing, brother? What are you doing?” He said, “I’m sick of those bloody Māoris and my bloody relations. I’m going to sell hangis.” A lot of people in this House won’t know this man. He’s a tohunga—an expert—as good as anyone in the country, as our people know, in our language, in our culture. He’d had enough selling hangis, but the major redeeming feature for me, with Ruka, is he’s a big supporter of the Labour Party. Wonderful. What a wonderful personality for this rohe.

Then, of course, we come to—he’s still around—Mr Ken there, and I was listening to Steve Abel talking about villains. Ken was a villain. Oh, he was a villain. I know we’re all like, “Oh, we love you, Ken. You’re just a great leader.” The Reader’s Digest have the most hated people in New Zealand—no, no, this is true; Ken knows this—he used to lead the list—him, Hone Harawira, and Tariana Turia. Now, he’s a very revered negotiator, and he’s the leader of the tribe. No one was worse than Ken—well, there were a few worse than Ken Mair. I had reminded Cushla, but I’ll tell Minister Goldsmith—it was Ken Mair who stopped the news, Goldie. He stopped the news nationwide. They rushed on to the news set and stopped the news because reo Māori was not getting a fair crack. So I mihi to my mate up there. We’ve been mates for 40 years—plenty of fights, arguments; I think we had one about two weeks ago. Sorry I didn’t come last night. Ken is an example of people, and I mihi to him, seriously, for the way he’s advocated for our people. In his younger days, at ground level, stopping the Māori news on television, Pākaitore with Tari—we were involved in the setup of Te Pāti Māori, believe it or not—I don’t say that too much in the Labour Party. We were all involved—Ken and Amokura and myself—and from there to here, brother, you can hold your head up high because, as you’ve reached the age of 80, you’ve needed to be more tikanga-based and respectful, and you have led your people well.

We’re so proud of the settlement, and you’ve been at the forefront there on the phone, ringing our select committee chair, who I want to mihi to for his great work, and it’s been a really neat Māori Affairs Committee, and we’ve worked together to get the settlement through. You’ve rung David, you’ve rung the committee, and we’ve got through—and we got through because we knew, as a committee, this was good for not just you but for this nation. So I mihi to you, brother, for your wonderful work. I just want to say, today, don’t get too comfortable. I used to love the old Ken. We’ve got an election in 10 weeks, brother, so maybe after you do all the mihis, get back and try and help this Labour coalition get into Government, because it is political. This is not a time where we want to be too political, because we want to thank Rick Barker, who’s a former Labour Minister of course, and Ken. I will remind you this is all political—this is all political—and the beauty of Parliament is how we come together on days like this. The beauty of Parliament is when we move on to our marae together, and we just whakakotahi for the kaupapa with our chair, our select committee, and our local MP. Seriously, in a tikanga situation, we don’t do the National Māori thing. I’ll move with Minister Goldsmith—he’s terrible to me every week on TV, but I will move, because the kaupapa is the priority, and we have to remember that. This election is incredibly important, and the kaupapa must be about getting rid of our friends on the other side. Tēnā tātou katoa. Kia ora tātou.

10:10

E ngā mana, e ngā reo, e ngā iwi o te motu, tēnā koutou katoa.

E ngā uri o W’anganui, e ngā hapū o te awa, tēnā koutou.

[To the authorities, the spokespeople, the peoples of the nation, greetings to you all.

To the descendants of W’anganui, the hapū of the river, greetings to you.]

I think one of the few things I agree with Willie Jackson about in this House is the fact great people come from Whanganui. When I spoke at the first reading of this bill, I reflected on standing at Kaiwhaiki Marae and witnessing the signing of He Rau Tukutuku. I spoke about the generations represented in that moment and about the people whose hard work over the decades helped bring the settlement to this House today.

Since then, I’ve had another opportunity to listen. Along with members of this House, I participated in the select committee hearings in Whanganui in the new Aotea Wharekai at Pūtiki. It was fantastic that we were all welcomed there, because that is the Whanganui way. People are welcomed, heard, and treated with respect, even when different views are expressed.

What struck me most was the depth of feeling not only about the history that has brought us here but about what comes next. During those hearings, Whanganui councillorGeoff Hipango—I can see him there in the gallery—offered a perspective that stayed with me. He said that Parliament should not be consumed by relitigating the settlement but should focus on its execution and its implementation. Geoff reminded us that a low turnout in a ratification process is not a vote against a settlement. He said that Parliament should respect the decision reached through that process that has transpired, and that after the settlement, there must be accountability. I think that is an important challenge for all of us, because settlements such as this are not simply about acknowledging the past; they are also about keeping our word in the future.

This bill records significant breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the impact that those breaches have had on generations of Whanganui iwi. It establishes a foundation for cultural revitalisation, economic development, and a renewed relationship between Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and the Crown.

Legislation alone, however, does not deliver outcomes. Outcomes come from implementation. Outcomes come from working together. Outcomes come from commitments being honoured. That idea is captured in one of the values that sits at the heart of the settlement: toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua—let the word endure, let mana endure, let the whenua endure. Those words are a reminder that this House has obligations that extend beyond today.

Just before the last election, as National’s candidate for the Whanganui electorate, I hosted the then Leader of the Opposition, Christopher Luxon, in Whanganui. During that visit, we met with local iwi and heard directly about your aspirations, your concerns, and the desire to see this long-running settlement matter brought to a conclusion in this House.

At the end those discussions, Ken Mair wanted to pop around the corner and show Christopher the Te Puna Hapori project. Christopher got the Diplomatic Protection Squad a little bit worried when they saw him hop in Ken’s car and drive off. They thought he was running away with the Leader of the Opposition. But I digress.

Three years later—a drop in the timeline of this process for you—the settlement has been delivered. It did not happen by accident. It happened because generations of iwi leaders, negotiators, kaumātua, trustees, and whānau remained committed to the kaupapa. It happened because people were willing to sit around tables, work through differences, and keep moving forward. I acknowledge all of those who have contributed to that effort today—the negotiators and the representatives, those with us today and those who are no longer here to witness this moment.

Finally, one observation I took away from the hearings at Pūtiki is that few people see this settlement as an end point; instead, they see it as the beginning of a new chapter. That is why I shared Geoff’s words in this House today and see them as so important. The debate now shifts from settlement to responsibility, from negotiation to delivery, from historical grievance to future opportunity.

Today, Parliament completes its role in this process. Tomorrow, the focus turns to ensuring that the promises contained in the settlement are honoured, that relationships continue to strengthen, and that future generations are able to build upon the foundations that we lay here today.

To Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, I acknowledge your perseverance, your leadership, and your commitment to your people. May the words endure, may mana endure, may the whenua endure. Toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa. I commend this bill to the House.

10:17

Kia ora, Mr Speaker. As I rise in support and look around the gallery, I think of a love story. As much as, obviously, history shows the pain, the hurt, the loss from my ancestors, I also consider the love story.

I am from Taranaki, and we know the story of the great fight of Taranaki and Tongariro, and the forging of the Whanganui River as Taranaki, I guess, abandoned and moved out, with a broken heart. But it’s a love story. It’s also a story of connection not only of the land but of whakapapa, of history, and of whānau.

As I’ve been listening to some of the contributions this morning and reflecting on your Treaty settlement, I think of bell hooks, who was a First Nations woman. She has passed away now. There is a quote that sits with me and reminds me of what is going on here today, and what has gone on not only for the past decade to get us here but for more than a century in terms of the fight to reclaim land, to reclaim resources, and to reclaim mana. That is, as bell hooks said, “Love is profoundly political, and our deepest revolution will come when we understand this truth.” I think of the activists who are in the gallery. I think of those who have gone before you, who have fought the fight, who have stood up and been activists, and they have fought against the colonial Government, the Government of the day. It’s from a place of love that we come back to the story of Taranaki and Tongariro and their love for Pīhanga.

We stand in this debating chamber today in support of working to slightly reconcile the past, but, actually, it’s about forging a future, as that Whanganui River was formed and Taranaki moved away.

We look at what we can forge from here in terms of the future for your mokopuna, for your ancestors to come—that they’ll look back on this day and see this as a moment in time. This isn’t the great fix—this isn’t magically making everything better—but this is a moment in time where there is that stake in the ground that says we’re forging a path to prosperity, to the revitalisation of all things that are mana enhancing in terms of your iwi, your people, but also for myself and for the children in my life and for my children who are to come—that we can walk and forge this path in true partnership, that we can show radical love and stand up for what is right so that we can move forward together, as was the vague hope of the 19th century.

May I say today that I acknowledge again the nation in New Zealand and my Pākehā ancestors that built schools, who built hospitals, who built roads, and many of those resources came from your whenua, to not benefit you but to benefit others. But today we say we are forging a path forward as we acknowledge the past. This is only another step, but hopefully this is a step in showing that love is great—it is painful, it forges retreat, but it can also forge a way forward—that love is profoundly political, and I thank you for being political, standing up for love, for your ancestors, but also for those who are to come.

10:22

E te Māngai o te Whare, e te Pīka, nui te hōnore ia wā ki te tū ki tēnei Whare and kia kōrero, ahakoa he aha te kaupapa. Heoi ko te hōnore nui rawa atu ko te kōrero i tēnei momo pire.

Ko te awenga o tēnei pire kia panoni te āhua o tēnei Whare. Mō tēnei ata, te mutunga kē mai o te katakata, te ataahua o te kōrero ahakoa te pāti, ahakoa te tae, ā, i ētahi wā he tirohanga, ākene pea, he tirohanga o te anamata e wawatatia nei e tātou. Āe.

Ka hoki mahara au ki te kōrero a taku hoa, a Steve, tō wero ki a tātou katoa e pā ana ki te whakahōnore o te kaupapa hōhonu o te Tiriti o Waitangi, and tēnā koe e hoa. Ka āta whakarongo ki tō kōrero.

Ka hoki ki te kōrero ataahua a Jenny. He rawe tō wero ki a mātou, ā, ki a tātou hoki. Inā rā, ka mihi atu ki te iwi, ki ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui. He roa tō whawhai, roa tēnei tukanga kia whai atu i te pūāwai o te whakakaha o tō mana.

E ai ki te whakataukī, toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua. Koira te tino wetenga, te tino whāinga o tēnei tukanga, and he miharo tērā.

Waihoki ko tōku hiahia ki te kōrero ki a koutou. E mihi ana ki a koutou ki tō tauira ki a mātou mā te āhua o tā koutou mahi i ngā tau maha kua hipa. Mā tā koutou kōkiri, mā tō koutou manawanui, mā tō koutou murunga hara, kua manaakitia e koutou tēnei Whare.

Te mutunga kē mai o te hōhonu o tōku wawata mō te pūāwai o ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, ā, koirā te tino inoi o tēnei Whare. Mā tēnei tukanga kia pūāwai anō i ngā wā katoa, i ngā wāhi katoa, ngā hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui.

Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

[Mr Speaker, it is a great honour every time I stand in this House to speak, regardless of the subject. However, the greatest honour is to speak on this type of bill.

The power of this bill is to change the nature of this House. For this morning, there has been incredible laughter, the beauty of the discourse regardless of the party, regardless of the colour, and at times there has been a perspective—perhaps, a perspective of the future that we all dreamed of. Yes.

My memories return to the speech of my colleague, Steve, your challenge to all of us regarding the honouring of the Treaty of Waitangi, and thank you, my friend. I will listen carefully to your speech.

I will go back to the beautiful speech by Jenny. Your challenge to us was awesome, to all of us. Indeed, i would like to acknowledge the iwi, the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui. Your struggle has been long, this long process to pursue the flourishing of the strengthening of your authority.

As the saying goes, cultural integrity, cultural authority, and cultural sustenance. That is the true analysis, the true aim of this process, and that is amazing.

Furthermore, my desire is to speak to you. I thank you for your example to us through the nature of your work over the many years that have passed. Through your progress, through your persistence, through your forgiveness, you have shown care to this House.

My desire for the flourishing of the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui is incredibly deep, and that is the true request of this House. Through this process, the hapū of Te Iwi o Whanganui will flourish all the time, everywhere.

Greetings, thanks and congratulations to you all.]

10:26

Tēnā koe e te Māngai o te Whare. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa. Nau mai, haere mai ki Pāremata.

I rise to speak in support of the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill. I want to start by just acknowledging the iwi, hapū, and whānau who have made the journey to the House today for our mihi whakatau yesterday and the third reading in the House today, and want to commend you on your mahi in getting the settlement to this point. I’d like to acknowledge all the negotiators and the kaimahi who have worked on these bills over many years. I wish you all the very best for your future once the settlement is concluded, and I hope that your whānau and your hapū will flourish and that this settlement gives real opportunity to your iwi to move forward.

I am lucky enough to sit on the Māori Affairs Committee. It’s been a real honour and a privilege to see this process through, to visit your whenua and stand and speak to the third reading in the House today. I’d like to acknowledge our chairperson, David MacLeod, and also the Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, because I know that there were extensive conversations and kōrero around ensuring that we were able to pass the settlement before the House rises. I know that David MacLeod did a lot of work in this space, while you were doing your mahi outside of this space, to ensure that we could have this read today.

It’s really a big mihi to the mahi that’s been done to get here today. It’s a busy time, but this is important, and during my time in Pāremata, being able to follow the process and contribute in a very small way to iwi settlements has been the most rewarding kaupapa that I have had the privilege of being involved in. Every settlement that passes through this House is significant and a significant milestone in Aotearoa’s journey in recognising Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and we do here in this House just a very, very small part in that journey. It is the iwi, the hapū, and the whānau who do the real mahi, working with the Crown to get this bill into legislation, accepting a settlement and then working to ensure that the settlement provides opportunity for your whānau while protecting your whenua for generations to come.

I know that this has been a very long process. The Crown formally recognised the mandate to negotiate these claims in 2017, an agreement in principle was reached in 2019, and the deed of settlement was signed on 2 May this year. Nine years of negotiation is a very long time, but, of course, these claims are not just nine years old. In fact, they go back for generations and from decisions that the Crown made that had significant consequences for Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui that have continued across generations. I think it’s really important that we spell out what those harms were, because there’s something significant about having that written into our legislation, around the harm—acknowledging that having the harms written into legislation is nowhere near the full story and nowhere near compensates the harm caused. But it does one small thing, which I think is significant: to have it in the legislation, spelled out, exactly the wrongs that the Crown did against your iwi.

I’m going to skip forward a bit because I’ve got a bit more to go, but let’s jump to visiting your whenua, which was a huge highlight for me at Pūtiki Marae. I want to tautoko to all of you and the manaakitanga that you shared with us on the day that we were able to visit you next to the beautiful awa. The kai, the kōrero—it was lovely. It was a particularly special experience for me, because I got to see my friend the Rt Hon Adrian Rurawhe. Some of you in the Chamber may remember how he spoke about settlements. He brings such a unique perspective because he has that perspective of being part of the iwi in the settlement but also of sitting in this House, sitting on the Māori Affairs Committee previous to retiring—so really seeing a number of different sides. I think his kōrero was really powerful because he spoke to the importance of the settlement, the celebration that a settlement should bring for iwi, but also the fact that it’s not a done deal, there is so much more mahi to do, and it is just such a small part of the journey.

It was also an honour to attend the mihi whakatau yesterday. I want to reflect a little bit on the kōrero of Ken Mair, who’s been mentioned many times in contributions today—so mihi to Ken. Ken acknowledged all of those on the journey and reflected that it was a surreal moment to get to this point, after 35 to 40 years working in this space. He spoke to the dynamic amongst the community, and often—and this settlement is no different—there are differing opinions, and a robust kōrero and a robust negotiation is an important part of the mahi that we do here. He spoke to a sense of conclusion of this part of the journey, and particularly the commitment, courage, and compassion at the most challenging times. I think those three words—commitment, courage, and compassion—are words that we should hold tightly with us in every aspect of life. What I’ve seen from the iwi, from your whānau, through this process is that those three words—commitment, courage, and compassion—have shone through in your commitment to this.

Ken spoke about how, if you’re going to bring change, you’d better be committed to it. Isn’t that the truth? After so many years working on this, you, to me, show an iwi who was completely committed. And, of course—of course—you are. He spoke to a committed team, a courageous team. If you don’t have the ability to remain strong, you won’t get there. I tautoko to your strength through this process. We know that the journey continues for your iwi beyond this point, and the development and journey to enhance your tikanga, your reo, and the mātauranga of your mokopuna and rangatahi moving forward. I hope that this settlement brings some of that as we move forward.

I want to talk a little bit about the historical accounts, because I think that’s a really important aspect. The Crown cannot undo what has happened in the past, it cannot undo the economic opportunities that were lost, and it cannot erase the impact that the Crown’s actions had on families and communities. This settlement acknowledges what occurred and it can put that acknowledgment into law.

It’s really, as I mentioned, an honour to stand in support of this bill. I’ll finish by congratulating you again for getting this point and wishing you all the best for the future. Nō reira, nei rā te mihi ki a koutou katoa. Kia ū, kia māia, kia manawanui. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

10:36

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa. Haere mai ki te Whare Pāremata. It’s an honour and a privilege to speak to the third reading of the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill—He Rau Tukutuku.

When I say it’s an honour and a privilege, I truly mean that. My first foray into Treaty settlements was when Rich, Sam, Ruby, and I were invited down Turakina Beach Road, a few hundred metres from our house, and we stood as tangata whenua at the Tini Waitara Marae and welcomed the Crown on for the signing of the Deed of Settlement in 2007. It was a truly special day for us and our family. To be honest, when I became the MP for Rangitīkei, I didn’t really think much more about the Treaty settlement process, but I knew that one of our core values in the National Party was that the Treaty of Waitangi was the founding document of New Zealand. I knew that we had a proud history with people like Doug Graham and, today, Paul Goldsmith and Tama Potaka. It was Rick Barker who was with us at Tini Waitara that day.

I must say that the opportunity to speak on these bills, meeting the people, learning the history, understanding the Crown apology, and taking it upon myself to make sure that I share that with others who sometimes question this process—that has been, truly, one of the most humbling, enlightening, rewarding, and enriching experiences of being a member of Parliament. It’s meeting people like Aiden and Elijah during the Te Korowai o Wainuiārua process; Graham “Tinka” Bell, Louise, Lois, Kuru and Aiden from Ngāti Hāua. And today, being here with familiar faces: Nicole and Kemp Dryden, Uncle John, Ken Mair, chair of the Whanganui Land Settlement Trust, and Moana—it seems like yesterday that we were sidelined on the hockey field cheering the girls on; and Ngāti Tau—so good to see you here today and to talk to you last night. You are the generation that Ken spoke of at the pōwhiri at Pipitea Marae last night—you and baby Whetu Marama in her mother’s arms, the young women who were in their school uniforms. He said: your tūpuna, those gone before, those here today, have played their part; they’ve opened the door for you.

This is a foundation. It’s a platform from which Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui can continue to grow on your terms, in line with your aspirations, and grounded in your tikanga. May you go forward with the mantra your hapū and iwi have embraced through this process; the mantra that Ken so clearly articulated last night. Your words stayed with me long after you spoke last night, Ken, and, clearly, with my colleagues Hūhana Lyndon and Georgie Dansey too: if you’re going to bring change, you’d better be committed to it; you’ve got to be courageous; if you don’t show courage, you won’t get there; remember to show compassion even at the most difficult times, the most challenging times; and remember your values—they are critical. In the negotiations, they were always at the heart, and they will remain at the heart.

To Ngā Hapū o te Iwi o Whanganui, the mana you have shown through this process is a reflection of your people past, present, and future, and the values at the heart of He Rau Tukutuku. My final words are yours, too, Ken. From us as members of this House, Te Whare Pāremata—today, your House. To our tūpuna, we remember you. To our people, we honour you. To our mokopuna, we commit ourselves to you. He ao āpōpō, he ao tea—tomorrow is a new day, and a new day will bring clarity. Our legacy, our aspirations, our future. It is a privilege to speak for you today. Go well. Haere rā ngā hoa. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

Ko te pātai kia whakaaetia te mōtini.

[The question is that the motion be agreed to.]

Ka huri au ki ngā manuhiri kei te ahurewa, tērā pea kei a koutou tētahi waiata. Nō reira Whanganui awa, Whanganui tangata, kei a koutou te wā.

[I turn to the guests in the gallery; perhaps you have a song. And so, the river of Whanganui, the people of Whanganui, the time is yours.]

Waiata

Kia ora. Tēnā koutou katoa. Ngā mihi ki a koutou, te iwi o Whanganui awa.

[Thank you. Thank you all. Acknowledgements to you all, the people of Whanganui River.]

We are now going to transition out; our whanau from Ngāti Ruapani are going to make their way into the gallery.

Kia ora. I just wanted to check upstairs that we have everyone, if not almost everyone, in the gallery? OK, ka pai.

10:53

I present a legislative statement on the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill.

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

10:54

I move, That the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill be now read a second time.

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

In accordance with the determination of the Business Committee, this bill is set down for committee stage immediately. I declare the House in committee for consideration of the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill.

10:56

I seek leave to have all parts taken as one question.

Leave is sought for that purpose. Is there any objection? There appears to be none.

The question is that Parts 1 to 4, Schedules 1 to 3, and clauses 1 and 2 stand part.

The question is that the Minister’s amendments set out on Amendment Papers 756 and 759 be agreed to.

Mr Speaker, the committee has considered the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill and reports it with amendment. I move, That the report be adopted.

In accordance with the determination of the Business Committee, this bill is set down for third reading immediately.

10:58

I move, That the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill be now read a third time.

Tēnā koutou katoa. E mihi ana ki te mana whenua o tēnei rohe. Ki a koutou o Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, me ngā tamariki hoki, nau mai, haere mai, whakatau mai. He hōnore nui mō mātou ki te manaaki i a koutou i tēnei rā whakahirahira.

Nō reira tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

[Greetings to you all. I acknowledge the mana whenua of this region. To you, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, and the children also, welcome, welcome, welcome. It is a great honour to host you on this significant day.

And so, greetings, thanks and congratulations to you all.]

This is a special day as we reach the third reading of the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill, and I acknowledge the culmination of many years of commitment, perseverance, and effort. This morning, we had the wonderful opportunity and privilege to welcome members of Ngāti Ruapani here at Parliament, and thank you very much for coming all this way to enjoy what is a special occasion. I also want to extend my greetings to those who couldn’t make the journey here to Parliament and who may be watching or listening in at home to this final debate.

This is the final milestone in the settlement that lays the foundation for an enduring relationship between Ngāti Ruapani and the Crown. It reflects the commitment, the resilience, and the determination shown over many years to reach this point.

I acknowledge the tireless and demanding work that has gone into achieving this outcome, and, in particular, I thank those who have led the negotiations on behalf of both Ngāti Ruapani and also the Crown. I take this time to acknowledge those who have been part of that journey and are no longer here with us, and I acknowledge, at this time, their passing.

The Ngāti Ruapani deed of settlement is built on a foundation of acknowledgement of responsibility. The settlement legislation gives effect to commitments made through the deed. The redress provided through the bill includes the unencumbered return of cultural properties, such as Turi-o Kahu and Kaitawa, recognising Ngāti Ruapani’s enduring connection. Throughout negotiations, Ngāti Ruapani made it clear they wished for their uri to come home. In relation to that aspiration, the Crown has agreed to a financial and commercial redress package of $24 million. I hope this will enable future generations of Ngāti Ruapani to return home and enjoy economic prosperity while living according to the values of Waikaremoana.

Ngāti Ruapani also emphasised, during the select committee process, the duty and honour they hold as kaitiaki, and the bill provides for the inclusion of approximately 12,000 hectares of land into the legal personhood of Te Urewera to be cared for in common with Tūhoe and in recognition of their shared whakapapa. Although the Crown could never extinguish the mana whenua or kaitiakitanga of Ngāti Ruapani, Te Urewera has remained a place of deep significance, treasured by Ngāti Ruapani and valued by New Zealanders from across the country. The redress addressed recognises the responsibilities that arise from being tangata whenua to care for the whenua and to uphold the wellbeing of all those who walk within Te Urewera.

I do want to acknowledge those who Ngāti Ruapani selected to represent their values and aspirations through Te Whare Taupoki, trustees Neuton Lambert, Nicky Kirikiri, Wesley Turipa, Tumanako Waiwai, Lorna Taylor, and Kara Puketapu-Dentice. We heard the speeches this morning, and I certainly recognised the message from Kara about the resilience and endurance and the fact that Ngāti Ruapani were here long before Parliament and will remain long after we’re all gone. I recognise the hard work, and not many New Zealanders, I do think, appreciate just the amount of work that has been put into this process. I also want to acknowledge the Crown negotiators and the team, the workers at Te Tari Whakatau, my former ministerial colleagues, Andrew Little, in particular, and many others who made important contributions to this settlement—Tāmati Kruger, Kirsty Luke, Maea Rurehe, Waireti Amai, Te Iwa Rangihau, and Paygan Johns.

The day is also a reflection of the vision and determination of those who are no longer with us. It was kaumātua from Ngāti Ruapani who lodged this claim first in 1989, so we remember those who were part of that process. Those kaumātua understood that an achievement of this significance can only be achieved through collective effort, and in the spirit, I pay my respects to the late trustee Hēmi Waiwai. His legacy is woven through this settlement and endures in the work that’s brought to us today.

These settlements, as I said this morning, are one of the very few things that we share in unanimity across the House, across all the parties, and are part of a project that we’ve been working together on as a nation for at least four decades. It’s hard work. None of it is easy, but it is this generation of people here today who have taken this final step in the settlement process and then launch off into a new era based on recognition of the misdeeds of the past and the breaches of the Treaty, recognising some recompense for that and return of whenua, but also recognising that grace is required, but looking forward with hope and aspirations for the future. On that basis, I commend this bill to the House. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

11:05

Tēnā koe e te Māngai o te Whare.

Ko te mihi tuatahi ki te Atua, nāna nei ngā mea katoa. Ko te mihi tuarua ki te Whare e tū nei, tēnā koe.

Āpiti hono, tātai hono, te hunga mate ki te hunga mate. Āpiti hono, tātai hono, te hunga ki te hunga ora.

He mihi mahana ki a koutou, nau mai, haere mai ki tenei Whare Pāremata. Ko tēnei rā he rā mō koutou.

Nō reira tenā koutou, tēnā koutou, huihui mai tātou katoa.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker.

The first greeting is to God, to whom all things belong. The second greeting is to the House that stands here; greetings.

That which is joined remains an unbroken line, the deceased with the deceased. That which is joined remains an unbroken line, the living with the living.

Warm greetings to you, welcome, welcome to this House of Parliament. Today is a day all about you.

Therefore, greetings and thanks to you, and to all of us gathered here.]

It is a privilege to stand in this House for this third and final reading of the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill. It is an important day that’s marked a very long journey, a long road, indeed. It is an important day for Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana. The settlement represents determination, advocacy, negotiation, and work by people who have carried the aspirations of so many of their whānau and their hapū for generations.

Before anything else, I want to acknowledge Ngāti Ruapani. I want to acknowledge all of those people who have contributed along the way—many who may not be able to be here today and many who are no longer with us in person but are here today with us in spirit. I’d like to acknowledge Hēmi Waiwai for his effort in bringing this claim as far as today. There are many others involved along the way: Kirsty Luke, Tāmati Kruger, Kara Puketapu-Dentice and the trustees who have put in so much work to enable this claim to reach a third and final reading. I congratulate you all on being here today in reaching this point in time. I acknowledge those kaumātua and kuia who have carried the stories of the past, and I acknowledge those negotiators who have done the difficult work of bringing those stories and claims to the Crown. I would also like to acknowledge those mokopuna, those whānau, whose future is at the heart of Treaty settlements such as this one.

Treaty settlements require us to do something that is not always easy as a country. They require us to look directly back at our history, some of the most ugly parts of our history, and confront those—and confront not the version where difficult events just become footnotes but the real history of what actually happened between Crown and Māori and the consequences of the actions on the people, on land, on culture, and on communities. For Ngāti Ruapani, that history includes significant Crown breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and injustices that cannot be undone. A settlement cannot return every acre that was taken or restore every opportunity that has been denied, and it cannot erase the experiences of generations who lived through those consequences. But the Crown can acknowledge what happened, and that is part of what is happening today. It can apologise, and that is part of what is enshrined within this legislation. It can provide redress that gives iwi a stronger foundation to go forward into the future, and that is what is within this bill through having a financial redress of $24 million, including commercial interests and also a share in Patunamu Forest and cultural and commercial properties. Importantly, it also provides 12,000 hectares of land to be added to Te Urewera—central to the purpose of this settlement today.

These are significant commitments, but I want to emphasise that the most important part of any settlement is not simply what is written on the balance sheet; it is in fact the relationship that follows after today. A Treaty settlement should create a relationship that is different between Māori and the Crown—one that is built on greater trust, respect, and recognition. That responsibility comes with the passing of this legislation today.

Waikaremoana is a beautiful place, a place of enormous significance. For Ngāti Ruapani, the connection to this whenua is not something that can simply be drawn on a boundary map. It is a relationship grounded in whakapapa, history, identity, and ahi kā. That relationship has endured, and will continue to do so, and the inclusion of land into Urewera is therefore an important part of the redress being provided through this settlement today. It also creates an opportunity for the future stewardship of this extraordinary and most beautiful place in Aotearoa. We should want settlements to strengthen the connection between people and whenua. We should want them to support the ability of an iwi to care for the places that have sustained their community for generations so that can continue for generations to come. We should want generations to inherit not just the land, but also the knowledge—the stories, the tikanga—and the responsibilities that come with it.

There have been difficult questions raised around overlapping interests with some of the whenua connected to this settlement. Those issues remind us that the relationship between iwi and hapū can be complex. Whakapapa does not always come with modern administrative boundaries, and that is some of the challenge with this Treaty settlement process; we know that. It forces Pākehā structures into what are not Pākehā things. Whakapapa does not always fit, and the different communities have longstanding connections to the same whenua.

Those connections deserve respect, and the Crown has a clear responsibility to approach these situations not just with care, but with fairness and genuine willingness to listen. Recognising complexity should not diminish the significance of Ngāti Ruapani’s settlement, nor diminish any right, but the goal of settlements must, ultimately, be to resolve historical grievances and build relationships in the future. That requires all of us to approach these issues with respect for one another, and with an understanding that the future cannot simply be built by repeating the same mistakes and the same divisions of the past.

I also want to acknowledge the importance of the legislative process that has brought us here. The Māori Affairs Committee considered this legislation and recommended that it be passed with amendments. That scrutiny matters, and that part of Parliament being involved in this process is also important. It ensures legislation accurately reflects the settlement that has been reached, and that the necessary technical and practical matters are properly addressed and enshrined in the books within this House.

Today is about more than that, about more than the legislative process. It is about recognition. It is about acknowledging you, Ngāti Ruapani, and your role, your history, and acknowledging that the Crown caused harm. We acknowledge that those harms endured across generations, and this legislation has recognised your right to move forward with certainty.

There is an important lesson to be learned here for the Crown. A settlement is not the end of responsibility; it is just the start. The Crown has to honour the commitments that are written on that document on the Table, and it has to ensure that the lessons from these historical grievances now inform how Government engages with you in the future. Reconciliation is not achieved through just one piece of legislation; it is achieved through actions over time. It is achieved when commitments are kept, it is achieved when Māori voices are heard before decisions are made, not simply after them. It is achieved when the Crown treats the relationship created by Te Tiriti o Waitangi as something living and ongoing.

I believe that Treaty settlements are one of the most important nation-building projects undertaken in modern New Zealand. They allow us to confront our past honestly, while still having confidence in our future. We do not have to choose between acknowledging historical injustice and building a shared future; we have to do both. A country does not become weaker by admitting where it got things wrong. It becomes stronger. It demonstrates that its institutions can learn and can be better.

It also gives future generations the opportunity to inherit something better than came before. Today, I want to pause and congratulate you for being here and reaching this point in time. I know the perseverance of those who have carried this kaupapa. I acknowledge the whānau who have waited for this day, and I acknowledge the responsibility that now sits with the Crown to ensure the commitments being made are honoured. This settlement cannot rewrite the past, but it can help shape a future—a future where Ngāti Ruapani can continue to strengthen cultural identity, exercise aspirations, care for the whenua, and provide opportunities for generations to come. That is what this House should be supporting today. I’m proud, as part of te whānau Reipa, to support Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill at this third and final reading.

Nō reira he mihi mahana ki a koutou, kia māia, kia manawa nui, tēnā koutou katoa.

[Therefore, warm regards to you, be resolute, be persistent, greetings to you all.]

11:15

Kia ora koutou, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana. It is good to have you back in this Parliament for the third reading, and it’s a fine reconciliation of a challenging process, and thank you for being here. Your presence gives credence to what is possible, where we make amends for the harms done in the history of Aotearoa New Zealand.

In the first and second readings I reflected on the historic account of the evils that the Crown committed against your people, and the scorched earth tactics, and the repeated breaches of human decency and Te Tiriti. When we came as a Māori Affairs Committee and you welcomed us to your spectacular part of the world, it was a wonderful day that we spent there. You showed us around maunga and marae in your rohe, and up to Waikaremoana, where the surface of the lake moved like ocean waves—an indomitable spirit, an undefeatable spirit. That is what I interpret in the hearts and the souls of you as a people: undefeated.

These settlements are often a challenge, because there are those who are not happy with them. I wanted to acknowledge that on that day, we heard from those people in the hearing. As well as those who were there to support it, there were those who were concerned about it—from Kahungunu and others. Every settlement is unique, but there are some patterns of the division that are sown in the process of the Crown seeking to make amends for the harms it has caused.

Even in the settlements, the clumsiness of the Crown can cause other harms and divisions. This is not a reflection on Te Tari Whakatau—all those negotiating, all those in good faith, seeking to make amends. It is a problem of the structure of how we approach settlement. It’s a big challenge. As my colleague Hūhana always says, “the Red Book”.

We did ask a lot of questions of the officials around issues that were raised, and they presented a thorough account of the process that led to the settlement. They satisfied us as a committee that we should support it, and we, indeed, unanimously did support it.

The fact is there are overlaying interests in Māori land with neighbouring iwi, and while this is a means to amends for harms and thefts caused by the Crown, it still functions in an atomised view of the world.

I reflect on the desiccation of collective ownership structures by the Māori Land Court that imposed the individualist property right ideology on your people, and this happened throughout the country. That is another mentality of the Crown. What we see in the drawing of lines on a map wherein one is given possession and another is dispossessed, so the mentality of individual property rights still persists and prevails in our country.

But I want to say that the Crown is like a three-year-old child. Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, you are ancient and perennial and indomitable. I agree with the Minister when he says we come and go, but the iwi remain. You persist and your truths and values will, I hope, help to make good on those relationships with your neighbours. Remember, always, that it is the Crown that caused the first harm, and any harm caused by this process is also to be on the Crown’s head.

When we go and visit a rohe, as happened to us, we always hear other stories and accounts, and sometimes the most grievous parts of the historical account land in a way that’s incomprehensible. But other simpler stories we hear really strike us with the injustice. One of them was that it was recognised that the iwi had authority over the bed of the lake, and yet the Government came and lowered the lake level to build the dam and destroyed the natural outflow from Waikaremoana to put in place the hydroelectric scheme. It impacted the fishery. Yet another example of one of the consequences of colonisation was destruction of the ecology, the traditional relationship the iwi had to their place and their land and their taonga lakes and forests.

One story that struck me was that one of the promises that was made was that, at the very least, a tiny fraction of the electricity generated by the dam would go towards powering the marae with free electricity. How long do you think that lasted? A year or two, and yet another promise broken. Herein lies the part that always strikes me: the generosity of an iwi to forgive these injustices and slights and failures and repeated dishonesties—to be honest, that’s what they are—and to come and turn up here and accept this settlement as a fraction of what you lost. There’s no recompense for the incomparable harms caused, but in your generosity and your dignity, you come to this Parliament, and you say, “We accept this offering.” Thank you for that—thank you for that.

This is the bit that means you are paving the way for what our nation can be, always showing the way for what our nation can be, and always the Crown playing catch-up. Here today we stand in unanimity as a Parliament and show the best of what is possible. Surely, when we stand together, we are our strongest as a country.

The Green Party is happy to commend this bill to the House, and we wish you, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, a great and prosperous and good future. Thank you, thank you, thank you. Kia ora.

11:25

Thank you, Madam Speaker. Tēnā koutou katoa, he mihi mahana ki a koutou, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana. Nau mai, haere mai ki tō koutou Pāremata, ki tō koutou Whare. Kia tau te rangimārie me ngā manaakitanga a te Atua ki runga i a tātou katoa.

[Greetings to you all, warm regards to you, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana. Welcome, welcome to your Parliament, to your House. Let peace and the care of God settle upon us all.]

I am unfortunate not to be on the Māori Affairs Committee, as I must remind the House whenever I speak on a settlement bill. But I’ve been listening to members who are on the committee about their travels up to the beautiful part of the world that you inhabit, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana. I do have some experience in that beautiful part of the world. In fact, three weeks ago, for my birthday, I chose to spend it in Te Urewera.

I always pay a lot of attention to whose whenua I’m on and where I’m being privileged to spend my time. The historical account in this settlement bill lays out what other members of the select committee and speakers today have said of the overlapping of whakapapa, whenua, and the complications therein. One of the ones that I’m looking forward to getting some more clarity on is the titles at Ngāputahi, up on the—I think that’s Ngāputahi up on the Okahu, yeah? I was quite surprised that, going from my tūrangawaewae of the other side of the Ikawhenua Range, in Kuhawaea and Pāpāmoa—to hear that Ngāputahi was part of your rohe as well was interesting, and also what happened at Te Whaiti being part of your history.

The historical account—which provides clarity to a lot of people, but more questions for me—and the breaches of the Treaty that are clear and apparent and have been recognised and apologised for by the Crown, and by this House on behalf of the Crown, are laid out in this bill. I hope very well that you all can take what little is in this settlement and build a bright and prosperous future so that your iwi can thrive in the future—so that we can all thrive in the future. New Zealand is going to be here for a long time; onwards for New Zealand—toitu Niu Tīreni. Thank you, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana.

11:28

Tēnā koe, Madam Speaker. E ngā kaumātua me ngā kuia o Ngāti Ruapani kua tae mai ki tēnei Whare Pāremata ki te tautoko i te kaupapa te rangi nei, tēnā koutou katoa.

E tū ana ahau, he uri nō Te Taitokerau, ki te mihi atu ki a koutou. Ka nui aku mihi maioha ki a koutou. Tēnā koutou.

Ka mihi hoki ahau ki a tātou katoa kua huihui mai nei, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

[Lady and gentlemen elders of Ngāti Ruapani who have come to this House of Parliament in support of the matter today, greetings to you all.

I, a descendant from Northland, stand here to acknowledge you. Many affectionate greetings to you. Greetings to you.

I would also like to greet all of us who are assembled here: greetings and thanks to you all, to us all.]

I am pleased and honoured to be speaking on behalf of New Zealand First to the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill today, now in its third reading. I bring to Ngāti Ruapani greetings from my leader, the Rt Hon Winston Peters, as well as Deputy Leader, Matua Shane Jones.

To the kaumātua and kuia who began the Ngāti Ruapani settlement—that journey that began 40 years ago—today marks a milestone in the passing of this legislation. My greetings to you to all of those who have been part of that journey, those who are here in the gallery today or watching at home, and also to those who aren’t with us and who may have passed.

Lake Waikaremoana is an incredibly stunning natural treasure of New Zealand. We heard from Steve Abel, our colleague, that he appears to have had some magical, majestical moment as part of the Māori Affairs Committee, on the hearings up in the area. That’s actually how my nieces and nephews—Marianna, Moana, Michael, Lydia, and Tamatea Winiana, who whakapapa to Ngāti Ruapani through Mauruuru Pango. When they visit—regularly they have whānau visits there—they talk about the wairua of the area and how important it is for them, living away from that area, to go there and reconnect with their whenua, and the place is so majestical, so magical, and so serene. It is the most beautiful part of the world. It’s a region in Godzone that is unrivalled in its mystery, in its majesty, and in its serenity. However, a long shadow was cast, over a century ago, up and down the Long White Cloud, and that long shadow fell over the area where Ngāti Ruapani are, but today, that long shadow, we hope, will begin to dissolve and dissipate as this Treaty settlement process comes to a close.

For more than 150 years, dating back to 1866, the whānau carried the heavy weight of historical Treaty breaches. They carried the grief of land loss, of displaced whānau, and of systemic erosion of their place as mana whenua around Lake Waikaremoana, but today marks a threshold with the passing of this bill—a commitment between Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana and the Crown. There have been generations of memories, some not so good—many not so good—but we have seen strength and endurance, which has led to this day. This settlement is a step towards justice, and it has been a collective effort to get to this point.

The settlement includes $24 million in financial redress, an undivided half-share of Patunamu Forestry Ltd, commercial and cultural properties, and the return of roughly 12,000 hectares into Te Urewera. This represents a long-overdue acknowledgment of what was taken and what is owed. Today, Parliament takes this vital step in acknowledging a dark chapter in our history, seeking to repair a relationship severely fractured by the actions and omissions of the Crown.

For generations, the people of Ngāti Ruapani experienced the full, devastating weight of Crown actions, and we acknowledge the severe military attacks on Te Kōpani and Onepoto in 1866, followed by repeated incursions into the Waikaremoana area between 1869 and 1871. We remember, also, the unwarranted treatment of Ngāti Ruapani as rebels, a designation that brought scorched earth tactics—the destruction of kāinga, crops, and livestock—leaving whānau to endure starvation, exposure, and loss of life.

This tragic history stripped Ngāti Ruapani of their ancestral lands, leaving them virtually landless and causing enduring damage to their cultural identity, economic standing, and social wellbeing. No sum of money, no transfer of property, and no statutory acknowledgment can ever fully erase the suffering or undo the past, but what this legislation can do, and what it must do, is provide a foundation for justice and restoration, and a platform for the future. This bill represents an act of atonement, but, more than that, it also represents—and what I’ve heard Ngāti Ruapani say—a bridge to the future. It honours their ancestors who suffered, it supports the whānau who fought for decades to be heard, and it lays the groundwork for future generations of Ngāti Ruapani to thrive.

There was overwhelming support demonstrated during the ratification process, with 85 percent voting in favour of the deed. It’s a testament to the community’s desire to move forward into a new era. When the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana negotiating group brought their aspirations to the Crown, they centred their vision on three foundational values: māriri—to heal and put past difference aside; kaha—to stand strong, independent, and prosperous; and ritenga—to return to customary ways, caring for the environment and for each other. This legislation is built on those values.

I would like to acknowledge and also honour the resilience of Ngāti Ruapani. That has never been in doubt. Today, that resilience becomes a foundation for growth, for opportunity, and for prosperity. We can leave the past behind. We can draw a line in the sand and look toward the future. As Ngāti Ruapani looks towards your future, which define for yourselves, and as that shadow of the past begins to lift, as it begins to dissolve, I hope that blessings come to all of Ngāti Ruapani whānau. Thank you, Madam Speaker. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

This is a split call.

11:36

Ko wai tēnei e tū ake nei? Me kī pēnei au, ko Ruapani, ko Waikaremoana, ko Te Urewera, ko Ngā Uri o Haumapuhia. Ko ngā uri ēnei o te kohu, ko taku whakapapa. Ko au ko koutou; ko koutou ko au.

Kia wahaina koutou ki konei, kia ū ki tō tāua arero tipuna, he aha ai? I te mea he kōrero Māori a Waikaremoana, he kōrero Ruapani, he kōrero Tūhoe, he kōrero i ana kōrero.

He nui ngā kōrero ake o Waikaremoana. Me tīmata ki tā tātou kī taurangi, ki tā tātou kōrero tuku iho, ko Waikaremoana te wai kaukau o ngā tīpuna. Kia whakawhānuihia tērā kōrero, ko Waikaremoana te wai tuku kiri o ngā mātua, ko Waikaremoana te wai ora o ngā uri whakaheke, tuku iho, tuku iho.

Nanny Naina mā, koutou, ngā kurumatarērehu o te ao kōhatu kua auraki mai, kua waihape mai ki tēnei Whare, nau mai, hoki mai. Kua aua atu ngā tau koutou e amo ana i ngā mamae, i ngā riri, i ngā tūkino, i ngā aupēhitanga, i ngā tāmitanga o tērā rautau, whakamoea.

E tika ana te kōrero a Kara, tēnā koe e Kara, i tēnei ata nō koutou ka whakatauria ki tēnei Whare: Kaua e waha i te mamae o onamata, kei kawea e ō tātou uri whakaheke, e ā tātou mokopuna. Waiho mai ki konei, ki te take o tēnei Whare. Waiho mai ki ngā rekereke o ngā minita e amo nei i ngā kino o ngā kāwanatanga o mua noa atu. Waiho mai ki konei, kaua e whakahokia ki tō tāua moana, kaua e whakahokia ki Te Urewera, kaua hoki e whakatau ki runga anō o Panekire maunga. Waiho mai ki konei. Tirohia te anamata kei mua i a koutou.

E te whānau, ahau anō hoki tētahi i pōhēhē i te roanga o taku oranga he Tūhoe noa iho ahau, he Ngāti Awa noa iho ahau. He nui ērā whakapapa. Engari nōku, nō māua—ko Te Ori ka kōrero mai, ka whakahuahua mai ki ahau – e kahi, he Ruapani tāua. Ahakoa pēhea, ngā whakapapa katoa e hono ana, a Tūhoe, a Ruapani, ko Waikaremoana tāua. Mutu ki reira, tīmata ki reira, haere nei te wā.

Nō reira tēnā koe e Te Ori, tēnā koutou ngā rangatira o te nāianei e kawe tonu ana i ngā wawata, i ngā hiahia, i ngā ātete o ngā tīpuna kāore i konei i tēnei wā.

Tēnā koutou e noho mai nei hei rama roa mō te hunga rāwaho pēnei i ahau kua roa e noho tawhiti ana i te haukāinga, kāore i te mōhio tonu ki aku whakapapa ki a tāua.

Ki te hunga ka whai mai i ahau, te ā muri, waiho kia tuwhera ngā tatau, kia whakahokia mai, kaua ko te whenua anake engari ko ngā whakapapa, ko ngā kārangarangatanga maha e marara ana ki Aotearoa, ki Ahitereiria, huri noa i te ao. Karangahia ō tāua uri kia hoki mai, kia hokia te kāinga.

Kia tīkina ake e au tētahi wāhanga matua o ēnei kōrero ā tāua hei tūāpapa engari hei tāhuhu mō tāua ki tua o tēnei rā, te tatau pounamu. Puritia te tatau pounamu. Nā wai ake rā, nā Rangimateo i whakatakoto, i whakatinana, i ita. Tūhonotia ērā whakapapa kia mau ita mō āke tonu atu.

E mārama ana ahau he raru, he riri tara ā-whare, engari mai anō, mai anō ērā riri tara a-whare. Kaua e katia ngā kūaha ki ō tāua uri ake, engari waiho kia tuwhera. Ko tā mātou i konei he kī atu, he kī hāngai ki tēnei Whare, ki te Karauna, kua oti te wāhi ki a koe, pōuri atu.

Koirā te pōraruraru o tēnei Kāwana, he pōhēhē nōna ko ia te kaiwhakatika i ngā mea katoa engari māku e kī atu, ma Te Pāti Māori e kī atu nō koutou te wā, mā koutou tō koutou huarahi e para ki tua. Ko mātou ki ō koutou nā pokohiwi, ki ō koutou tuarā, āke āke, e tautoko mārika ana i a koutou.

[Who is this that stands here? I should put it like this: I am Ruapani, Waikaremoana, Te Urewera, Ngā Uri o Haumapuhia. There are the descendants of the mist, my genealogy. I am you, and you are me.

Let yourselves be conveyed here, and let us stay true to our ancestral tongue—why? Because Waikaremoana speaks Māori, they speak Ruapani, they speak Tūhoe, and they tell their own stories.

There are many stories about Waikaremoana. We should start with our pledge, with our narrative passed down: Waikaremoana is the bathing water of our ancestors. Let’s expand on that saying. Waikaremoana is the water where our ancestors cleanse themselves; Waikaremoana is the life-giving waters of the future generations, passed down and entrusted.

Nanny Naina and others, you, the adorned faces of yesteryear who have come back, who have returned to this House, welcome, welcome back. You have been carrying the pain, the anger, the abuse, the suppression, the oppression of last century for too many years; put them to sleep.

What Kara said was true—greetings, Kara, this morning as you were being welcomed to this House. Don’t carry the pain of the past, lest our future generations and grandchildren bear it. Leave it here on the floor of this House. Leave it here at the feet of the ministers that shoulder the sins of previous governments. Leave it here; don’t take it back to our lake, don’t take it back to Te Urewera, don’t go back and place it on Panekire Mountain. Leave it here. Look to the future before.

Family, I am also one that mistakenly believed for my whole life that I was only Tūhoe, that I was only Ngāti Awa. That is some great whakapapa. But when Te Ori, who told me, who laid it out for me—cousin, we are Ruapani. No matter what, all of the lines of descendant connect, Tūhoe, Ruapani, we are Waikaremoana. It ends there, it begins there, for all time.

And so thank you, Te Ori. Thank all of you the leaders of the present that continue to carry the dreams, the desires, and the contentions of our ancestors that are not here at this time.

Thank you to you who were like beacons to outsiders like me who have lived far from home for so long, and I still am unfamiliar with my genealogy to you.

To those who will follow me, the future, leave the doors open, to allow for the return, not of the land alone but of the genealogy, and the many relatives that are scattered across Aotearoa, Australia, and all around the world. Call our relatives to come back, to return home.

Let me quote one important part of these narratives of ours as a foundation, but also as a ridgepole for us beyond today, a peace settlement. Hold onto the peace settlement. Who was it, none other than Rangimateo who laid down, embodied, and bound it. Connect those lines of descent so that they hold forever.

I understand there are problems, there is infighting, but those in-house conflicts are long-standing. Don’t close the doors on our relations, but leave it open wide.

That is the trouble with this Government, they mistakenly believe that they are the righter of all wrongs but I, the Māori Party, say that the time is yours, and it is for you to blaze your own path into the future. We are at your shoulders, at your backs, forever and always, truly supporting you.]

11:41

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As members of Parliament, I want to labour the point. It was great to hear both Cameron and Steve speak to the immense loss of the people of Waikaremoana.

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We didn’t experience scorched earth, but when you read the way that the Crown treated your people,

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

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Because you’ve overcome so much. And in the settlement, it reads on page 10, “Despite this deprivation and disconnection, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana have endured. They are resolute and tenacious in their connections to Waikaremoana.”

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We just had Whanganui iwi here. I cautioned the House, because I’ve only got five minutes. I cautioned the House:

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

[Authorised translation to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

Don’t we dare breach it tomorrow. Once we sign, these are binding. Our people are so gracious in accepting one to two cents in the dollar and the management agreements, all of that. Iwi Māori are so gracious that it is upon us as members of Parliament not to breach these Treaty claims, not to breach the Treaty settlements, and to honour what we sign—honour what we sign. So my mihi is to you for being enduring. You are here tomorrow, you’re here today. We’re going to come and go, but

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Now is the time more than ever to defend what is important to you so your mokopuna can see a brighter future āpōpō. Kia ora tātou.

11:46

Tēnā koe e te Māngai.Te mihi tuatahi ki ngā manuhiri, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, nau mai, haere mai, whakatau mai ki te Whare Pāremata.

[Greetings, Mr Speaker, thank you. The first greeting is to our guests, Ngāti Raupani mai Waikaremoana. Welcome, welcome, welcome to Parliament House.]

As I said this morning, it is indeed a privilege to speak at any stage within a Treaty claims settlement. This being the third reading, the final step before it puts in the bill and enacts it and pays attention to the deed that was signed some time ago.

It’s mindful of me to think of the wrongdoings of the past. We as politicians sit in this debating chamber with the responsibility in some ways of representing what our predecessors did in similar roles so long ago. It deeply hurts me, really, to read the historical account and think that I have to answer for that, because I look at the historical account and once again it is an absolute terrible history of this country. We’ve done this on numerous occasions. If you’re not aware, this is close to being nearly number 100 of these iwi settlements we’ve done as a Parliament, as a Crown, and there are more to come. But every settlement has similar stories, similar facts—not stories—of our past that I can’t see anybody of today being proud of. It is an absolute horror to read what has occurred.

Every iwi that has signed the deed and then it’s been enacted through a bill such as this, I’m always mindful that you have agreed to accept recompense that is so small, so minimalistic in context with what you’ve lost. You have made that choice. I suppose, New Zealand, we thank you for making that choice, because we indeed want to be able to start again. We want to move forward. We want to restart relationships that failed to exist all that time ago.

This is what I believe these occasions are about—the signing, the enactment of settlements—a point of time for us to begin again, to correct the wrongs, to restart the relationships that are so important and that were actually signed up to with Te Tiriti, that understanding your iwi didn’t actually sign, but we know that the founding document of our country is about how we operate as a country. Let’s make sure that Te Tiriti actually has some standing of today. So thank you. Thank you, Ngāti Ruapani, for making the choice to accept this.

I’ve had the privilege of being part of the select committee—the Māori Affairs Committee—that plays a small part in the journey of this process. We had the wonderful opportunity to visit, to come up to Tuai. We had a little bit of a hīkoi afterwards, and thank you to Neuton and Maea and all those that drove us to some of the beautiful parts of your rohe, your whenua. We went up to your beautiful marae on the puke, up on the hill there, of Waimako, I think it was—Waimako. We went up past the numerous lakes. You’ve got the beautiful lake there out in front of the lodge, where we actually had our hearing, of Whakamarino; but you’ve got Kaitawa, Wherowhero, and, of course, the beautiful Waikaremoana. I’m almost ashamed to say that was my very first visit to Waikaremoana.

We went to Onepoto Bay. Steve spoke about the fact that mankind has made its adjustments to the lake, and that has an impact, as any man does have, on our taiao. He spoke of agreements that we heard of with regards to the supply of electricity to your marae, which, for whatever reason, has been reneged on over time. These are the wrongs that I think we need to acknowledge, and I just hope that there’s some rights that are before us.

It was a privilege to be part of the mihi whakatau this morning. Neuton, our kaikōrero—thank you very much for your words, the dignity and compassion that you showed. I also want to talk to Kara, as well. Kara, your words were very meaningful to me, and I went straight up to Kara—unfortunately, I had to leave to other parliamentary business of select committee; I couldn’t stay for the hākari. But I asked Kara if I was allowed to use his words to put into the Hansard of this Parliament, to record them in the Parliament and record them for life. If you don’t mind, I’m going to read those and do just that right now.

“Our whānau have travelled from Waikaremoana to here, from the lake to this House. Our tūpuna made this journey many times. They came with petitions, they came with claims, they came with the same message we carry today. They went home without any answer. Today, we do not.

We will not speak of their pain. That is theirs. They carry it, they endure it, and they brought us here. What I speak to today is who stands in this House—not a bill, a people. The hapū of Waikaremoana have stood together through distance, through absence, through time, bound by whakapapa and by that whenua. Some who began this journey with us are not here today: kaumātua, kuia, whānau who sat at the table and whānau who sat at the back. They saw key moments, but they did not see this day. But they are here, in every one of us who stand. I acknowledge those whose work is rarely seen but always felt; those who drafted, those who drove, those who kept the marae open while the rest of us were in Wellington. You do not stand in the front, but you are the reason we stand here at all.

Today, this House passes a law. That law records what was done. It records what the Crown now acknowledges. We receive that acknowledgment with dignity. But the law does not make us. We were here before the House, and we will be here after it. This bill does not define us. It affirms what has always been true: that Te Urewera remains; that Waikaremoana remains; that hapū who call this place home remain; that Ngāti Ruapani remain. When we leave this House, our whānau will return to the lake. It will not have noticed we were gone. It has outlived every generation that stood beside it. It will outlive us, too. We do not shape it. It shapes us, and it has shaped a people who do not disappear. We were never lost; we were always here. Come to Waikaremoana, stand beside the lake. Then, you will understand what you have passed today.”

Kia ora, Kara. Tēnā tātou katoa.

11:55

Kia ora koutou. To Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, nau mai, haere mai ki Pāremata. It’s an honour to rise to speak to the Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana Claims Settlement Bill, and I want to start by acknowledging the hapū and iwi who have gathered here today after many, many years of hard work to get to this point. It’s been a real honour to stand alongside you for some of that journey, but I know that it goes back for generations. Congratulations on getting to this point. It’s been a challenging road but, no doubt, one today that ends one phase of your journey, and I commend you on your mahi getting this bill to its third reading,

Kia ora koutouto the rangatira, the rangatahi, the tamariki and the mokopuna—the generations in the room today. I’ve had the privilege of knowing some members of your whānau for a long time, and they said I wasn’t allowed to speak about them today, so I won’t, but they know who they are and I want to just acknowledge those whānau members and the impact this journey has had on me because of that connection that I have to your hapū.

This bill records the acknowledgment and apology made to Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana when the deed was signed, and gives effect to redress in the deed that requires legislation. The journey to get to the place we are now, receiving this bill for its third reading, has been a long one for Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana. Wai tūranga, rongo a te tangata, toitū te whenua—as people disappear from sight, the land endures.

It’s been a long journey for the hapū: six years of negotiation to reach a long-awaited agreement. I hope this bill acknowledges the past and looks to a stronger future. The journey from 2008 speaks to the challenging relationship that we can have with the Crown and also speaks the persistence of iwi, hapū, and whānau to right the wrongs of the past. I commend the show of unity and determination from Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana in working with the Crown to get to this point. Nothing can right the wrongs of the past and the harm inflicted on your people. Nothing is enough to apologise for the actions of the Crown, which began for Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana in 1866, but I hope that this bill can bring some closure to the people, and I commend the iwi for working with the Crown to work towards some redress for the harm caused. We know that that harm caused continued over successive generations, as is highlighted in this legislation.

It was a real honour—as a member who sits on the Māori Affairs Committee, I was able to come to your whenua to hear your submissions on the bill, and I want to acknowledge our chairperson, David MacLeod, for his mahi in this space. I know that David MacLeod worked very closely with you to ensure that this bill could be passed before Parliament wraps up for the year. I want to mihi to the mahi that was done, because I know that this settlement and getting it done in this parliamentary term is important to you, and I’m very pleased that we’re able to do that. I also mihi to Minister Paul Goldsmith for his mahi in moving things around so that we can get this done before Parliament rises.

It was so wonderful to come to your whenua for the manaakitanga that you showed to us. We went on a beautiful tour up to the lake, and it was just mind-blowing and lovely to be there. I had visited before in a personal capacity, but being able to be there and hear directly from the whānau on the history of that place was really special. Thank you for hosting us, for the beautiful kai, and for your kōrero while we were there.

I also was honoured to attend the mihi whakatau this morning. Thank you all so very much for that. Other speakers have spoken about the very moving kōrero that we had this morning, and I wanted to mention a few words that Kara Puketapu-Dentice mentioned in his kōrero. He spoke about tūpuna making the journey to Pāremata many times, with the same message that you’ve carried here today, and every other time going home without an answer, except for today. He talked about people standing together through distance, absence, and time, bound by whakapapa. He acknowledged—and I would like to acknowledge, as well—the many whānau who are not here today, the kuia and kaumātua who have done so much mahi in this space and who are not with us today in person, who saw key moments on this journey.

He also acknowledged those who work behind the scenes and the incredibly important work that they do, and I think it’s so important. Thank you, Kara, for those words, because it makes such a huge difference. Everybody involved in Treaty settlements—and especially those within the hapū—contributes so much, and it’s not always those behind the scenes who are praised. I think it’s important that we do that in all aspects of life, and so this is a personal shout-out to my friend, who I can’t mention, who was in the kitchen preparing the kai when we were up at Waikaremoana. Beautiful—thank you very much for that.

The other point I wanted to mention from Kara’s kōrero was the invite from Waikaremoana to this Whare. Thank you for the invite, and the essence of it was that if Pāremata—members of this Whare, and of the Crown—can visit Waikaremoana, then they can truly see what has been passed today, which is that this is not the end, but the beginning. Waikaremoana remains and the hapū remains, and I think it’s an important message that we can talk about this in the context of it being one part of the journey today.

We know that the Crown can never right those wrongs of the past, and while we celebrate today, there is also a feeling that the work is not done. There is so much more to do. I wish the hapū so many good wishes for your journey forward, and for your mokopuna to return to their whenua, know their tikanga, and learn their reo and understand, like your ancestors have done. I hope that this settlement contributes to a small part of that journey today. With that, on behalf of Te Rōpū Reipa, I commend this bill to the House.

12:04

Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa. To Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, wherever you have travelled from, I acknowledge you all for being here this morning. Most might assume that everybody has come down from Waikaremoana or Tūai, but, in fact, I had a conversation at breakfast with visitors from Kāpiti and Lower Hutt. That just goes to show that your whenua remains, but your people are everywhere, and Lake Waikaremoana and the surrounding lakes are what bring you all back together.

I have a number of acknowledgments to make, and I just want to share a few things from the perspective that I bring. Can I just thank you, Minister Goldsmith, for bringing this bill to its third and final reading, and I acknowledge that you have mentioned—as many have—the number of people who were part of this process. Of course, it does need to be signed, sealed, and delivered at some point, and so we’re grateful for that being here, with us, today.

I acknowledge the Māori Affairs Committee, led by David MacLeod. When the select committee went and visited Tūai and heard from the community and other participants in Tūai, I wasn’t able to join it. I was meant to and I was hoping to, but just on seeing some of the pēpi in the gallery, I have to say that at the time, my baby was about eight or nine months old, and so it was a little bit difficult for me to get up at sort of 5 in the morning to travel up and join you, as I’m sure most people can understand. But I was really heartened by the conversations that were had, the experience of the journey, and everything else that was involved, as well.

I got to speak in the first reading of the bill, and I know that so many of you in the gallery were here for that, as well, and I’m not expecting that any of you remember what I said, as part of a small speck on the history of this experience. But rather than to reiterate it, I want to just share the things that I’ve learnt and understood since then. Everything that we do in this House is an experience for us to understand better. None of us will really understand what it is that your iwi, hapū, and marae have gone through on this journey, and I’m just acknowledging the generations that have gone before, the generations that are to come, and the stories and history that you will share and that they will understand, going forward.

Since the first reading, I’ve been able to meet with a number of people from all sides of this experience, and I know that so many of our speakers beforehand, across all sides of the House—and I think it’s been mentioned a number of times—have said how we feel about Treaty settlements, in particular. We are all aware of the challenges and complexities, but in this particular case, whakapapa makes a difference, and that’s been acknowledged by a number of people. I talked in my first reading speech about the journey for Ruapani down from Tairāwhiti, from Gisborne, and from settlements at Waikaremoana; the discovery of the lake or the sea; and the journey that Ruapani took to then bring together the people of Tūhoe and the people of Kahungunu. There are the intricacies and the complexities that that whakapapa brings to this story, and I know that this has been said by many up to this point, but it is never easy.

A settlement is never easy, but this settlement, with Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, is and that has to be acknowledged. But Te Urewera is a place for people to enjoy, to be, and to exist. The invitation has been mentioned many times to come to Waikaremoana in order to understand the place and what that means to the people, and I think that that prevails. I really hope from what has been shared about Te Urewera and Waikaremoana being a place for people to be in order to experience the specialness of that place is something that will live on beyond this settlement, as well.

Can I acknowledge you, Kara Puketapu-Dentice and Neuton Lambert, this morning for your speeches and your address to us, as members of Parliament, but also to the broader House, for the picture that we have. Thank you for everything that you’ve shared, and beyond your words this morning, as well, Kara, thank you for the things that you’ve said about this settlement. Whether it’s in the media or to communities, those words prevail and they really mean something, and I think it captures the sentiment of the importance of the settlement to the people and to Wairoa.

Of course, as the member of Parliament for Napier, I acknowledge that the general electorate boundary and the Māori electorate boundary intersect in such a way—and I’m just acknowledging Cushla Tangaere-Manuel but also Rawiri Waititi—that Lake Waikaremoana and Tūai are part of the Napier electorate. But, actually, Waikaremoana and Tūai are part of the Waiariki seat, and then, of course, Wairoa and most of Kahungunu are part of the Ikaroa-Rāwhiti seat.

These boundaries, to us, are lines on a piece of paper, but to the people that experience the geography, the place, what makes it special for you, your whenua, those boundaries really don’t mean anything other than a box on a piece of paper. So we need to acknowledge the wairua that prevails over all of this. I think that is the most important thing to acknowledge. We always try to find a box for things to fit in, and it just doesn’t work that way.

I know and note the many people that are part of this story, but today, Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, is your day. This is your settlement; this is your story. I just want to say to the range of generations in the gallery, and the gorgeous little pēpi that was up in front of me before, to think about how the future that this is and what it holds for you is really, really special because it’s the start, as David MacLeod mentioned, of a new relationship. We lead by our actions, and to see the way that we work going forward and the benefit to everybody of these settlements I think just is a testament to the process.

So I’m grateful to be able to be a part of it, the role that I have played in the last few months, listening and understanding and learning, and I really hope that everybody that experiences what the settlement brings going forward will see and understand that from that perspective as well. So ngā mihi ki a koutou. Thank you very much everyone for being here, for participating in this really long process that so many people will see as one third and final reading but not understand the decades and centuries that have gone in behind it and what this represents for you. So, again, thank you—thank you.

This is a split call.

12:12

Thank you, Madam Speaker.

Ki a koutou Ngāti Ruapani, ngā mihi ki a koutou. He rawe te kite i a koutou i tēnei rā. Tēnei te mihi ki a koutou, haramai, haramai, nau mai.

[To you, Ngāti Ruapani, greetings to you. It is awesome to see you today. I hereby greet you, welcome, welcome, welcome.]

Lovely to have you all here today. I was listening to the kōrero and thinking about settlements. This has been, if we’re being honest, one of the harder settlements in terms of te ao Māori, and I think we all know that in the House. It’s been tough for the Māori Affairs Committee; it’s been tough for yourselves coming here, and it makes us all wonder in terms of: have we got the process right? I don’t think we have, but I don’t think we’re far off.

I was thinking back through the years, and with the overlapping claims, it can be a nightmare for some people, particularly when you have whanaunga against whanaunga and friends against friends. I thought back to the Tainui settlement, for instance. You’ll recall, people—some of the elder lot in the gallery—that Eva Rickard opposed the Tainui settlement, and that was major given that she was a matriarch and a warrior for our people, you know. Not easy—not easy when you want settlement and you want to proceed.

We had the Ngāi Tahu settlement: Sandra Lee, who was deputy leader of the Alliance, Mana Motuhake leader, opposed the Ngāi Tahu settlement, and to this day, I think, Sandra still is very sad because she missed the reading down here in Parliament because of a plane trip not working out for her. So I just want to say today that, you know, we’re all still part of each other.

We put the Tenths kaupapa through—great day here, but a guy like Paul Morgan, who’s been a longtime negotiator for the people down there in the South Island, been an advocate, an old friend of mine, he wasn’t even talking to me at the end because Labour didn’t put through the Tenths settlement on time. To his credit, he came to the hearing, but I still don’t think he supports the settlement, because it’s not perfect, because it does not compensate our people how it should, even though you’ve got a $400 million settlement there.

The reality, though, is our people understand what loss is. To have only 2 or 3 percent in terms of what a loss is does irk a lot of people. The Ngāi Tahu settlement: in economic terms, our top economist said it was worth $15 billion; Ngāi Tahu settled for $170 million. These are the things that we have to traverse as Māori, as negotiators, we have to work through. We have to decide when is the time to settle, when is the time to say, “OK, we’ve just got to cut our losses here.”

You know, Ranginui Walker—a lot of you will remember his mahi. He was the chief negotiator for Whakatōhea. When the Treaty settlement process started, he had a few problems with the process and he put stuff up on behalf of his tribe. There was a disagreement, Whakatōhea went to the back of the line, and they had to wait 20-25 years.

So I just want to mihi to everyone here today, to the negotiators. To Kara: well done to Kara Puketapu up there; he’s a good young man—only problem is he wouldn’t stand for me in the current election. He decided he was too busy advocating for you—big mistake, Kara, big mistake. But he’s a fine young man. But I mihi to you, because all these pressures that come on us as Māori, but we made a decision. Well done to our Minister, the Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations; to previous Ministers—Finlayson, Little. This has been going on for years and years, but we came together. But we know of the pressures. Just remember: your relations are still your relations. You know, you might not talk for a while, but you’ve got to whakakotahi for the kaupapa. But it’s still a good day for everyone. We got there, but there’s still a lot of work to do. Kia ora anō tātou katoa.

12:17

Thank you, Madam Speaker. Good afternoon, everyone. Tēnā koutou katoa. I am a new entrant into the Māori Affairs Committee, but happy that I’ve had the opportunity to be in that first trip to Tūai and Waikaremoana. I have experienced your community and the love that you bring into your community and into each other, and I have seen the leadership and the relationships, and I thank you. This is a day of thanksgiving—thanksgiving for all of you, for your forbearance, for your determination, and for your openness to move forward. I think that that is a self-giving that is difficult to match, because you give now by accepting to move forward, and that is an amazing, amazing self-giving. So we thank everyone who’s been involved in the process, for being open to listening and to hearing. Passing this bill allows all of you, and us, an opportunity to pass from the darkness, the great darkness of the past, into the great light of the potential good that a settlement like this brings into your own hands. It is about choice, the openness, and the ability to make decisions yourselves.

I think that the best contribution that I can make to this process in my nothingness is to recognise the mokopuna who are here who need to go and move because they’ve been here and waiting and they’ve been patient, like you—you have taught them well. So my best contribution is to say, now, that I commend this bill to the House.

12:19

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

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12:29

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

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Because Māori would never have imagined a place like this. Why on earth would they?

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

[Authorised translation to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

—means recompense, to restore, to balance and put right.

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

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This process is not, and Kara said it so beautifully in the words—thank you, e te tiamana—[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

[Authorised translation to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

But this process is not, and never was, about establishing the

[Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

[Authorised translation to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

I now turn to our guests in the gallery. We would love to hear your waiata.

Waiata—Kāore te pō nei

Haka—Kī mai nei koe

Kia ora. The House stands adjourned until 2 p.m. today.

The House adjourned at 12.36 p.m. (Thursday)

This early draft is automatically published - it is not yet complete and reviewed.

14:00

Almighty God, we give thanks for the blessings which have been bestowed on us. Laying aside all personal interests, we acknowledge the King and pray for guidance in our deliberations that we may conduct the affairs of this House with wisdom, justice, mercy, and humility for the welfare and the peace of New Zealand. Amen.

14:01

Today, the House will adjourn until Tuesday, 15 September. That week, the House will make progress on the Local Government (System Improvements) Amendment Bill, the Oranga Tamariki (Responding to Serious Youth Offending) Amendment Bill, and the Policing Amendment Bill. Celia Wade-Brown, Maureen Pugh, and the Hon Andrew Bayly will deliver their valedictory statements.

14:02

I thank the Leader of the House for the update. We’ve been told by a couple of Government backbenchers that the Government intends to do urgency next sitting week. Could she confirm if that’s true?

I know there’s lots of excitement about the final two weeks of the House sitting. What I can tell the member is that we will not be introducing legislation that increases tax. [Interruption]

Very good. Now, only one person has called.

Considering that we have seen a net loss of members’ days as a result of the use of urgency, does the Leader of the House expect for there to be a members’ day in the next sitting block?

No.

14:04 · to the Minister of Local Government

Has he received any advice that shows that the rates cap will result in no savings for some households?

I’ve received advice that the amount an average household saves will depend on what their council would otherwise have increased rates by, and how these rates are allocated. If a council is already close to or within the cap, the average savings will, naturally, be modest. That shows that the cap is workable when councils prioritise. But many ratepayers are facing double-digit increases. For example, under Hamilton City Council’s 2024 to 2034 long-term plan, an average household was on track to pay around $6,400 a year by 2034. With increases limited to 4 percent, that would be around $4,170, saving about $15,800 over a 10-year period. That is meaningful savings.

Does he think a young family saving $34 a year under the rates cap would be better or worse off once higher fees for pools, libraries, public transport, and car-parking are included, given his view in a Cabinet paper that a rates cap will “incentivise greater use of user charges”?

First and foremost, I encourage the member to—[Interruption]

Just hold on—wait on. We’ll start that again.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. First and foremost, I’d encourage the member to read the bill in regards to rates capping. The cumulative effect of rates increases means that over a five- or 10-year period, Kiwi households will have considerable savings as a result of that cumulative effect being limited to 4 percent. Don’t forget the rates increases last year were 14 percent on average across New Zealand; this year, 9 percent—4 percent with respect to savings. What I also reflect is that not having a cap will not protect Kiwi ratepayers. Not having a cap will also not protect them against those double-digit rate increases, and that is not the policy of this Government.

How does he reconcile his claim that households will save money, with the Ministry for the Environment’s feedback that “reduced rates revenue may be offset by increased fees for services such as swimming pool entry, library fines, and parking. This could result in no net savings for many households.”?

Well, on this side of the House, we understand the concept of prioritisation and making decisions in regards to spending that is within a limit. We don’t have a credit card without a limit on this side of the House, by any stretch. Councils will, and should, prioritise their spending, like every single Kiwi household and business in this country. I make no apology for councils needing to do that. Putting a limit on their increase of expenditure is a sensible and pragmatic thing to do to protect Kiwi households.

Does he accept that including water services investment, which is exempt from the rates cap, in his figures for Waitaki District Council in his answer to oral questions on 25 August artificially inflated his claims of savings by nearly 80 percent?

No, because what I was providing there was an example of how much an average bill would increase—the differential between the average of 14 percent or 9 percent versus 4 percent. Basic maths would indicate to the member that when you increase cumulative bills by 14 percent or 9 percent, it is a heck of a lot bigger over a period of five or 10 years than at 4 percent. On this side of the House, we are on the side of Kiwi ratepayers. We want to protect Kiwi ratepayers from unreasonable, rollercoaster rates increases. That’s what we’re doing; we make no apologies for that. That side of the House has no plan to protect Kiwi ratepayers.

Is it correct that the biggest savings from his rates cap will go to owners of multimillion-dollar houses and holiday homes who don’t need support, while struggling families may only save as little as $34 a year, only to face higher costs from reduced local services?

A concise answer would be good.

No.

14:09 · to the Minister of Revenue

Is the Government considering a capital gains tax on properties used for both residential and business purposes?

No, this Government will not introduce a capital gains tax on the family home or on small businesses. For many Kiwis, the line between the two isn’t so simple. They might live in the front of a property and run their business from a workshop, garage, or an office out the back. We won’t punish people for using their own homes to build a business and get ahead. We’re on the side of Kiwis that work hard, doing the right thing and wanting to get ahead.

Why do some New Zealanders choose to operate their business from the same property they live in?

Because, for many small-business owners, it is the most practical and affordable way for them to operate. A builder, for example, might keep their tools and equipment at home. A mechanic might have a workshop on their property, or an entrepreneur couple might lease out their house as an airbnb during the summer break. These are ordinary Kiwis, using what they have to build something for themselves and their family.

What could a capital gains tax mean for a tradie or other small-business owner who operates their business from their family property?

It could mean being taxed 28 percent on part of their family property, simply because they have used it to earn a living. That means that a Kiwi who has worked hard, paid their mortgage, and built a business from home could face a big tax bill when they sell or are due to retire. That is the wrong message. It punishes aspiration, rather than rewarding it. On this side of the House, we back people who work hard, invest, and take risks, and we do that and we say: no new taxes.

14:11 · to the Minister for Social Development and Employment

Does she stand by all her statements and actions?

Yes, in the context in which they were given.

Why, when 36,000 fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds are not in work, education, or training, did she cut the access to jobseeker payments of 18- and 19-year-olds?

Because our Government is clear: we want 18- and 19-year-olds in education, training, or employment, and if they’re not, we expect that their families do support them. We know that going on welfare is a trap. If a young person goes onto the jobseeker benefit under the age of 20, on average they will spend another 21 years of their life on welfare. Our side of the House is more aspirational for young people, and wants more for their futures.

How can she say she is supporting young people into work, when in this term, she has cut off their access to a benefit while also limiting non-beneficiaries’ access to employment support programmes?

I refute that. We now have 4,000 young people in job coaching, which is a very intensive programme. We’re also incentivising those young people who then go into employment and stay in a job for 12 months with a $1,000 bonus. We are doing things differently. We want to release young people from the trap that they would otherwise fall into if those guys were still in office. We want more for them.

How can she deny that she has moved the goalposts for young people accessing Ministry of Social Development (MSD) employment programmes, when programmes like Mana in Mahi, Flexi-wage, and the Mayors Taskforce for Jobs are almost entirely only available to those on benefit under her watch?

As I said, we have higher aspirations for the other side in terms of young people. They have access to He Poutama Rangatahi; they have access to the Limited Service Volunteer, one of the most successful programmes we have. Intensive job coaching. There are now 70,000 New Zealanders in job coaching and case management. Case management is the most effective intervention that MSD offers. We want more for young people, and we’ll never apologise for that.

Just a reminder to the interjectors there: I didn’t cut anything off, although I’m tempted.

Has she been advised if the Ministry of Social Development is recommending that young people approaching them for help, who can no longer receive a benefit or get access to effective MSD employment programmes, should go and get a credit card?

No. We clearly want young people to be in education, in training, in employment. That’s why in Budget 2026 we’ve invested more in Youth Guarantee, and in an additional 10,000 places in trades training. We want to see young people get ahead in life, and that’s why we are changing the settings to ensure that they have that opportunity.

Is it the Minister’s view that it is better for a young person to owe money on a credit card than to receive help from the Ministry of Social Development?

As I said at the start, we believe that young people should be in employment, education, or training, or supported by their families. If you look at comparable countries, in Australia, there is a parental income test up to the age of 22; in France, you’ve got no access to welfare under the age of 25. This is a balanced approach—

This is New Zealand. You’re the Minister in New Zealand.

Well, we normally compare ourselves to Australia. I’ve just said it’s up to the age of 22, and, as I said, our side of the House is more aspirational for young people than allowing them to get stuck on welfare, where they stay another 21 years of their life—21 years. It’s got to be better than that. [Interruption]

Good, that’s enough. Just completely calm down.

You’re just making it up now.

I beg your pardon?

Why does she refuse to acknowledge that at a time of rising unemployment and job losses, she has actively made it harder for young people to get into work by restricting access to the very programmes designed to help them and has cut them off from getting welfare support, and how can young people possibly afford another three years of a National Government?

Very simply: because our side of the House knows that growing the economy grows employment opportunities; 220,000 is the Treasury forecast. A job for a young person is a better life, a better future, and we’re going to stick with that every day of the week, because we’re fixing the basics, and building the future for young New Zealanders. [Interruption]

That general barrage like that has to stop. It’s the last question like that.

14:17 · to the Minister of Revenue

Is the Government considering introducing an inheritance or gift tax?

No, this Government will not introduce an inheritance or gift tax. New Zealanders work hard, save, and invest so that they can build a better future for themselves and their families. This Government backs aspiration, and we will not be waiting at the end with another tax. [Interruption]

Just a moment. I made the point before that when a question is being asked, no one else speaks, and when a Minister is answering a question, he doesn’t need his colleagues to assist him—or her.

What types of New Zealanders could be affected by an inheritance or gift tax?

All New Zealanders who have worked hard will build up assets over their lifetime. An inheritance tax could tax a home; a small business; people with a farm, savings, investments, or other assets they want to pass on to their children. These are everyday New Zealanders who have spent decades building something up for themselves and their families. In what may already be one of the hardest moments in someone’s life—having just lost a parent or a loved one—the last thing a family should face is an inheritance tax bill from the Government.

What impact could an inheritance or gift tax have on New Zealanders’ incentives to save, invest, and build something for the next generation? [Interruption]

Is somebody else wanting to answer the question?

It sends a chilling message to hard-working Kiwis. Instead, on this side of the House, we want New Zealanders to save, to invest, to build businesses and create wealth for themselves and their children. Layering new taxes on people who do these things would discourage investment, hold back growth, and make it harder for Kiwi families to get ahead. That is not what we stand for on this side of the House. Our focus is on fixing the basics, building the future, and no new taxes.

14:19 · to the Minister responsible for RMA Reform

Does he stand by his statement that “it's absolutely paramount for this Government that we protect settlements that have been entered into in good faith”; if not, why?

14:20

on behalf of the Minister responsible for RMA Reform: Yes.

How is overriding the Environment Court, which ruled earlier this year that plan change 1 (PC 1) must remain central to protecting the Waikato and Waipā rivers, acting in good faith with iwi?

Well, on behalf of the Minister, the Government’s decision to pause PC1 is a practical measure to support the transition to the new planning system. PC1 arrives at the very moment our new planning system is replacing the Resource Management Act (RMA), and we don’t want farmers and growers to incur the costs in transitioning into PC1’s farmer environmental plan and consent framework, which will soon be replaced by others.

Can the Minister explain why Waikato-Tainui, Raukawa, Ngāti Maniapoto, Te Arawa, and Tūwharetoa jointly wrote to him warning that his delay would be a direct breach, and can he tell this House which one of those five iwi he decided to listen to before ignoring all of them?

Well, on behalf of the Minister, I certainly did not ignore them. We met with iwi multiple times, as did officials. The proposal does not change the Government’s commitment to upholding Treaty settlements, including Te Ture Whaimana o te Awa o Waikato. No settlement says we could never change the planning system, and so what we’re working on is adjusting that arrangement for the new system.

Does he agree with Tukoroirangi Morgan that the Government has “step[ped] in to override judicial directions at the behest of their political donors”, and is that another example of good faith?

On behalf of the Minister, no, I don’t agree with that statement.

Will he attend Koroneihana to discuss why, at the start of his own RMA reforms, plan changes giving effect to Treaty settlements—including PC1—would continue, and then break that commitment three months later without the agreement of any of the five iwi affected, and if not, why?

On behalf of the Minister, I’m not sure of my travel plans, but I do know that my excellent colleagues, Ministers Potaka and Goldsmith, will be attending.

14:22 · to the Minister for Social Development and Employment

What are the terms of reference, if any, of the review of the wrongful benefit suspensions, and will the review consider compensation?

14:23

I have made it clear to the Ministry of Social Development (MSD) that the review will consider the winter energy payment issue and processing delays. The review will cover what has occurred and who has been affected in operationalising mandatory reviews and any further actions that may be needed to prevent these issues happening again. As I’ve already made clear in the House, I will wait for the findings of the review on 10 September.

Does she acknowledge that supported living payment recipients were captured by mandatory reviews, which ended up leading to processing delays, meaning that they live often week to week without any savings; and, if so, does she accept that even a week’s worth of missed payments could push people into hardship, hunger, or homelessness?

As I’ve already said, the suspension of payments that was made incorrectly will have had an impact on New Zealanders, and I accept that that would have been challenging for many, which is why I had asked MSD to focus with urgency on making sure that those payments were reinstated and backdated at pace.

If she recognises the impact this could have had on people, including people being left hungry, potentially homeless, or in hardship, why is she not commenting on the possibility of compensation?

Well, as I’ve said, I will wait for the findings of the review.

What is the point of an apology if she’s not even willing to consider the option of compensation for harm that may have occurred and which is not redressed through back payments, as that cannot make up for potential debt or harm or worsening health outcomes that people may have experienced due to missed payments?

As I said, the review will cover many components, including who has been affected, and that’s why I’m waiting for that review.

14:25 · to the Minister for Tourism and Hospitality

What recent progress has she seen on tourism in New Zealand?

Recent data from Statistics New Zealand shows New Zealand’s international visitor numbers continue to climb. Over 201,000 international visitors arrived in New Zealand in June 2026, which is up 8.1 percent on June 2025. That puts international visitor arrivals for June at 95 percent of the 2019 levels for the same period. Growing tourism is a key part of our Government’s plan to fix the basics and build the future. This progress shows that our plan to grow the economy is working.

What markets are seeing the strongest growth?

We are seeing continued growth from our largest visitor market—Australia—with 108,200 arrivals, which is up 14 percent from last June. There was also strong growth from other key tourism markets, including from China, with visitor arrivals reaching 14,300, which is up 27 percent compared to June last year. Close to 200,000 cruise ship passengers are also expected to arrive in New Zealand this season, with the launch at the weekend of the cruise season. We are seeing the flow on of growth and confidence in our tourism and hospitality sector as more visitors choose New Zealand as their next holiday destination.

What steps is the Government taking to support progress in tourism growth?

We know domestic visitors generate nearly twice as many guest nights as international visitors and account for around two-thirds of all guest nights across New Zealand. We do not believe that New Zealanders booking a weekend away or travelling for a family funeral, or a sports team travelling for a game should face an additional tax on top of the costs they already pay when travelling domestically. That’s why we don’t believe in a bed tax and we are working hard to attract more tourists to New Zealand, because the more visitors we have in our cities and regions, the more money is being spent in shops and cafes. It’s a key part of our plan to grow the economy so that we can keep investing in the front-line public services Kiwis rely on, without having to reach for new taxes.

14:27 · to the Minister of Health

Does he stand by his statement that “A sustainable health system relies on a steady pipeline of skilled New Zealand-trained nurses entering the workforce”; if so, why?

14:28

on behalf of the Minister of Health: Yes, in the context it was made. As the member will be aware, more than 2,100 additional nurses, on a net basis, have been employed by Health New Zealand since 2023, which equates to a net increase of 1,640 fulltime-equivalents. The Government remains focused on building on this track record so that we can continue to reduce wait times for patients and build the future of our healthcare system. That is why, as at 14 August, there were 2,378 fulltime-equivalent nursing roles actively being recruited across Health New Zealand, including 475 nurses who have accepted offers, with thousands more progressing through recruitment.

Why have emergency department staff in Palmerston North had to resort to begging Health New Zealand to send urgent help after he cut the number of nurses by 25 over the past two years?

Well, clearly, from my primary answer, that is incorrect, and what I would point to is putting a wrecking ball to the health system in the middle of a pandemic, centralising the health system, and taking away local decision-making. That member’s question reinforces why, on 1 July, we brought back local decision-making for budgets, service delivery, and recruitment decisions.

Supplementary. [Interruption]

Point of order, sir.

No, just a moment. You can’t just—OK, point of order, the Hon Kieran McAnulty.

Point of order, Mr Speaker. I’m just seeking clarity from you as to the process. When a Minister makes an incorrect statement on behalf of another Minister, which Minister is required to correct that statement in the House?

Then it would be, presumably, the Minister on whose behalf the mistake has been made. Can I just say I could hear some of these things better if there wasn’t quite so much interjection.

Why, when emergency department (ED) nurses are having to strike for safe staffing at Gisborne Hospital, has he hired just two additional nurses across the entire district in the last year?

On behalf of the health Minister, it is not for the Labour Party or the unions to decide safe staffing levels; it’s a clinical decision by Health New Zealand, and the advice I’ve got is 75 percent of shifts have been on or above target.

Why isn’t he taking action to raise the number of Māori nurses when only 7 percent of nurses are Māori and Māori experience worse health outcomes?

On behalf of the Minister, I would like to point to the great work of the mental health Minister, with the mental health commission in its latest report pointing to the increased diversity in our health workforce, specifically our nursing health workforce.

The Hon Phil Twyford—and nobody else.

Why, when stroke patients at Waitakere Hospital’s Muriwai ward are left languishing in wet beds and at risk of falls due to lack of nurses, has he only hired 54 nurses across New Zealand in the last two years?

On behalf of the Minister, I won’t take any crocodile tears from the Opposition, because when they were in Government, nursing vacancies topped at 2,632. As of March 2026, they’re down to 1,600. The vacancy rate, 8.6 percent for nurses, is now down to 5.2 percent. We are delivering.

Supplementary.

Yep—

Rachel Boyack.

—Rachel Boyack.

Why, when he has cut the number of nurses in the top of the South by 30 fulltime-equivalents in the past year alone, are nurses being forced to pick and choose which patients get care each day?

On behalf of the health Minister, you only need to refer to my primary answer that shows that, actually, the trend line shows that we have employed not only more nurses, but when you look at the numbers that we’ll offer employment to 1,800 graduate nurses, that is the biggest offer in any year of the last seven years.

Why, when North Shore ED nurses have declared a state of emergency due to a critical lack of staff, which has left elderly patients in soiled beds, has he failed to properly staff North Shore Hospital?

On behalf of the health Minister, that is the very reason why we have recruited more nurses into roles to drive down vacancy rates. That is the very reason why we have funded more into winter preparedness plans. That is the very reason why this Government is the first Government to deliver an online 24/7 primary care service to take the pressure off ED.

When he has cut the number of nurses at Middlemore Hospital by 74 over the past two years, is it any wonder that nurses are saying, “We’re sinking quite quickly because people are so sick.”?

On behalf of the health Minister, what I say nurses are saying through the turnover rate is under their watch it was 11.7 percent; now it’s down to 8.4 percent. Nurses are saying they’re staying.

Could the Minister tell us, during the massive nurse shortages by 2023, how many of those questioners were asking questions in Parliament about that?

On behalf of—

No, you don’t have responsibility for a previous Parliament.

Why, when hospitals across New Zealand are in urgent need of nurses, will he not commit to offering every New Zealand trained nurse a job?

On behalf of the Minister of Health, what a reckless policy, to spend half a billion dollars on committed funding already in the health system. That member needs to come clean. What will she cut to pay for it—

No, no—stop. You’re going to address the question, not start with an attack. Please address the question—or ask the question again.

Why, when hospitals across New Zealand are in urgent need of more nurses, will he not commit to offering every New Zealand-trained nurse a job?

On behalf of the Minister, it’s amazing how everything seems so easy when you’re in Opposition and do very little in Government. The figures I’ve said today, of offering to 1,800 graduate nurses, is the biggest offer in this country out of any year for the last seven years. We’re committed to growing the workforce. That is why vacancy rates have come down, turnover rates have come down, but most of all, there are 2,100 more nurses at the front lines of our health system.

I’ve taken further advice from the point of order raised by the Hon Kieran McAnulty before. I’m advised that because members are responsible only for their own statements in the House, the Minister answering on behalf would be responsible for correcting incorrect statements.

14:36 · to the Minister for Small Business and Manufacturing

Does the Government have any plans to introduce a capital gains tax on small businesses?

14:37

No. The Government has no such plans. My focus as Minister for Small Business and Manufacturing is on lowering costs for businesses and backing the nearly 600,000 small businesses in New Zealand to grow and succeed. Taxing owners on the premises that they have spent a lifetime building would do the opposite. This Government backs the people who take the risk and build something.

What has the Minister heard from small-business owners about what happens to property that they operate from when they sell up?

What I hear constantly is that the two cannot be separated. If the member was to look on what he would call his “TradeMe machine”, what he would see today, for sale, is a mechanic in the Hutt, a pub in Hokitika, a motorbike dealer in Ngātea—businesses and building sold as one. For those owners, that building is their retirement plan. If the workshop’s value rises by $100,000, a capital gains tax, at 28 percent, takes $28,000 off it. A tax on the shop floor is a tax on their hard-earned retirement.

How would such a capital gains tax affect owners who face selling up not by choice but because of ill-health or a relationship breakdown?

It would hit them at the worst possible moment. These things cannot be planned: a diagnosis arrives, a marriage ends, and an owner shuts up shop and has to take whatever the sale brings. They are not selling at the top of the market; they are selling because they have to. A capital gains tax on top of that is just, frankly, salt in the wound. Taxing someone on the way out is not taxing success; it is taxing bad luck.

How many people were there in work-based learning last year, and how does that compare to the number of people in work-based learning in 2023?

Point of order, Mr Speaker. I’m wondering if the person asking the question might like to read from the actual question that he put.

14:39 · to the Minister for Tertiary Education

How many people were there in work-based learning last year, and how does that compare to the number of people in work-based learning in 2023?

Mr Speaker, would he like to try another go at it?

No, he wouldn’t, and it might be a good idea to take a view that the Leader of the House would want things to be moving along, I’m sure, quite speedily given the debate that’s coming.

14:40

Thank you, Mr Speaker. There were 138,730 learners in work-based learning in 2023, and 108,315 learners in 2025. This decline in apprentice numbers reflects lower levels of business confidence that we inherited from the previous Government, driven by higher costs and economic pressures, particularly in the construction sector. The good news is that recent Treasury forecasts predict 220,000 more jobs being created over the next four years, so we expect to see apprentice numbers track up as businesses feel more confident in training new staff—as long as they haven’t got to face nine new taxes.

Is it correct that the number of apprentices has dropped to a 15-year low under her watch?

Well, as I said before, it was an economic situation that we inherited. What I can say, though, is that the previous number of apprentices through Apprenticeship Boost were not actually completing their qualifications, so there was a significant decline in credit-completion rates: in 2021, 67 percent only; in 2025, 86 percent credit-completion rates. Apprentice retention rates have increased under this Government and attrition rates have decreased. That is a better outcome.

Does she agree with Building and Construction Industry Training Organisation (BCITO) chief executive Jason Hungerford, who said, “We’ve got around 600 people ready and willing to start an apprenticeship right now. What we don’t have is perhaps the confidence in some of those employers that are willing to take that next step and take them on.”?

I agree with Jason Hungerford BCITO CEO when he said, “There are signs that building and construction are starting to recover, and that should result in more apprentices and workplace training.”

Does she agree with Energy and Infrastructure Industry Skills Board chief executive, Philip Aldridge, who said that a lack of apprentices means “we’re going to have difficulty resourcing up for key initiatives, whether it’s roading, water, extractive projects”?

I agree with the Manufacturing and Engineering Industry Skills Board, which says manufacturing companies are intending to increase apprentice numbers: “Apprentice numbers have generally been subdued for a few years as we’ve come off a post-COVID high and business confidence being hit by the extended war in the Gulf. However, our manufacturing and engineering industries have been continuing, with signs of recovery and growth over the last year, and many companies now face skill shortages and consequently are looking to take on more apprentices.”

Is she surprised that her plan of “cut, cut, disestablish, cut” has led to a drop in apprenticeship numbers and will leave key industries struggling for workers?

As I’ve said before, it’s very difficult to cut a budget that wasn’t there, and there was no budget for Apprenticeship Boost from the end of 2024. This Government rescued Apprenticeship Boost and targeted Apprenticeship Boost, and therefore, we are delighted to see that so many industries are intending to take on more apprentices as the economy grows. It is why we are so focused on growing the economy, not adding more taxes.

14:45 · to the Minister for Food Safety

What recent announcements has he made about reducing barriers to New Zealanders accessing home-kill and hunted meats?

This week, I announced that the Government is consulting on the rules for home-kill and hunted meat, including the 28-day rule. This rule means that if you buy, or are given, an animal off a local farmer, a listed home-kill provider cannot process it for you until you’ve shown that you’ve been caring for it for 28 days. No one has looked at these rules in 20 years, and this consultation is part of a sustained Government effort to reduce red tape and bring the cost of good quality food down for consumers.

Why does the Minster believe the 28-day rule needs looking at?

If a neighbour or a close friend wants to come to my farm and I’m prepared to sell or even give them—probably not give them—a lamb or a beast for the freezer, then I can’t see why the Government would stand in the way of that. Not only does it give people access to more affordable food, but it also supports thriving and more connected rural communities. This consultation will be about testing whether there genuinely is a food safety need for this rule or whether it’s just an example of a silly rule that’s just standing in the way of unlocking New Zealand’s potential.

What impact would this change have on food prices?

I can’t be concrete in my numbers, but my experience as a farmer, sending animals to the works, is that you get paid a lot less for that animal than if you were to go and buy it piece by piece in the supermarket. Being able to supply meat, this animal, directly to people will leave that difference in their back pocket.

What has the Minister heard from farmers and hunters about donating meat?

I’ve heard from hunters and farmers who want to give meat to local sports clubs, community organisations, or food banks and aren’t sure if they’re allowed to. There are ways to donate, but there does appear to be some inconsistency in different pieces of legislation, which is driving uncertainty among people who want to help. Meat is the number one thing food banks are looking for, and the dearest thing for them to provide. That’s a waste on both sides, and it’s worth cleaning up.

Do you take cash for those cattle beasts, or how does it work?

With the GST. I don’t want to upset the revenue Minister.

14:47 · to the Minister of Justice

What actions, if any, has his Government taken to lift voter enrolment among 18- to 24-year-olds?

14:48

I’m advised that $18.1 million has been allocated by the Electoral Commission to support enrolment in the 2026 election, after the Government provided an additional $61.8 million in the Budget 2025 to support the effectiveness and timeliness of electoral services. That $18 million compares with $10.8 million in the previous election. The Electoral Commission, I note, of course, is independent and is undertaking a significant, nationwide information and education programme, which will help young people and first-time voters know how to enrol. I’m sure every New Zealander will have seen all the various notices around town.

What is he doing to ensure the Electoral Commission’s outreach to rangatahi is effective, given enrolment among 18- to 24-year-olds is just 57.5 percent and significantly lower than at the same time in the last election?

I’ll give the member the latest figures: yes, overall, enrolment is at 89.7 percent, compared with 88.7 percent three years ago. So we’re actually ahead, but it’s true that when it comes to young people, it’s currently 56.9 percent, compared with 59.7 percent, so we’re two points below where we were. My encouragement to the Electoral Commission and to the young people of New Zealand will be to get themselves enrolled as quickly as possible. That is why we’ve put some extra resources into the hands of the Electoral Commission, but I do note they are being very energetic in their efforts to get people enrolled.

Why is he making it harder to vote during the 13-day pre-election period, the exact period when, last election, about 50,000 young people enrolled to vote?

Well, that 50,000 enrolled to vote during that period last time because they could; but this time, they won’t be able to, and we’ve been sending a very clear message for a very long time now that the rules have changed. We’ve done that because we were facing an ever-increasing number of special votes, and special votes take 10 times as long to deal with after the election. I encourage young people to tune in. For example, as well as advertising in news media and in in-person community events and digital social channels that are being used, the Electoral Commission is also advertising on channels that young people use—in particular, Snapchat, TikTok—and they’re even advertising on gaming platforms, so thorough is their effort to ensure that people have every opportunity to get enrolled. But I would remind people that are tuning in and listening to this that it is a requirement under the law, if you are 18, to be enrolled. And so get yourself enrolled—it’s not hard—and then you can vote.

What does he say to young people in Ōtāhuhu and Manurewa where fewer than 42 percent of eligible 18- to 24-year-olds are enrolled?

My message to the young people of Ōtāhuhu is get enrolled. It’s not hard to do, and if you want to vote, you should get yourself enrolled. My advice to them, of course, would be to party vote National.

That concludes oral questions. We’ll take a short pause while members who have to leave the House do so quietly and without conversation on the way.

on behalf of the Minister of Finance: I move, That the Imprest Supply (Second for 2026/27) Bill be now read a first time.

The bill is set down for second reading immediately.

14:54

on behalf of the Minister of Finance: I move, That the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill be now read a third time and the Imprest Supply (Second for 2026/27) Bill be now read a second time.

These two bills before the House today are both very important to our public finance system. Appropriation bills and imprest supply bills give the Government the authorisation by Parliament to spend money lawfully. The Public Finance Act makes it clear that the Government cannot incur expenses or commit capital expenditure without that authority. This is the constitutional principle long since held since the restoration of the Crown in the United Kingdom in 1660. For members and those listening at home, more detail on the history of the imprest supply can be found in chapter 42 of McGee.

The Imprest Supply (Second for 2026/27) Bill provides interim parliamentary authority for expenditure decisions made or to be made by the Government through to the end of the financial year that are additional to the amounts in the 2026-27 Estimates. The second imprest bill provides for any operating or capital decisions, including precommitments against future Budget allowances and expenditure incurred against the between-Budget contingency. It also covers fiscally neutral adjustments which increase one appropriation but decrease another, confirmation of expense transfers, increases in demand-driven appropriations, and drawdowns of existing tagged contingencies. Provisions are also made for any risks that may materialise—for example, matters covered in the “Risks to the Forecasts” chapter of the Budget Economic and Fiscal Update.

The amount of authority requested in the Imprest Supply (Second for 2026/27) Bill is $29 billion, made up of $16 billion of expenses, $12 billion of capital expenditure, and $1 billion of capital injections. The amount requested this year is broadly consistent with those sought in recent years’ second imprest supply bills, except for last year. The significantly higher amount requested last year reflected a provision for the potential one-off transfer of approximately $30 billion of school property assets from the Ministry of Education to the New Zealand School Property Agency. The amount sought in this imprest bill will be sufficient to cover any expenditure that may be incurred in this financial year that is additional to what is in the 2026-27 Estimates.

Treasury reporting indicates that actual expenditures incurred against imprest supply Acts are considerably lower than the authority provided by legislation. All expenditure incurred under the interim authority of the second imprest supply bill still needs to be appropriated by Parliament before the end of the financial year, as is the case every year. This will be done through the Appropriation (2026/27 Supplementary Estimates) Bill, which will be introduced on Budget day 2027.

Not only do we have before us the second imprest supply bill, but we also debate the third reading of the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill, which had its second reading on Budget day, 28 May 2026. This bill sees the Budget becoming law—a Budget that is focused on securing New Zealand’s future. Budget 2026 is a responsible Budget that boosts funding for essential services and invests in the infrastructure New Zealanders need for the future without breaking the bank.

Thanks to this Government’s careful management of the public finances, New Zealand is digging its way out of the post-COVID fiscal and economic hole. Balanced books are now in sight, with a forecast return to surplus in 2028-29. Returning to surplus and reducing debt means that more of the tax dollars earned by hard-working New Zealanders can be invested in the front-line services and infrastructure Kiwis rely on rather than servicing interest costs. We are building the future through Budget 2026, with investment in State highways, rail, hospitals, schools, social housing, courthouses, police stations, and defence capability. These investments mean thousands of jobs up and down the country, improved transport connections, and support for economic growth.

There are a few key announcements from Budget 2026 that I want to draw to the attention of the House this afternoon. The single biggest item in the Budget is support for front-line health services. Next year, Government spending on the health system is expected to total $34 billion, which equates to $17,000 for every New Zealand household. Budget 2026 provides an additional $5.5 billion to help the public health system meet front-line demand and deliver more services, including increased emergency department capacity, specialist assessment, elective surgery, cancer treatments, and GP visits, alongside targeted investments in paediatric palliative care, ambulance services, forensic mental health, and Pharmac.

It also commits $682 million in capital funding for health infrastructure, including a new 158-bed ward tower at Whangārei Hospital and the next stages of development at Tauranga, Hawke’s Bay and Palmerston North hospitals. Through this Budget, the Government is funding the purchase of land south of Auckland for a future new hospital, the redevelopment of the Mason Clinic in Auckland, and costs for the establishment of, of course, our new medical school at the University of Waikato. The starting age for free bowel screening will be lowered from 58 to 56 from the 30th of this month, and new mums will have the choice of longer postnatal stays thanks to this Budget.

We came into office promising to teach the basics brilliantly, and this year’s Budget continues efforts to boost educational achievement. Budget 2026 invests an additional $1.6 billion in operating funding for schooling and early childhood education, supports better opportunities for young people while helping to build a more productive, highly skilled workforce. Schools will receive increased operational funding, including support for higher employer KiwiSaver contributions, while early childhood education services will benefit from higher funding rates. The Budget also includes targeted investments to strengthen teaching and learning reading, writing, and maths, and to support the roll-out of a refreshed secondary curriculum and new national qualifications.

Next year, the Healthy School Lunches Programme will continue to offer students nutritious and affordable meals as ongoing work continues in the background for any potential future innovations in that programme. Budget 2026 also allocates $470 million of capital funding to redevelop up to 10 schools to deliver up to 232 additional classrooms and purchase land for new school sites in high-growth areas such as Queenstown.

This Budget ends the failed Fees-free scheme, which did not increase enrolments nor completion rates, especially for students from low-income backgrounds. The funding will now be put to better use to deliver front-line public services, including better prepared young people for trades and other vocational education. This Government will double trades academy places for year 11 to 13 students from 10,000 to 20,000 and provide 1,000 additional Youth Guarantee places offering wraparound support and training to school leavers with no or low qualifications.

This Government supports law and order, and through this Budget we’re providing a $1.1 billion uplift in the operating funding for Corrections, Customs, Police, and the Ministry of Justice to maintain essential front-line services that keep our communities safe. This includes funding of $477 million for Corrections to manage an increased number of prisoners, a $50 million funding boost for front-line policing, and investments to replace Police’s end-of-life automated biometric identification system. The Budget also provides funding to establish a new independent firearms regulator, Firearms Safety and Education New Zealand. Budget 2026 provides capital funding of $100 million towards the construction of a new High Court, District Court, and Māori Land Court in Rotorua—and, finally, funds badly needed for new police stations in Greymouth and Wanganui. Customs also received new funding to disrupt serious transnational organised crime groups and to combat drug smuggling.

None of this can be taken for granted. Delivering these results requires New Zealanders to stay the course. The country cannot afford to put all of this at risk, and with promises of reckless spending or large new taxes from many across the House, except on this side, we are fixing the basics and building the future. I commend these bills to the House.

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

15:04

Thank you, Madam Speaker. It’s often said in this House that Budgets are the opportunity for Governments to clearly spell out their priorities. In that thick tome of spreadsheet data, a Government lays bare what’s at its soul: what its priorities are, what its values are, and what it thinks is important for New Zealand’s future. We’ve just heard the Minister who took his seat, the Hon Simon Watts, say that this was a Budget that did it without breaking the bank. Well, this is the Budget that is breaking New Zealand families up and down the country.

There are New Zealand families that are doing everything right. They’re working hard, but they’re struggling to pay their bills, they’re struggling to get ahead, and they’re struggling to make ends meet. Those families, right up and down our country, saw this as a letter addressed to them this Budget, that told them very clearly: they cannot afford another three years of this National Government. They see that this National Government has no plan to address what is important to them and what they are struggling with. We had a National Government that came in and offered real action on the cost of living. We now have a Minister in that Government telling us with pride about sustained price increases that New Zealand families are facing at the supermarket, as if that’s an achievement and as if that is a source of pride.

We had Nicola Willis, in 2023, say, “National will take action to get food prices under control once more.” We have Christopher Luxon saying in 2023, “I mean, so, the first thing that we’ve got to do is we’ve got to reduce the cost of living.” Well, this is certainly not what New Zealand families are experiencing. They have Ministers in their Government, now, that see that achievement and doing things well is when, every time they go to the supermarket, the prices are still rising. For this Government, that’s what success looks like.

Let’s look at some of those items in this Budget. Let’s look at health, that the Minister who just took his seat was so, so pleased to talk about, and let’s talk about nursing staffing levels. Let’s talk about how this is a Government that, over two successive Governments, provided funding that delivered New Zealanders 54 fulltime-equivalent nursing positions in New Zealand.

Now, if you’re at home and you’re getting a bit confused because you’re hearing ministers misleading by saying, “Oh no, there’s been 2,000.”, here’s what the facts are: that 2,000 figure includes the period from October 2023 through to February 2024, before the National Government, that had just come in, threw down the anchor and put in place a hiring freeze. Those people that were employed between October and the end of February—those hiring processes that were in place started under a Labour Government. From March 2024 to March 2026, this National-led Government has led a Government that has delivered New Zealanders 54 fulltime-equivalent nursing positions. That is a disgrace. That is something that every member of that National Party caucus and every member of a political party that occupies those Government benches should hang their heads in shame for.

Point of order. Madam Speaker, we’re on the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill, and it’s not a free-for-all National Party slag-off, which the opposite member’s doing. I just seek your guidance on whether she’s straying a bit or whether it’s just going to be opened up to a general debate for the rest of us.

It’s not really a point of order—

Speaking to the point of order—

It’s not really a point of order, so I’m not going to take it any further.

OK, thank you, because I can assure you that that wasn’t a generalised attack on the National Party; this is talking about the Budget, and what this National Party has failed to deliver Budget after Budget. As I said, Budgets are a chance where Governments reveal their values and where they reveal what they think are priorities for New Zealanders, and this is a succession of Budgets where the National Party has told New Zealanders that, certainly, nursing is not part of that.

We had the Minister speaking on behalf of the Minister of Health today, talking about promises to hire New Zealand’s graduates that we train in this country as “reckless”. That was the language that was used by the Minister—actually hiring the nurses that we train in this country would be “reckless”, according to the National Party. That certainly is what is contained in the Budget documents. That sentiment carries through and flows through into those spreadsheets. Like too many New Zealanders, I’ve had more occasion to be present in the health system over the last three years than I care to have ever imagined I would, caring for elderly, very ill parents.

I can tell everybody that the nursing staff that I encountered on each of those visits worked hard, they cared, but they were slammed. When I look back now and I see that the people coming to support them were only 54 full-time hires over a two-year period to add to those wards where those nurses were run ragged, it is simply appalling and it is a sign of a Government that has absolutely let New Zealand down, and yet another reason why we just cannot afford another three years of this National Government.

Then we turn not only to our health system, but the other thing that New Zealanders look for in Budgets is hope. Where are the opportunities? Where is it that I’m going to get ahead? Where is it that I and my family might find those opportunities to get ahead? Well, if it’s looking for employment, it certainly isn’t the case, because Budgets are the place where Governments put in place initiatives that lead to employment. This Government’s put in place one initiative in its time in office. It’s talked about what it will lead to in terms of future employment. For the record, that was, I think, 1 percent growth in employment over a 20-year period, with a 1.5 percent uplift in wages over a 20-year period.

We put that against a Monetary Policy Statement that came out yesterday, that talks about 171,000 New Zealanders who are now unemployed. Worse than that, there are 440,000 New Zealanders who are underutilised in our economy. Now, underutilised is a pretty clinical word for people that want to work more but simply cannot find those hours. They’re not getting as many hours as they want to, and what that means is they’re not getting paid as much as they need to. They’re not showing up in unemployment figures, but what they’re not doing is able to make ends meet. They’re not able to pay their bills, they’re not able to put food on the table, and they’re not able to care for their futures.

We’ve got youth unemployment in this country that is the highest since the global financial crisis. This is something that we need to examine and come up with solutions for. Was there anything in this Budget for this? No, there was not. Was there a commitment to back our young people, to do things like say, “We will hire all our graduate nurses. We will give them full-time jobs. I’ll tell you what, we’ll improve our health system as we go.”? Was there a real plan to uplift apprenticeships in this country, bring back Māori trade training schemes, things that history has shown us in New Zealand work? No. Those plans were not in this Budget.

Were we seeing support for our small businesses? No, we were not. Were we seeing things like a real effort from Government to go and use homegrown talent and back our small businesses to have thresholds in there of what needs to be purchased not only from New Zealand - owned businesses but small New Zealand businesses to really give them that ability to get ahead? Did we see initiatives in there that our small businesses that employ so many New Zealanders could expense assets under $10,000? Did we have rules in there about Government decreasing the amount of time it took to pay our small businesses? No, we did not.

What we did not see in this Budget was anything that was about really addressing those pressures that New Zealand families up and down the country are feeling—anything to address those cost of living pressures. We know so many New Zealand families are working hard, they are getting ahead, they’re doing everything right, but what they have is a National Government that has let them down. They have a National Government that is not putting their interests first. What they have is a Government they cannot afford another three years of, because this is a Government that is delivering Budgets that are not putting them first. It is a Government that is delivering Budgets that are not thinking about “How is it that we assist our families in New Zealand?”

15:14

Thank you so much, Madam Speaker. A surplus built off the back of people most struggling to make ends meet is worth nothing.

What is even the point of slogans like “Getting back on track” if getting back on track means cutting support to the people who are already struggling the most to make ends meet? What is the point of a surplus if it’s off the back of low-income homeowners who are having their accommodation supplement cut? What is the point of your surplus if it’s off the back of cuts to temporary additional support that is accessed by people who may need to meet their costs of cancer medicines or travel costs to go to the doctor for lifesaving procedures? What is the point of a surplus if it comes off the back of cutting benefits for sick, injured, and disabled 18- and 19-year-olds, including cancer patients and people who are struggling with ill mental health?

A surplus that is built off the back of everyday workers tells us that this is a Government that would rather build an economy that benefits the wealthy few as opposed to everyday working people. This Government has told us time and time again that there is not enough money to end poverty in this country—that there is not enough money, apparently, to guarantee a job for every worker in the healthcare system—and yet they tell us that there are billions for military equipment. They tell us that there are billions for landlords. They tell us that there is always money for the people who are already doing well. If this doesn’t tell you who this Government is serving, I don’t know what will.

I want to reflect a little bit on the Estimates debate that we held over the past few weeks, because, to me, the fact that we had a Minister for Social Development and Employment, when asked about savings produced through the use of automated decision-making and therefore mandatory reviews, and whether this had resulted in main benefits being cut—we had a Minister who said, “No.” A few minutes later, she said, “Possibly”, and then, a couple of days later, it turns out that, yes, main benefits had been cut through the use of automated decision-making and mandatory reviews. Then she tried to walk it back by saying, “Oh well, don’t worry. I had actually said ‘Yes’ on 17 August.” I cannot find a single statement made by her that says that, so I am none the wiser about what the Minister was hoping to do with this.

The key thing here is that mandatory reviews were touted by the Minister as better supporting people to receive their benefit entitlements, but what we know is that, instead, this policy has been used as yet another tool to strip people of support when they need it the most. When I say support for people who need it the most, I am talking about supported living payment recipients, people who have long-term health conditions, injuries that prevent them from being in full-time employment for over two years, or disabilities that keep them out of the labour market. These are the people who are having their support cut. So, whenever the National Party tells you that they’re on track to deliver a surplus, I want to remind them that their surplus is being achieved through cuts for people in poverty.

These are all decisions that are being made by humans who are in power. It doesn’t have to be this way. Our economy could instead serve everyday working people. We could, instead of delivering tax cuts that benefit high-income earners the most, tax the wealthy few to deliver a tax-free bracket for low-income workers that would actually help alleviate poverty. We could instead invest in renewable energy to lower power bills. We could do things like banning price gouging, so that the duopoly stops taking advantage of everyday people. We can make different decisions; it does not have to be this way. If the Estimates and decisions being made by this Government show us anything, it is that they will go to any length to punish the people who are most impacted by the current high unemployment crisis, instead of focusing on creating jobs.

I’ll tell you what, Christopher Luxon, there is not a job in Rocket Lab for every unemployed person out there, so I recommend that maybe the Prime Minister gets out a little bit more, talks to the 18- and 19-year-olds who are sick, injured, or disabled who are having their support cut, and tells us whether he is genuinely getting us back on track or back on a track to misery.

This is the second half of a split call. I call Tamatha Paul.

15:20

Thank you, Madam Speaker. On that note—to continue on the theme but to move the focus to housing, a favourite topic in the House—one of the cruellest and, I think, most overlooked parts of this Budget is actually the changes that the Government is making around Kāinga Ora and public housing. It’s one that I don’t think has got nearly, remotely enough attention or scrutiny within this House, or any concern from Government MPs, or a whole lot of coverage from media either. This is an issue.

The changes that are being made in this Budget to adjust the amount of money that people get as a part of the income-related rent subsidy—which is being increased from 25 percent to 30 percent and which, in real terms, looks like an increase, on average, of rent going up $31 per week for those households when they already don’t have the money to pay for their existing costs—are unconscionable in a cost of living crisis. It’s especially unconscionable because it impacts the people with the least in our society, and it just hasn’t even had the time of day in terms of scrutinising it.

The reason, they’ve argued—and it’s funny, because they’re repeating the same lines that they used when they actually introduced the accommodation supplement in the first place—is that they’re trying to create some kind of “horizontal equity” between renters in the private market and those living in Kāinga Ora housing and their costs of rent every week. But that is not the reason that we’re seeing this adjustment in this Budget. The reason that we are seeing this adjustment is because it is a continuation of the funnelling of State funds into the hands of landlords. This is corporate welfare for landlords. If this Government genuinely cared about the outcomes for renters, then they never, ever would have changed the rental laws, as I’ve been talking about, to introduce no-cause evictions, and 60 percent of renters say their lives have not improved since the rental laws were changed in this country.

It doesn’t matter if you’re topping up the accommodation supplement when you’re cutting entitlements in other places—for example, the temporary additional support subsidy, which is also being capped in this Budget, and which can be used to cover accommodation costs. They’re actually not making life better for anybody except landlords, which has been the consistent theme of this entire Government. They’re using their Budget to channel and funnel State funds away from those who need it the most towards people who do not need the assistance of the State to be even wealthier—to prop up the fact that housing is treated as a commodity, as an investment opportunity, in this country, as opposed to treating housing as the human right that it is. That is why public housing exists in the first place—as a social safety net for those who cannot afford the private rental market.

These changes in the Budget were modelled off of officials’ modelling that said that 26,000 households in Kāinga Ora could afford lower-quartile rent in the private market. That is an important piece of information—except for the fact that it’s divorced from reality in that, in July of this year, on TradeMe, there were only 2,569 rentals listed that meet lower-quartile rents. That means that when they’re saying these 26,000 households don’t need to be in public housing because they can afford private rents, there is only affordable rental housing for one in 10 of those people. Tell me where the funding is in this Budget for the nine out of 10 people who will lose their Kāinga Ora home because of this Government’s obsession with landlords and hatred of the poor? It’s hard to read it as anything else—it’s hard to read it as anything else.

Housing is a human right—and we haven’t even touched on the lack of money that is in there to actually build State housing and the fact that in homelessness insights briefings, officials cited the lack of supply and a consistent supply of the building of public housing in Budgets that the Government has set as a driving reason why homelessness has been increasing. The reason that we have increasing homelessness, increasing evictions—258 children evicted from their Kāinga Ora homes due to the decisions of this Government—is because they are callous towards the needs of people in public housing and in Kāinga Ora.

The member’s time has expired.

15:25

Thank you, Madam Speaker. Appropriation bills tell us something very important about the difference between this side of the House and the Opposition.

Yeah—that’s right.

It comes down to one question—one question, Tamatha Paul: when Government has a problem, do you first ask how to spend taxpayer money better, or do you go looking for another way to tax them? ACT starts with this answer: before Parliament authorises spending a dollar, somebody has to earn it—a builder getting up before sunrise; a nurse starting their next shift; a farmer making decisions about next season; or a small-business owner sitting at the kitchen table and working out which bill they need to pay first to keep their business open. These people already know about making choices, and Wellington needs to re-learn that lesson.

Labour’s answer is becoming very clear. They want a new capital gains tax of 28 percent—28 percent—on commercial and residential property. They’ve already decided what they want to spend the money on, too. It’s already gone. Over there on the Greens’ benches, they’ve gone much further: a wealth tax—

Yes!

—a tax on large gifts and inheritance. Mike Davidson says, “Yes”—Mike Davidson says, “Yes”—a wealth tax; a bank levy; a higher company tax rate for large businesses; another, higher income tax rate. This is the same philosophy we saw from the last Government. When the books go into red, when the going gets difficult, the Opposition parties want to reach into somebody else’s pocket.

Everyone deserves a good life.

ACT rejects that approach, Mr Davidson. David Seymour, that wise philosopher and leader of the ACT Party, this week said that New Zealanders do not want and cannot afford new taxes and warned that taxes have a terrible habit of growing. That is why we think of a new tax like an acorn. When it’s introduced, it looks tiny; the politicians who want to plant it tell you not to worry, it only affects just these people, it’s only this much, it’s only for this particular purpose. Well, then the years pass, and the rate goes up, the threshold comes down, the exemptions change, and another Government discovers this revenue stream. The acorn becomes a tree.

Before long, everyone is sitting under this new oak tree just wondering how it became so enormous. Well, another wise man, Milton Friedman, understood government rather well when he said, “Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government programme”. Tax bases have much the same quality. Labour tells New Zealanders that nine out of 10 will not pay its capital gains tax. That rather misses the point. The question is what kind of tax system and what kind of Government do we want to build over the next generation? Because once Parliament creates another major tax, every future finance Minister inherits it.

ACT would rather ask a harder question: can Government do better with the enormous amount it already collects from hard-working Kiwis? That matters, because Labour had six years to demonstrate that approach. When Labour entered Government, core Crown expenses were around $70 billion. By 2023, they were $127 billion. That’s an extraordinary increase, and what did New Zealanders get? Did emergency departments suddenly work brilliantly? Did educational achievement soar? Did infrastructure become easier to build? No, clearly not. Did crime disappear? Not judging by the ram raids and lawlessness that I witnessed firsthand in West Auckland.

I had somebody come to a public meeting recently, who said that they’ve only recently allowed their daughter to go back to the mall with her friends after, as an 11- or 12-year-old, she witnessed a ram raid where robbers—wearing masks and gloves and black clothing, and brandishing baseball bats, a hammer, and what sounds like, to me, being a student of medieval history, a mace—rushed into the mall, into the jewellery store, and smashed their way into cabinets while terrifying shoppers and people walking out of the supermarket with their trolleys. Under Labour, having spending increase from $74 billion a year to $127 billion a year, did crime disappear? Definitely not. New Zealand was heading for anarchy.

The lesson is obvious: spending more money and delivering better government are not the same things. Intentions are not outcomes, and that is why ACT talks about sensible spending. We should spend where it matters—health, education, police and justice, roads of course, water, energy where the Government can make a difference, and infrastructure that allows New Zealanders to build homes, to run businesses, and get to work, fixing what matters. But every dollar wasted on something the Government does not need to do is a dollar unavailable for those things, or a dollar that could have stayed with the person who actually earned it, and taxpayers are entitled to ask, what did they get for their money that Government takes off them?

I see this constantly in infrastructure. New Zealand’s never lacked ribbon-cutting opportunities. We announce a road, announce a hospital, announce a rail project, politicians put on a hard hat, they get a photograph—sometimes they even get a write-up in their local newspaper—then comes the difficult bit. Was it properly designed? Was it procured well? What does it cost to maintain? Who carries the risk when a project goes wrong, either in construction or if it never delivers the promised or imagined benefits? Quite often, based on what I’ve heard from the Opposition, some of the benefits that they propose—and I just take Let’s Get Wellington Moving, for example. Apparently, for spending $80 million on tearing up Lambton Quay and redoing the footpaths—I mean, I walk down there, I think the footpaths are fine and the place looks quite nice—apparently, for $80 million, they were going to get $400 million of benefits.

Now, when I looked into that, because I’m a civil engineer and I like the idea of getting $400 million worth of benefits for $80 million down, it turned out that hundreds of millions of dollars of those benefits were realm—vibe. They’re literally like, “It will feel nicer.” Well, I tell you what, when I walk down Lambton Quay—and I’m an Aucklander, so you know I’m a pretty harsh judge of downtowns, and Auckland’s downtown’s looking pretty flash these days with Commercial Bay and the City Rail Link’s open.

Downtown Blenheim.

This gentleman, James Meager, says downtown Blenheim. I’ve been to downtown Blenheim and they’ve got some beautiful tumbleweeds down there, but it’s not like Lambton Quay or downtown Auckland. But the question we have to ask ourselves when it comes to public sector investment using taxpayers’ money is, are the claimed benefits actually real? In the case of Let’s Get Wellington Moving and the case of the doomed Auckland bike bridge, or even in the case of the doomed Auckland light rail project, which, for $200 million, never delivered a single piece of railway line in five years, despite the fact that the leader of the Opposition at the time, Jacinda Ardern, Leader of Labour Party, claimed that the first train would arrive at a station in Mount Albert by 2021. I tell you what, do not trust people who’ve only ever worked in a fish and chip shop and led the Labour Party to design and deliver your infrastructure for you.

That’s why ACT pushes for better use of private sector capital; proper allocation of risk, including between the private and the public sector, because when the private sector has skin in the game, I tell you what, they want to deliver on time and on budget. Of course, whole-of-life thinking about infrastructure, because operations and maintenance, as the Infrastructure Commission wisely points out, should be at least 60 cents of every infrastructure dollar spent.

There’s no free lunch. We have to make choices. Roger Douglas put it plainly, that great sage and former Labour Minister of Finance—RIP Labour. All Government spending must be paid for, ultimately, by taxpayers, be it through current or future taxes. Borrowing simply sends the tax bill to the next generation, and that wise sage Richard Prebble had a useful description for the alternative approach. Tax, spend, and bust. That’s what this election is going to be about. Labour says another tax. The Greens say several more. There are parties outside of Parliament which wish to impose a land tax. Apparently, according to one of their representatives who spoke at a debate in Morrinsville last night, it’ll only tank the price of farms by 15 percent. I wonder if that party wants to go and ask the banking association whether tanking the price of New Zealand farms will make those loans sustainable.

After what New Zealand households have been through, we should take the pressure on their household budget seriously. The answer cannot be people coming to Wellington and finding another part of their lives to tax. The answer is a more disciplined Government focused on doing the important things well: spend wisely, cut what doesn’t work, pay down debt, build infrastructure that’s needed and delivers, grow the economy, and allow New Zealanders who want to live their best life and work hard to keep more of their rewards. That’s the choice at this election. That’s the choice we’re facing in the vote on this bill. ACT is asking New Zealanders to do something different.

15:35

I rise on behalf of New Zealand First to speak in strong support of the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill. This bill represents the very cornerstone of our parliamentary democracy, the statutory mechanism by which we exercise our fundamental duty as MPs of fiscal oversight and authorise the responsible expenditure of public funds for the upcoming financial year. I’m sure the member from the ACT Party, Simon Court, would agree with that statement. It ensures that every dollar spent is legally bound to its proper scope, providing the transparency, accountability, and stability that New Zealanders demand and deserve. In a nutshell, good fiscal discipline.

But there’s a twin to fiscal discipline. There is the monetary policy, and yes, I will stay on the bill here. I was privileged enough to be with the Reserve Bank this morning on the Finance and Expenditure Committee where they’ve had to raise the OCR to 2.75 percent. What we learnt this morning is that our current inflation is around 4.1 percent, but the actual underlying interest rate is 2.9 percent. The difference is what we’re paying for fuel. That has really hurt us badly, but that’s not all. Let’s just go back a little bit to what we arrived to as a coalition Government.

We had debt to GDP at 53 percent. That is more than half of our GDP in debt caused by the previous Government. We have never had that rate of high cost to GDP, high debt to GDP, since prior to the financial Act 1996. Since that time, this is the first time we’ve got close to that, and of course, the financial Act has allowed us to keep prices stable. It has provided the platform for us; but oh no, the previous Government actually managed to kick that out the door. What we arrived to was $9 billion a year in interest payments on that debt—$9 billion a year. Well, just quickly, if we had that $9 billion, what could we spend it on? Health, education, housing, so many things that we could do with it. That’s about three new hospitals.

I looked in the mirror this morning as I got myself spick and span for coming to Parliament, and I’m sure that a lot of members on the other side did the same, but I would just like to remind them that sometimes you need to actually look into the mirror and have a reflection of your own actions before you start casting aspersions on the other side of the House who are trying to manage this fiscal discipline in a way that we should be doing it. So what did we arrive to? We arrived to that. Soon after that, the Ukraine war—that didn’t help. That really stuffed up our supply chains. That made it really hard for us. What came after that? Tariffs. What came after that? The war in Iran. One hit after another, and yet this side is still wanting to spend more and tax more. Unbelievable. We’re actually trying to manage this and trying to manage the appropriations. I don’t think they have a clue. I don’t think they actually do look in the mirror for anything other than coming to work in the morning.

But there are some green shoots in here, and I know people don’t want to hear this, but this is really, really important. You know who is holding us in good stead right now? It’s the manufacturers, it’s the producers, it’s those people in the productive economy, and in the last month we had another 30,000 people employed during that recovery. These guys are seeing this, looking through what’s in front of us, and exporting and keeping us ahead. It’s fantastic. I was so pleased to hear that. It’s the farmers and our productive sector in manufacturing and mid-sized businesses, so pleased to hear that.

This debate is not about abstract numbers on a page for New Zealand First. This bill is about delivering on written commitments that we signed, sealed, and delivered in our coalition agreement.

We promised New Zealanders that we would be a stable, constructive partner in Government; a partner that respects the taxpayer and ensures public spending is focused on wealth creation and infrastructure, rather than wasteful consumption. The Estimates before us today prove that New Zealand First does not negotiate, we deliver. Let me give you some examples. Out of the appropriations, $1 billion went to rail; $750 million of that was capital expenditure; $477 million of that was operational expenditure, very good at the right time for productivity and moving freight and logistics.

How about regional infrastructure? New Zealand First negotiated the historic establishment of the $1.2 billion Regional Infrastructure Fund (RIF) over this parliamentary term to build projects that will drive our provinces forward. Today, we see tangible proof of that win—$704 million is appropriated to this bill under Vote Business, Science and Innovation, specifically for the Regional Infrastructure Fund. This is real capital, going directly into the veins of our regional economies to build the infrastructure that we know needs to grow. Let me just give you a bit of an example. We’re not just about spending Government money, we’re about using Government expenditure to attract co-investment. The RIF, through enabling growth: 20-odd projects; $354 million invested by the Government. Co-funding: $687.9 million. Energy: $229 million invested; $123 million in co-funding.

Māori economic development: $47 million invested, and another $32 million alongside that. Resilience projects: $291.9 million; $194 million in co-funding. RIF water storage: $134 million; $192 million in co-funding. Total committed funding: just over $1 billion; co-funding: $1.2 billion. That’s what you actually do with Government expenditure when you get the chance. You invest it in the productive economy.

Second, protecting our seniors. We pledge to protect seniors by keeping the superannuation age at 65, which they deserve; maintaining the winter energy payment; and upgrading the SuperGold card—that wonderful card. This bill backs that up with funding allocated for the New Zealand Superannuation Fund and the winter energy payment. We did not stop there. We secured $4 million specifically to fund the enhancement and promotion of SuperGold cards, and $82 million for the rates rebate scheme to directly ease the cost of living burden on our beloved seniors.

How about honouring our military veterans? We deliver on the service cost of veterans’ entitlements, alongside those I’ve just mentioned. More importantly, we’ve locked a major multi-year appropriation, running through to 2031, to fund the unwind of the discount rate on veterans’ entitlements. This is a long-term, multimillion-dollar shield for our heroes.

Fourth, backing our young workers and apprentices. In the coalition agreement, New Zealand First insisted on maintaining the Apprenticeship Boost scheme to keep training our workforce. This bill delivers on that, with over $25 million specifically appropriated for apprentice support.

New Zealand First, and this Government, is a party of its word. We promised, we deliver, and we commend this House to the bill—or the bill to the House, whichever way you want it.

This is a split call—Lan Pham.

15:44

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I hear, time and time again when I’m out in the community, that New Zealanders expect a duty of care when it comes to te taiao, our environment. They expect that of Governments of any political stripes, so it’s been absolutely extraordinary for the general public, but also for community at any level, to see this Government and their attacks on nature. This is through and through their Budget decisions. It’s not hyperbole. It’s not something that’s on paper; it’s something that’s real and that is costing the country, costing our communities. What I find absolutely frustrating, in hearing the Government members talk about particularly the election, but even their Budget and how that relates to things that are happening today, is how they’re apparently so focused on the costs. They’re so against this idea of any taxes or costs to community, when they simultaneously seem to have absolutely no concept of the fact that they are taxing and costing New Zealanders after every turn and every decision.

What do those costs actually look like? They look like costs on drinking-water pollution. They look like the costs on our ocean ecosystems collapsing, and the spin-off effects into our economy and our communities and our society. It looks like delay and denial when it comes to climate change, for example—pushing forward and pushing back any climate commitments that we may have as a country. We even saw the Minister for the Environment, Nicola Grigg, announce the other day that she was pushing back on her plans to ban hard-to-recycle PVC and polystyrene, something that had already been committed to in 2024—and then, here we go, a lobbying blitz ahead of us, and now it’s delayed even further, because apparently the Government has other priorities.

The priorities that have so clearly come forward, that are part of this Budget, are the priorities that include things like disestablishing the Ministry for the Environment. The fact that their only major expenditure in the environmental space are their resource management reforms, and these are the reforms that so-called dictate that environmental limits are not actually based on environmental limits at all. They are embedding into those acts climate denial and delay into the heart of our resource management legislation. What I find completely unacceptable about that is it is ultimately costing our kids, our grandkids, and future generations. These costs exist in reality, and when the Government does not address them, and does not apply, for example, the basic idea that polluters should pay for the damage that they do to our commons, our shared environment.

In the Resource Management Act reform bills, that only applies to contaminated land; it doesn’t apply elsewhere across the board. Instead of the Government taking any responsibility in their duty of care to actually deliver for New Zealanders, they’re failing New Zealanders. They’ve failed the environment, and it’s unfortunately everyday New Zealanders who will be picking up the tab, whether that be in the cost of the treatment of their drinking water; in not being able to go down to their local river, beach, or lake for a swim without fear of getting sick. It’ll be the intergenerational cost when it comes to the natural disasters that we’re seeing time and time again, that are actually increasingly completely unnatural, because they’re born by decisions, the very decisions that are happening right now under this Budget and in this House. That is a shameful legacy for this Government to take to the election, and they’ll be voted out.

15:49

To paraphrase Dr Maria Armoudian from the University of Auckland, “Science strengthens societies by building and deepening knowledge.” As Greens, we are very aware of the need to live within Earth’s limits and to respect the thin layer of life on this planet. We recognise that ecosystems and scientific knowledge are interwoven, both enhancing and invigorating each other. So we need trans-disciplinary and evidence-based practices to guide science and technology and to support decision-making to be precautionary and informed—something this Government knows nothing about.

Christopher Luxon says he wants to brutally commercialise our science system. I’m reminded of the days of Roger Douglas that began the brutal destruction of our social contract and the turn to neoliberal barbarism—something represented by the ACT Party in our Parliament today. “Budget 2026 pushes the science system into a quiet purgatory, with zero announcements from the Minister’s office since 1 April”, lamented New Zealand Association of Scientists Co-president Troy Baisden back in May. He continued: “The only real story for science is the long-running decline in the foundations of our research and tertiary education system.”

We’re experiencing a local state of emergency virtually every week at the moment as climate impacts hit thick and fast. We’re in a super El Nino, which will impact our primary sector, our hydrology, and society in general. Yet, we’ve suffered an emptying out of expertise after the Government’s cuts to basic research. Who is going to bottle “essence of flooded farm” and sell it, brutally commercialise it at Auckland’s Britomart? Who is going to brutally commercialise the air, soil, and water? Well, we know this Government’s going to do that. But who will help us avoid the next silent spring with young scientists leaving the country in record numbers?

Science and research should nurture learning and curiosity. It should not be directed towards profit. They should critique society and our entrenched beliefs, help us understand misinformation and disinformation that we get from the other side of the House, and give us techniques to address extremism and conspirituality. Science should be enabled to provide the best evidence-based and reputable insights to the important social and material questions and problems.

And an appropriations debate should mention somewhere in the speech about the appropriations.

Thank you, Madam Speaker. We agree with Troy Baisden, who said, “Foundational public investment in research must be at least 0.6% of GDP to provide agile support for business and government as opportunities and shocks arrive on our doorstep. It provides the foundation upon which businesses and government can quickly and efficiently fund the outcomes they need. Currently we are trending towards 0.3% of GDP, half the needed level.” We view investment into research, science, and technology as long-term infrastructure investment. We aim to ensure that the funding levels are reliable and are tailored to the research context, and at least 2 percent of GDP.

This Government has had a total disregard for meaningful jobs in the science, tech, and innovation sector or in evidence-based decision-making. It’s at a time when we need to boost and enhance our science ecosystem to deal with the ever deepening polycrisis. So what I can say to you is roll on 7 November.

15:54

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I think the only thing brutal in that last five minutes was the speech. But I do like the member’s green jacket. It’s very sharp on you, sir. Speaking of clothing, I wear a black shirt today, because it’s great to see that this Government is getting the budget back in black in 2028-2029—fantastic to see. In fact, this’ll be the first surplus in a decade and a year earlier than previously forecast. The Treasury forecasts the Government’s headline operating balance before gains and losses, excluding ACC revenue and expenses in 2025-2026 to be at $11.9 billion negative this year. We missed out 2026-2027, we get very close in 2027-2028, and then in 2028-2029 we’re set to post a $2.6 billion surplus. I want to say surplus quite slowly because that word doesn’t get used much in this chamber. But now that National is back, it’s going to be a lot more common.

I’m quite excited to talk about a lot of the things that have been appropriated in this Budget, as I’ve already mentioned the surplus. But if there was to be a winner, it would be health. Our investment in health has been one of the most significant investments ever made. I’d love to correct the record where the previous Labour MP Megan Woods was waxing lyrical about the 54 nurses. It’s been annoying me, so I thought I’d do a little bit of research and just set the record straight. Because Mark Twain, I believe it was, said there are “Lies, damn lies, and statistics.” Let’s set the record straight. Labour is comparing March 2024 with March 2026. Health New Zealand nursing fulltime-equivalents (FTEs) were about 29,404 in March 2024 and 29,458 in March 2026, hence the net increase of roughly 54 FTEs. But here’s the thing, the Government took office in late November 2023, not March 2024. So using September 2023, the last full quarterly snapshot before the election, Health New Zealand had 27,818—

Your Minister admitted it.

Do you want to take a call, Reuben?

I’m going to later.

Good. Well, just save it till then, because you’re going to run out of hot air.

Just keep the debate tidy.

By March 2026, it has 29,458—a net increase of 1,640 nursing FTEs.

So, importantly, neither figure literally means how many nurses were hired; they are net workforce changes. Thousands of nurses can be recruited, while thousands of other retire, resign, move overseas, change hours, or otherwise leave Health New Zealand. So saying that National only hired 54 nurses is simply not correct. The Opposition likes to cherry-pick and misconstrue and run roughshod over the facts that we are providing.

The other good thing which was great to know about the health budget was, of course, the postnatal stays: $34 million additional for mums that are able to stay in postnatal care for three nights. Again, I’d just like to acknowledge our colleague Catherine Wedd for her member’s bill and the work that was done in that space, for that’s going to be significant. Or the additional $54 million for Pharmac to purchase medicines, or the $35 million to boost support for road ambulance services.

We heard earlier from Dr David Wilson, we spoke to the Reserve Bank this morning in the wonderful Finance and Expenditure Committee, and we know that the official cash rate went up slightly today. The large proportion of the inflation contributing to the need for that slightly more conservative approach is because of the fuel crisis. Now, we are so fortunate that we’ve got the leadership of Christopher Luxon and Nicola Willis, who took the fuel crisis into consideration during the Budget. They didn’t radicalise or catastrophise. They said, “Let’s learn from all the crazy mistakes the Opposition made in COVID.” They said, “Let’s make targeted, timely, and temporary measures.” So we offered those to people most in need—those travelling, those working families. It’s good to see that that situation has stabilised. We even put aside money in contingency for that crisis. Now we’re able to use that for some other purposes. That’s what good fiscal management looks like. I’m really pleased to be part of a team that has enabled that.

Let’s talk about infrastructure. We’re doing some significant investment in infrastructure: about $60 billion over and above some of the key highlights of the Budget. Cambridge to Piarere: $1.67 billion—a four-lane expressway that not only helps get people from A to B, but it does so safely, and it does so whilst improving productivity. We all know that our productivity in this country needs to increase. Now, we’ve heard the Opposition talk about cancelling roads of national significance. They’re good at cancelling things that boost productivity.

All it does is it makes New Zealanders get frustrated, it gets more bottle-necked.

Interisland ferries.

I know Julie Anne Genter wants us to drive around on unicorns and speed bumps and all that stuff, but we actually need roads. Even the great electric vehicles that we want to see more of in this country require roads—roads of national significance. It’s great to see that investment taking place. We know that for every billion dollars, Treasury has forecast an extra 5,500 jobs will be created for Kiwis. Over the forecast period, we’re expecting 220,000 new jobs over the four-year period.

I’m pleased to say that even the Reserve Bank Governor confirmed the story for New Zealand is looking good. Even in a constrained environment where we’re seeing lumpy success—the South Island is doing quite well, dairy is doing quite well, but parts of the North Island are having some challenges—the overall picture is one of growth, and it’s looking really positive; really pleased to see that come to bear.

What about education? I know that we had $470 million deployed to redevelop up to 10 new schools. Obviously, a little plug for Hamilton East, Knighton Normal is to get four new classrooms; and, of course, Hillcrest High, an additional 10 as well because of the growth demand in what is largely New Zealand’s fastest growing city—the city of the future. But what about the $69 million towards doubling the trades academy, with 20,000 year 11 to 13s. We’re targeting those young people. We know we want them in work. In conjunction with the work Minister Louise Upston is doing around getting young people engaged, into work, we know that their future and, indeed, our future is so dependant on it.

Our defence. It’s so wonderful to have our Prime Minister focused on national security, economic security, financial security, and the biggest defence boost we’ve seen in the last two budgets, which is phenomenal. New Zealand’s got to step up and play its part in this global economy which has a lot of volatility.

I’d like to finish on an environmental one that the Green Party might like: the $109 million package for better control of wilding pines. I know that was tremendous, particularly through the South Island, it’s going to be well received.

Just in closing, it’s so good to see that there’s a party and, in fact, a coalition that’s working together that wants to reward achievement. We want to see competition, we want to increase productivity, we want to improve this place—these two islands at the bottom of the world called New Zealand Aotearoa. We want to do better. We know that we’ve got to grow the economy. We know we don’t achieve that by adding more taxes, by taxing wealth, by taxing investment, by taxing inheritance.

How many new taxes?

How many new taxes, Dan Bidois? I think we’re up to 10 or 11. It changes every day: wealth, investment, inheritance, business, banks, incomes, properties, streaming, death tax, ghost tax. It just doesn’t stop. But on this side of the House, we just really want to grow the economy. Rather than chop the pie up, we want to grow the economy. We want to grow the pie so everyone can have a bigger piece. By growing the economy, we can have higher wages, we can have better public services, and that’s why we’ve been making changes to these Budget appropriations and redeploying it to the front lines. We’re backing business, we’re backing people that take risks and we want to reward them. We’re getting Government spending under control. Yes, there’s more to do, and we look forward to tackling that in the next three years. Yes, we want to build infrastructure, lift productivity, create jobs, and let New Zealanders keep more of what they earn. National backs New Zealanders. We are fixing the basics and building the future.

16:04

Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. This was a sad Budget—sad indeed. You would think that after three years, having a third budget in place, you might have heard from the members’ opposite about what their track record is on delivery—about what are the things that they’ve done for New Zealand, or even, maybe, their plan going forward. But we did not hear that. We did not hear that at all. No track record, no plan, and no hope for our future from this Government.

Last election, National was very clear: they promised Kiwis that they would fix the cost of living. That was their promise to all New Zealanders. That promise has well and truly been broken. There are so many families up and down our country that know that on a day-to-day basis, when they can’t afford the very basics. It’s so ironic that the strapline for this election for those members opposite is “fixing the basics”, because that’s exactly what so many New Zealanders don’t have right now under this Government.

What National does not understand is that New Zealand is a community. We are connected. The cuts they have in different areas impact and ripple right across our country. They have flow-on effects. Same as when they fail to fix the economy and when inflation goes up, those have knock-on effects right across our economy. Just on my phone a few minutes ago, it flashed up that all major banks in New Zealand have now raised their floating mortgage rates, with the official cash rate going up. For the party who promised New Zealanders three years ago that they would fix the economy and fix the cost of living, all major banks today have now raised their floating mortgage rates.

What does that mean for New Zealanders? That means that there is less money each week for food. That means that there is less money able to be spent on the basics that New Zealanders need. That means when people go to the shops, they’re not spending. When they’re not spending, that’s our local businesses that are liquidating at higher rates than ever before because there is less money in our economy because people are struggling to survive. When we know there’s been over 20,000 business liquidations because of the cost of living crisis and the fact that people are struggling to survive. When those businesses close, what does that mean? That means that more jobs are lost. Record levels of unemployment and people haven’t got jobs as a result of the ongoing impact of this Government’s bad choices. That means that our young people don’t have employment or hope or opportunities here in New Zealand.

New Zealand, quite simply, cannot afford three more years of a Government that cuts, can’t fix the economy, can’t fix the cost of living, and just looks after their own. That is absolutely what has been going on over the past three years. This Budget absolutely confirms it.

What New Zealanders are looking for is actually some hope right now. An ability to see what is the future here in New Zealand—what is that future here in New Zealand for us to be able to give our kids? Where can we find that? Labour’s plan is fighting for better jobs, affordable healthcare, and more affordable household bills. So people can get ahead, so people can have a future here, so New Zealand kids can look here and see themselves with a future right here in New Zealand—not have to go to Australia for a job, not have to go overseas so that they can earn a decent wage.

Better jobs. Better jobs mean things like the Apprenticeship Boost—bringing that back so kids in the Hutt Valley can go through and know that there is Apprenticeship Boost right there. We know that that works and it’s going to work again to give young people opportunities here in New Zealand. Māori Trades Training—funding that ability for services to be delivered and upskill young people so they have hope, ability, and skills here in New Zealand.

Of course, our graduate nurse guarantee. We’ve heard today, after this Budget, 54 nurses they’ve hired over the last period of time. Labour will guarantee every eligible New Zealand - trained graduate a job here in New Zealand. We know, with more nurses caring for patients in a job here at home for the nurses that we train, that is tangible. That is a real outcome that delivers for Kiwis and improves our health system. More nurses mean better care, shorter waitlists, less pressure on staff, and more nurses where patients need them, instead of absolutely running down our health system, as we’ve seen under this Government. We know that National has made healthcare worse for New Zealanders. Too many graduate nurses are struggling to even find work. As we know, 54 in two years. New Zealand quite simply cannot afford another three years of National.

Let’s talk about affordable healthcare. It’s so important for New Zealanders, not only for the cost of living, but also to make primary healthcare more accessible. That is a tangible outcome that Labour will deliver. Three free GP visits—as simple as that. Three free GP visits, enabling primary care to be affordable for New Zealanders. We know there are over 600,000 New Zealanders who can’t afford to go to their local doctor—we want to change that and make it available for all New Zealanders through a Medicare card.

With that same medicare card, there will also be access to be able to get cervical screening, which I’m glad that National now supports. Cervical screening is important.

Free prescriptions—we know there are many New Zealanders right across the country who don’t go and pick up their prescriptions when they need to because of that cost being a prohibitive factor. Under Labour, we will make sure people not only get to see their doctor but also get to pick up their prescription. We know the real way of fixing the problems we’re seeing in our hospitals being absolutely broken and having issues with having people in the hallways and not getting the care they need: if we make primary care accessible and affordable to New Zealanders, that is a long-term solution to our health system.

Finally, lower household bills; solar saver; power bills are that lower. We know that that’s a real and affordable way for power bills in New Zealand to come down and we’re proud to have a good solar saver policy in place. But that’s not the only policy for affordable bills; we also have our policy of one week of public transport for $20. I’ve met and spoken to people when out door knocking in the Hutt Valley and they know that will make a real difference for their weekly bills. For people in Newlands who often commute every day back and forwards between Wellington to work, that will make a tangible difference to people who don’t have enough money to be able to pay for food and pay for bills. One week of transport for $20 capped—that is a real and tangible way that Labour will make sure there are lower household bills.

I think it’s really telling when the only track record and the only delivery that the people opposite have is to list out taxes that don’t exist, and that tells a hundred stories. That tells you that there is no track record for National. They have not delivered any tangible difference for New Zealand. They have not got a plan going forward. Their only plan is to make up things about what Labour’s policy is—that’s it. We know that our rates have gone up. We know that our water bills are really high in the Wellington region. We know we have to pay for parking in the Hutt Valley. We know all of these bills, road user charges—all of those things have gone up and up and up and up.

New Zealanders feel it in the pocket because under this Government, everything has gone up in price, whether that’s food, whether that’s rent, whether that’s daily work—ability to get a job and pay the bills at the end of the week. That has become harder under National. Young people today and those families in New Zealand that are struggling deserve to have something to look forward to. We have an amazing country here in New Zealand—so much opportunity for us to look forward to and to work together, but this Government is holding us back by the bad choices that they have made.

Labour believes that we can have a better future right here in New Zealand and we’ve got a plan to make sure that that happens: by having jobs that people know, that pay a decent wage; by having health care that’s affordable; and by being able to have a home. Those are things that are fundamental. Those are the basics that we know build a strong, connected, vibrant, and thriving community. Those are the things that build communities and those are the things that I am so proud to say that a Labour Government will restore to New Zealand, and those communities, those families, those people up and down the country that are suffering under this National Government—they can lift their heads up with some hope to know that we offer a brighter future and better starts now.

16:13

It’s a pleasure to bring this debate back to the bill, which is the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill, and I have a message for the member there: nothing that she said was in the bill. It is great to be back on the purpose of the bill. What is this bill all about? It’s all about trust: trust about who you can trust to deliver sound economic policy; trust that when a Government spends, they spend it with the intent of getting better outcomes; and trust that a Government will focus on the things that matter to New Zealanders.

It amazes me, the amount of money that Governments spend. This forecast year, we’re due to spend $155 billion of tax—that’s people that have worked, employed others, and then given that over to the State. I don’t think we need any more taxes in this country; we have enough—$155 billion of taxes. The other side have at least 10, I understand, that they wish to institute on the public of New Zealand. We have some serious issues facing this country with respect to the amount that we tax and the spending, and this Budget goes a long way to support public services but also take a measured approach—a strong approach—to get the books back in black, which is why my colleague here is dressed in black to demonstrate that central fact.

This Government spends an enormous amount of money on everything. In fact, one of the biggest items in the Budget was a record investment in health. For all that the opposite side wishes to jump up and down about health, the facts are there—they’re there in the Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Update documents and in the Budget documents. We are spending a record amount of taxpayer money on health and that is really a good thing. In terms of getting the Budget back in good shape, we have a lot of work to do, but we are making good progress.

I just want to take a step back and, for those of you who are at home, just reflect on the amount of debt that our country has. When Labour came into office, we had about $60 billion of net core Crown debt. That jumped up, by the time they left, to $155 billion—nearly $100 billion extra in debt. We came in with one of the largest fiscal deficits in the developed world in terms of the amount that we spent over the amount that we borrowed, due to the previous Government. Nicola Willis has done a fantastic job trying to rein that spending in, but we’re still doing it, and because we’re having that challenge, we’ve had to increase the debt in the last few years as a result of the previous Government’s decisions.

This forecast year, we’ve got a net core Crown debt of $216 billion as forecast, which is roughly 45 percent of GDP. The Minister of Finance has got an objective with this Government to get that down by closing the books by 2028/29, and we can start to pay down that deficit. “Why is this important?”, the other side might say. Well, it’s important because this year alone, we’re spending $9 billion to service that current debt. What can that $9 billion get? Well, that can get a lot of classrooms, a lot of hospitals—

Roads.

Roads—more roads. We need more roads in this—

Three Dunedin hospitals.

Three Dunedin hospitals—at least three Dunedin hospitals there. That can get us a lot. In fact, that’s more—

Harbour bridge.

Yes, that can get us half a new harbour crossing. If it wasn’t for the previous Government’s debt, we would have probably been able to fund the harbour crossing with that interest cost. The interest cost is significant. It is the total amount, in aggregate, that we spend on police, justice, and law and order combined—that’s our debt service cost, that just goes to people who are lending us money on an average yearly basis.

We have significant issues with respect to the debt that we pay, and there are two approaches that are offered in the House. The first is to spend more and to tax more in order to close that debt gap—

Borrow more.

And borrow more. The other is to constrain ourselves and to get the books back in balance by getting more value out of that spend, and that is what this Government is all about.

It really is about trust, this appropriations Budget. Where there is spending that we do make, what is the outcome? Let’s go to the outcomes. With respect to education, we’ve got a huge amount of work, and Erica Stanford’s doing a fantastic job making sure our schools teach the basics brilliantly. There’s money in the Budget that will enable us to have that. Law and order—we’ve got a huge amount of extra money to make sure that New Zealanders feel safe, because that is, by far, the most important priority a Government must make, to keep its people safe. Infrastructure—Ginny Andersen would be impressed; we’ve got a Land Transport Fund, we’ve got maintenance that is funded in the Budget—

Doesn’t fund maintenance.

Well, apparently it doesn’t fund maintenance according to Ginny Andersen, but yes, in the Budget documents, maintenance of roads is included in the Land Transport Fund. Apparently it doesn’t fund maintenance, according to Ginny Andersen, but, yes, in the Budget documents maintenance of roads is included in the Land Transport Fund. We’re focused on Kiwis, right? We’ve talked about the relief that Minister Nicola Willis and the Prime Minister have given as a result of the fuel crisis—that has been well traversed in this House—to provide targeted, temporary, and timely support to those that need it.

There are fantastic wins in this Budget. Ambulance services have been crying out for extra funding. They get it in this Budget. We have extra money for post-natal stays, for those of you who have the opportunity to stay in post-natal care. It’s a fantastic opportunity to become a family unit and is so needed for newborns when they are coming into the world.

On education, we’ve got a doubling of the Trades Academy places, to $20,000, and $87 million for the Youth Guarantee places. This is all good news, and we heard today from the Reserve Bank Governor that all the forecasts are looking better, in terms of growth, in terms of underlying core inflation, no matter what the White House does and what happens in the Middle East. In fact, core inflation is coming down and continues to do so. We are going to experience real wage growth, employment growth, and lower pressure on the cost of living as a result. It is a good appropriations bill.

In terms of the choice that this bill and this election is for voters, it’s quite clear, and I do want to run through it. The choice in this election is very clear: on this side of the House, it’s no new taxes; on the other side, it’s at least nine new taxes. On this side of the House, it’s smaller Government, tracking at 30 percent of GDP; on that side, it’s bigger Government, at 33 percent of GDP. On this side of the House, it’s about a firm commitment to return to surplus, which is supported by economists and bond and ratings agencies; on that side, it is a whimsy, no credibility commitment to return to surplus and no plan to do so—no plan to do so. They’ve got well over $18 billion of unfunded commitments that they all expect to fund out of the Land Transport Fund for some reason.

I think the choice this election is clear. On this side of the House, we’re focused on delivering the basics well in education, in healthcare, and in infrastructure. On that side of the House, they’re focused on empty promises, virtue signalling, identity politics, and simple tax and spend—no delivery. On this side of the House, we’re growth focused. They don’t like growth; they want to defund and de-growth this country in its entirety. We are a Government of yes, saying yes to development, yes to Resource Management Act reform, yes to KiwiSaver, yes to high and real wage growth, and yes to trade agreements with India. The other side is a Government of no—a Government that voted against tax relief, a Government that has no plan and does not support getting rid of red and green tape.

The choice this election is clear. We’re focused on fixing the basics and building the future.

16:24

Thank you, Madam Speaker. Dan Bidois, the previous speaker, is a lovely person who is, I think, actually more intelligent than the average National MP. However, that speech I found quite disappointing, because it’s pretty clear that, in the National Party and on the Government benches, they get up and speak the empty slogans that they have decided will position them to seem like they are the more credible party, when, in truth, pretty much every single decision they have made since they’ve been in Government has been incredibly irresponsible and is resulting in higher costs for ordinary working people here in New Zealand, and those who are living on low incomes for whatever reason, if they happen to be sick or injured or disabled, are finding it harder than ever; if they are unemployed, due to no fault of their own but because the Government decisions, the coalition Government decisions, resulted in less jobs being available, now they’re also being punished for that.

That’s just the truth. It’s the sad truth of this place: that we have to sit here and listen to absolute gaslighting from the Government MPs over and over again. Then they claim that somehow their speeches aren’t about electioneering, when they literally say “fixing the future and building the basics”—whatever it was; “fixing the basics and building the future”—every single speech. I think New Zealanders are smart enough to know that that is an empty, hollow slogan that is covering over the fact that their decisions are all about letting the wealthiest New Zealanders get wealthier and wealthier while that extreme concentration of wealth is propped up by ordinary working New Zealanders, particularly those working in the funded sector and female-dominated industries.

In this Budget, we did not see the funding that would have been necessary to pay people in female-dominated industries what they are worth. We are talking about nurses, teachers, midwives, and care and support workers, and it’s those people who do the fundamental, essential work that props up the rest of the economy. Yet this Government, the coalition Government, cannot be trusted, because they did not campaign on ripping up the pay equity legislation. They did not campaign last election on cancelling 33 pay equity settlements that were in progress. In fact, the National MPs, in Opposition, voted for that legislation. It was completely out of the blue when, under urgency, right before the 2025 Budget, they changed the law overnight to make it harder for people who’ve been underpaid due to systematic undervaluation on gender-based discrimination.

That’s the reality—that’s what they did—so any promise they make now is not worth the paper it’s written on; it’s just an empty, meaningless commitment to try to get re-elected, so they can continue dismantling our democracy, to enable the super-rich to get richer, corporates to make super-profits at the expense of ordinary New Zealanders, and particularly to run roughshod over any environmental protections. We know those environmental protections are deeply important to New Zealanders. The conservation estate is deeply important to New Zealanders. In this Budget, I heard some of the Government members talk about some tiny little scraps. What was it? A few million for attacking wilding pines, getting them out? When they talk about virtue signalling, whenever they talk about their little investments in the environment, we know the vast majority of what they are doing is defunding environmental protection, looking to sell off or lease off bits of the conservation estate to open it up for mining—anything they can do to try to extract more value from the common good, from future generations, in order for it to be spent by these irresponsible clowns who constantly say the opposite of what they are going to do. They promised to do the opposite of what they are going to do.

Let’s look at another example. We had the National Infrastructure Plan. That is something that was funded by the previous Government and by this Government. They funded the Infrastructure Commission to prepare a national infrastructure strategy, to do a national infrastructure plan. They launched it with a big fanfare, tried to get cross-party support, saying that what we really need is cross-party support for the recommendations in this plan. In the summary of the plan, it says, “The land transport funding system is unsustainable, with the most recent three-year plan requiring $12.8 billion”—that’s $12,800 million—“of Crown loans and grants that could have gone to other priority areas, reflecting investment ambitions that significantly exceed user revenues.”

What does that mean? That this Government and the previous majority Labour Government took public money that could have been better invested in really important other parts of our country, like hospitals, desperately needed health infrastructure, education, housing—

You voted for it.

That’s not true, Minister Meager.

You voted for the previous Labour Government’s Budget.

Well, Minister Meager, you actually don’t know what you’re talking about.

Did you not vote for the previous Labour Government’s Budget?

Minister Meager, I can critique the previous Government just as much as I can critique this one, but the point is that you’re doing the same thing. This Government is full of crap. They claim that they’re about responsible investment. [Interruption]

We might need to lift the level of—thank you.

Having signed up and launched this infrastructure plan, they proceeded to do the exact opposite of what it recommended in their recommendation that they said it supported, which was to appropriate in the Budget $1,773 million for Cambridge to Piarere highway. Now, that is the opposite of what the national infrastructure plan is saying. It’s saying we’ve already, as a country, put too much Crown funding into the land transport system. That funding is needed elsewhere. That should be coming from the National Land Transport Fund, it should be coming from revenue that is raised from users, from petrol taxes, and road-user charges, but it is not. We’ve got the single largest part of the capital allowance in this Budget allocated to this one little extension of a four-lane highway when we need significant investment in infrastructure right round the country.

Coincidentally, the cost to that is probably getting close to the cost of the cancelled ferries, which we don’t have because this coalition Government cancelled Interislander ferries that were on order that would have been delivered by now, that were desperately needed, and that had been planned for five years, because they said we couldn’t afford to do the wharf upgrade infrastructure. Now, there was a possibility of rescoping that work infrastructure. There was the possibility of doing something a million times more responsible, but cancelling an order for ferries that was only $550 million, an exceptional deal, would have meant that the movement of people and goods between the North and South Island would have been far more reliable right now. We’re going to have to wait years and years because of this coalition Government and the National Party’s Minister Nicola Willis’s incredibly rash decision to cancel something under order on the claims that we can’t afford it. But at the same time, they’re quite happy to shovel money into an extension of a four-lane highway—nearly $2 billion—and to take that money away from capital that could be and would be better invested in other parts of New Zealand like the health system and like electrification, which we desperately need.

I’m just saying that, frankly, I think New Zealanders are tired of hearing empty slogans from this current coalition Government, that pretty much everything the coalition Government MPs say, the Luxon Government MPs say, is a reflection of their own actions. The people who cannot be trusted most of all are the people who are currently in power, because, in the last three years, they have made a series of irresponsible decisions they did not campaign on that are costing New Zealanders every single day, and it’s because they have decided to prioritise the people who have the most wealth and are the highest-income earners. Whenever they come out, the only argument they have—they can’t campaign on their own vision and ability to deliver because they’ve clearly demonstrated over the last three years that they don’t deliver for ordinary working people in New Zealand and that they can’t deliver long-term responsible investment and infrastructure. They don’t listen to their own national infrastructure plan, even though they claim to believe in that. What they do is they bow down to the corporate interests that are clearly helping them in many ways, like the tobacco industry and like the investment property people who are absolutely determined—

The member’s time has expired.

16:34

It’s great to be speaking in this Estimates bill debate following that 2026-2027 Budget. One thing I wanted to focus on was what came with that Budget, which was the Budget Economic and Fiscal Update, and some of the numbers that came out of that were really, really encouraging. Yes, we were stalled after a good first quarter. We were stalled by the Iranian conflict and the fuel crisis, but the medium-term forecasts remain strong and next year’s looking a lot better.

Can I remind you that these were Treasury’s forecasts, and Treasury, as we know, are not the most overly optimistic people necessarily, but they could see 220,000 new jobs created in the forecast period. That’s what Treasury predicts, not what the National Party predicts. They could see wages and they’re forecasting wages outstripping prices. They could see the Government reaching surplus faster than forecast. They could see national debt curbing, and they could see economic growth at 2.7 percent on average over that forecast period. We need to keep some perspective in here. We need to remind ourselves also where we’ve come from and what we inherited—a very high inflationary environment that peaked at 7.3 percent. Yes, we are at 4.1 percent now, but when you strip away the international influence on petrol and diesel prices and you look at that core inflation as well, it’s within band and it’s below 3 percent.

We’ve got a lot of things to be grateful for. As the Reserve Bank Governor said yesterday, we’ve got things in a situation where our exporters, our manufacturers, particularly those in dairy and those in meat, are the ones that are doing well at the moment, and those supportive industries, but it’s a mixed bag around the country. If you go, like I do, to the South Island and visit a lot of manufacturers and small businesses, the biggest problem they have is often getting staff. Christchurch’s unemployment is half, if not quarter, of other places. It’s a mixed bag. Invercargill, Dunedin—getting staff is often the problem. We know in Auckland, for example, that it’s harder in that regard, and there’s a lot of applicants for a lot of jobs. But we will keep pressing through, and you will see this National Government singularly focused, as we have been for three years, on delivering that economic growth. As Treasury, not the National Party, forecast, wages will be outstripping prices, and economic growth will be averaging nearly 3 percent.

Some really good things that came out of the Budget that I want to allude to that probably didn’t get the airtime that they deserved, and that was in the space of vocational training—trades academies. I’ve got one in the electorate of Upper Harbour at Massey High School, where the kids there, year 12 and year 13, are building houses on the school campus for Kāinga Ora, and we’re committed to that. They are being trucked off and placed around West Auckland where kids are there doing trades in building and construction. They’re also doing automotive, they’re also doing tourism, and they’re also doing hospitality. We are doubling those places, and the principal, Alistair Fairley, at Massey High School is very excited out that. We are doubling those places in the coming years from 10,000 to 20,000, because we know that if we get the kids at high school, they’ll go on, they’ll get their apprenticeships, they’ll stay in the trades, and that is the way to get kids into work, and so we’re doubling that commitment to our high school trades academies.

Another $15 million was allocated to the Industry Skills Board to develop new vocational subjects with building and construction, outdoor education, and primary industries. You saw the Hon Erica Stanford and Nicola Willis announce nine new foundational subjects there for years 12 and 13—next-gen manufacturing, for example. Again, bringing the market to the kids and getting them involved early. That’s not to mention the work that the education Minister is putting into financial literacy and financial capability, and, as has been said before, another $87 million into youth guaranteed places for school leavers with no or low qualifications. We are investing in our young people.

Another thing that we’ve overseen—and it’s been led by Advancing Manufacturing Aotearoa and its chief executive, Catherine Lye—that we fund is Earn as You Learn. That is something that I was happy to announce an expansion of after a very successful trial in the Waikato. That is—

Oh, well done.

—in Wintec, Tim Costley, if you’re doing level 3 at Wintec in Hamilton CBD, manufacturing and engineering level 3, you’re at Wintec Monday and Friday, but on T to T—Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday—you’re in an industry, whether it’s Gallagher or whoever—10 participating industries. You’re earning minimum wage plus $1. You’re there for 10 weeks, and then you go to another participating industry—factory, if you like; manufacturer. Then you go to another one—over 30 weeks. You come out with your certificate, and guess what that Waikato pilot showed us! Almost all of them come out with a job, and most of them are within those participating businesses.

This is how we get our kids—Nanna was right: get them into in-work experience. This is in-work experience that pays the bills, too, to get them through their tertiary institution. We’ve expanded that policy and that programme into the Hutt Valley, into the Bay of Plenty, and into Christchurch, with cohorts of about 20 students each starting in 2027 next year and gaining New Zealand Qualifications Authority qualifications. That will continue to grow. These are the programmes that we will continue to invest in.

I wanted to finish up highlighting not only the success of manufacturing and the fact that in the first quarter, we saw manufacturing doubling, growing at twice the speed of the rest of the economy and often leading the way, but its use, as with small business and large, of Investment Boost. Now, for a Harvard-educated economist like Dan Bidois, he loves public policy like this, and he would see this as a pure policy that can be done with the stroke of a pen. That is what the Minister of Finance committed to—admittedly, in the previous Budget. But we’ve funded it for a tax policy package of $6.6 billion over four years. This Budget puts us into year two.

Others—without getting political, because I don’t know if this is the room for that. But others—and I won’t mention their name, but I’ll mention the colour red—are looking at cutting that. That is a $6.6 billion package. When I go around manufacturers and small businesses and large, they say, “Cameron, we got that metal fabrication plant with Investment Boost”, and they know the name of it. If you don’t know the name of it in small business or manufacturing, sack your accountant, because it’s working a treat. Investment Boost is that 20 percent tax deduction immediately on top of depreciation. That’s been great for Government GST receipts, but it’s also brought investment forward. It’s a productive policy, it’s lifting productivity, it’s enabling businesses to invest in their business, and many have done just that. We are committed to that policy—a very, very popular policy and, I would argue, the cleanest tax policy and tax advantage policy that we’ve seen out of a Government for some time. Investment Boost it is. The medium term is looking a lot brighter. Bring on 2027.

16:44

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I am excited to take a call on appropriation 2026. But first, before I discuss some of the details of appropriation 2026, I think it’s wise of me to go back to where I was standing three years ago on the election campaign and the state of our country and our economy. We were in really dire situations. We had a Government that had just borrowed and borrowed and spent and spent. The irony is we are back in a similar position, but this time, they’re wanting to talk about free, free, free—everything is free, according to the Labour Party. Well, I’ll tell you right now, New Zealand, nothing is free. We are paying—

What about free speech?

—be quiet, guys, because you might need to hear this; buckle up—$24 million a day to service the debt—

A day?

A day—$24 million a day in debt. We have political parties on the other side—and, I mean, big ups to the Greens. At least they are honest about the taxes that they want to do in order to pay for some of the more crazier things. But we have a party on the other side called Labour who do not want to admit that they cannot afford all the free things that they’ve promised—

Don’t suggest that anyone on the other side is dishonest.

No, not entirely.

OK. That’s all right.

I’d never do that.

Just pre-warning the member in case she does.

This Budget gets us back to a faster surplus, and one of those people that are responsible for that is David Seymour. We know that the ACT Party is, one, the only party, the OG party, that promises no new taxes, and, secondly, the only party who is brave enough to make the decisions when it comes to cutting back the size of our Government, because our Government is too big. I think that all of us in this House know that no matter how much money we keep throwing at things like health, for example, we are not seeing better outcomes, and everyday Kiwis right now can attest to that. Throwing more money at something does not work. We have seen $2 billion in savings in appropriation 2026 to help us get back into surplus. Anything that we borrow today will be the debt that my children and our grandchildren pay, and that’s something we really need to keep in mind.

Now, ACT has had a few wins in this Budget. We’ve seen the ending of fees-free because it was a poorly targeted programme—and the fact that when we first came into Government it was the first year free. Not only did it not improve those going through and actually completing their degrees; it basically added no real value. Look, we moved that to the final year in the first Budget, which at least gave some people an incentive to carry on and continue. But now we’ve actually scrapped that, because we know that getting a degree and going off into the real world isn’t always the ticket to a successful life or career, particularly with some of the degrees that are on offer at university right now. I mean, a lot of them wouldn’t lead to any jobs, and I think a lot of New Zealanders know that.

We need to get more of our young people into trades. Being in a trade or having a diploma—I know, myself. I’ve got a diploma as a pharmacy tech. That’s a trade. I can always fall back on that. That is not something that is to be frowned upon. Higher education is not always the ticket to success. We have to change our culture, we have to change our thinking around it, but also we have to invest in our young people and getting them into trades. Saving taxpayers nearly $350 million on fees-free has been reallocated—we’ve saved some of the money and we’ve reallocated into where we know our young people need to be, and that’s getting them into the trades. We’re getting the results—[Interruption] Exactly, to my colleagues over this side of the House.

We’ve also seen an increase—$131 million investment into primary school maths and literacy. Oh my goodness. One of the reasons I’m a member of Parliament is that during COVID, my children came home from school—and they were littlies; one was only a new entrant and one had been there a couple of years—and I was absolutely blown away with how little they knew about mathematics. My son was considered top of his class at this point. We had to teach them the basics at home. It was the first time I really got to look at that, because you know what, a lot of us are working parents. We are really busy. People are out there. They don’t have the oversight on what their kids are learning at school the same way that they used to.

We have a serious problem. I know a good friend of mine—she’s a high school teacher, year 9—had students showing up to school completely not up to standard or ready for high school mathematics. Do you know what happens in our education system? We don’t backfill. You have to be ready to go when you get to high school. We’ve invested in that. I think $131 million is amazing, because without those maths and literacy levels being in a great place, we’re not going to see a successful future.

The other thing I think worth noting is that attendance is actually improving, which is incredible. We can have great literacy, we can have great mathematics, but if the kids aren’t in the classroom and they’re not learning, then that is a problem. Term 2 had the highest attendance rate in 10 years, but, get this, only 64.3 percent. That is still absolutely outrageous. It blew me away to find out, when I first came to Parliament, that children were only regularly attending school at around 45 percent. It’s so embarrassing. It’s shameful. It should be a national shame.

Where else have we done great things? Gosh, we’re getting through this so quickly. Rotorua courts: $100 million of investment into the Rotorua courts facilities to support safer, more modern courts and faster justice for victims and communities. We’ve seen a $5.5 billion increase for front-line health services, including a $35 million boost to strengthen ambulance services, an additional $54 million for purchasing medicines, on top of our record $1.774 billion investment, and $604 million in uplift made in the previous Budgets.

But we are not there yet. New Zealand has a serious problem in inequity when it comes to accessing medicines in this country. Right now, we know that we need to close the gap between New Zealand and Australia. It shouldn’t matter where you’re born in the Pacific. It shouldn’t matter if you’re born in Australia or New Zealand or the UK; you should be able to access medicines that are lifesaving. That will actually save our healthcare system an awful lot of money. We want to move from 4.9 percent GDP to 12 percent GDP over a few years so that we can factor that in. Those savings will be there, and that will take the burden off the healthcare system itself.

We’ve invested $400 million to support housing growth and infrastructure by rewarding councils for consenting more homes—and don’t even get me started on the Resource Management Act (RMA) reforms. RMA reforms could be the single-biggest thing that this Government has done to unlock the potential of this country. We do have some money in the Budget; we have $294 million to deliver the new planning system that Kiwis need. It blew my mind to know that 5 percent of the total construction costs is getting a consent in this country. That is outrageously huge. No wonder it is so expensive to get things done here—it’s so expensive to build new things. We’re talking about needing more jobs, we’re talking about creating an economy with higher-paid jobs, but we have to have the infrastructure, we have to have the buildings, we have to have the businesses, the homes—it all comes back to being able to build something in this country, and this Government has been working hard to unlock the potential for the next generation.

Oh, gosh, where else do we start? Firearms reform. I know no one else is going to talk about firearms reform except for ACT, because we are super proud of the work that we’ve made. Budget 2026 funds a practical firearms reform that treats licensed firearm owners fairly, it targets the criminals, and it supports our safer communities. I think that is something that everybody in this House can get behind. We know that we have illegal firearms coming into this country. We know that we have gangs out there right now that are using firearms. There was a horrible incident that happened in Manurewa last week. We need to do more to crack down on criminals that are using illegal firearms, and that is what we are doing.

We’ve seen a massive increase in defence spending—and I know I’m going to run out of time. It’s really important in these challenging geopolitical times that we actually have a defence force that could defend us, defend our sovereignty, and also respond to weather events in the Pacific. We need to be able to support our guys out there in the Pacific. It’s really important that we do that, and we are not going to unlock New Zealand’s potential if we don’t have a strong defence force.

16:54

Thank you, Madam Speaker. It is so good to have an opportunity to stand up and take a call on this imprest supply bill this afternoon. There’s been a number of contributions across the afternoon, and from all sides of the House, but I think the resounding and important message that has echoed around this Chamber this afternoon when we’ve talked about the imprest supply bill and what the priorities are in this Budget is that New Zealand simply cannot afford three more years of a National Government. We absolutely cannot afford three more years.

We’ve got people working so hard—so hard—in our electorates who we connect with, who we meet with, who we catch up with, and no matter how hard they work, no matter how much work they put in, they are still going backwards. That is why, on this side of the House, Labour is fighting for better jobs, for affordable healthcare, for lower household bills, and for creating the opportunities that will allow people to get ahead and to build a future.

On the other side of the House, we’ve heard a lot of talk today about this “no new taxes” promise. That’s really interesting, because if this party on the other side of the House is promising three more years and no new taxes, then what we know, and what we’ve learnt from this last term of Government, is that this coalition Government are talking about three more years of cuts. They’re keeping quiet on where they’re going to make those cuts, but you can be guaranteed that that means three more years of cuts.

They came into Government with some big promises. Christopher Luxon promised he was going to grow the economy—that was a promise he made. Yet, if we look today, unemployment is now up to 5.6 percent. He promised that he was going to grow the economy, but if we look, business liquidations are at a 15-year high. We’ve seen a 49 percent rise in hospitality liquidations, and in June of this year alone, 259 companies were placed into liquidation. It’s very easy for us to talk about 259 as just a number of businesses, but each of those businesses are real people, and they have people working for them, often, and those businesses have gone into liquidation.

The other area that I want to look at—I want to look at a few in my contribution this afternoon. There are a few covered in this Budget, but there are also so many numbers here that are getting smaller and so many that are struggling, none more so than the science sector, who have been given a mandate of brutal commercialisation by this Prime Minister. If you want to know what that looks like in reality for the science sector, just ask Professor Nicola Gaston, who says that the current approach “is like pulling an apple tree up by the roots to harvest its fruit”. It does not make sense.

At Callahan Innovation, we’re seeing $10 million pumped out into redundancies, and we’re seeing commercial R & D projects frozen and halted as a result of that. That’s not good for the economy. In the science sector, we’re seeing at least 700 scientists gone out of that sector, we’re seeing the demonisation of social sciences, and we’re seeing, for the first time ever, our PHF scientists on strike, taking industrial action. These are the people who do the vital research into public health and disease, into water and environment, into forensic science. Our science sector cannot afford three more years of a National Government, and New Zealand cannot afford three more years of a National Government.

Now, let’s look at school lunches. I’d rather not, because the ones that I’ve seen in my electorate that are being delivered by this Government are absolutely disgusting.

Poisonous.

They are absolutely disgusting, and as one of my colleagues suggested, they are potentially poisonous; 50 percent of them, according to an Audit Office report, do not meet nutritional standards. Radio New Zealand reports that over 2,000 people have lost their jobs producing healthy school lunches. Schools have reported children being burnt, plastic in their food, and rotten food being delivered to be fed to children. Now, it’s not lost on me that if you look at the child poverty report that was released with this Budget—if you open up the thick folder—it is a single sheet of A3 paper that this Government has taken to report on child poverty. That is shameful. Children in New Zealand cannot afford three more years of a National Government, and New Zealand cannot afford three more years of a National Government.

Now, if I want to talk about public transport, I cannot go past the new bus that we got this week in Aranui—the first service, at 7.15 on Monday morning from New Brighton travelling through the suburb of Aranui—but to get a new bus service or an extension of public transport in New Zealand at the moment is an absolute battle. Now what’s happening because of the cuts from this Government in this term of Government and in this Budget? Bus services are being cut, and uplifts that are required for people to be able to catch a bus or use public transport during a fuel crisis are not happening. They’re being delayed for the second or third time. They are not happening—simply not happening. While fuel prices surge, while people struggle to put petrol in their cars, they are not getting the support from central government for public transport. That’s why I think it’s great that what we’ve committed to is a public transport fare cap: no more than $20 a week that you would need to spend on public transport to make sure that you can get to the places you need to go. Users of public transport simply cannot afford another three years of this National Government.

In the broadcasting space—well, that’s just been hollow promises, absolutely hollow promises. We had a Minister who waltzed in and promised immediate action, and what did we see? Cuts to Radio New Zealand. We’ve seen an absolutely laughable Sunday advertising bill, which is the only achievement that Minister has made. He said he’s going to scrap the Broadcasting Standards Authority (BSA), and he’s also promised that he’s going to start work on prominence, but with 10 other portfolios on top of Broadcasting and Media, I don’t think anyone believes that the Minister is going to take immediate action. The greatest risk that the Minister faces currently is that I will have to deliver him a cake on the second anniversary of the media release claiming he was going to take immediate action. It will be much better than the food delivered in school lunches. The word I hear and the messages and conversations I hear from the media sector every week is that the New Zealand media sector cannot afford three more years of a National Government.

Now I want to talk about something very serious, and that we see very clearly in the electorate of Christchurch East, where I’m lucky enough to be the MP, and that is record levels of homelessness. We have entire communities being set up in abandoned parts of the red zone. We have up to 80 people living in Wetlands Grove in Bexley. We have people living in the red zone in tents and under bushes and under trees. In the last months, we had someone who lost their life living on the beach at New Brighton. This is an absolute tragedy and an absolute crisis in homelessness, and this Government is not doing anywhere near enough, if anything, to address that.

This Government is instead selling off State houses in the electorate of Christchurch East. At the same time as we have people living in buses, cars, tents, and temporary structures that they’re building in the red zone—and some of these people are children, living in this unsafe, cold, dangerous environment, which has cost people their lives—we see this Government selling off the very houses that could be the warm, dry homes that they need. New Zealanders deserve a warm, dry home, but this Government is not interested in delivering that for them. Those New Zealanders seeking those homes cannot afford three more years of this National Government.

I also cannot let an opportunity go by without saying one more time: would the Minister find, before this Government rises, a single hour in which this House could have the first reading of the online harm bill so that the select committee process could be started. Only 10 days ago, the Government stood up and had a very lavish press conference and event here at Parliament saying that mattered, and yet they will not give it a single hour in this term of Government to start that select committee process. Online safety and people who care about it cannot afford three more years of this National Government. [Interruption]

Can I say just say to the people on the National Party side of the House: that shouting is unacceptable. Nobody heard a single word because you were all shouting at the same time.

17:04

Thank you, Madam Speaker. It’s a pleasure to speak on the Estimates bill debate. I just want to start by saying that this Government’s Budget continues to back our rural and provincial communities, it continues to invest in rural New Zealand, and it does it without the need for a capital gains tax or a land tax or an inheritance tax or a wealth tax or any other tax that can be dreamt of. I just want to say to rural New Zealand: we see you and we thank you. We thank you for the contribution you make to your community, to your local economy, and to our broader economy and the success of this country.

Rural New Zealand matters. It’s 360,000 people who work in our food and fibre sector. About one in six or one in seven people that get out of bed every day goes and works in it. This year, the food and fibre exports are forecast to reach $64.3 billion. It’s 82 percent of our export income, and it’s up 6 percent on the previous year. That’s a success to be celebrated. Of course, to export, you need access to markets, and that’s why free-trade agreements are important and it’s why access matters. As I like to say, access gives us options, and with options we get a ticket to the game. Those export earnings don’t just benefit our farmers and growers, because that’s how we pay for our teachers and doctors, our policemen and our care workers, and they also fund our medicines, our ambulances, our schools, our roads, and all the other public services that Kiwis rely on. Let’s be clear: when rural and provincial New Zealand is doing well, we are all better off for it. Every export dollar earned by a primary sector strengthens our ability to pay for those services and move the country forward so that we can build for the future. That’s why this Government’s Budget is investing more where it matters. We’re investing in infrastructure, services, people, and opportunities that allow rural New Zealand to succeed.

I’ve been very clear as the MP for Wairarapa, Tararua, and Central Hawke’s Bay, and the rest of rural and provincial New Zealand: they must be heard. My job is to take the reality of daily life, rural life, into the rooms where decisions are made and keep making the case until we get results. One example is transport: roads are the lifeline for our rural communities. They’re not a nice to have; reliable access matters. That’s why Budget 2026 invests $400 million in State highway resilience, strengthening routes too often closed by severe weather. It builds on a larger programme of transport renewals and bridge work already under way. For example, the Waihao North River and Elephant Hill Stream bridges on State Highway 82 are being replaced. Other funded bridge and culvert replacements are progressing in Taranaki, Whanganui, Coromandel, Waikato, Bay of Plenty, and the West Coast. Those are national investments with local benefits: reliable access, safer journeys, and stronger supply chains. There are stories like this around the country—different road names, different rivers, but the same need: dependable access. I’ll keep advocating for the wider investment that rural New Zealand needs, because it’s kind of handy if we can get our goods to market safely and on time.

We’re also investing more where it matters in health. For years, the Wairarapa people have said that living outside a major city should not mean travelling over the hill to Wellington or Palmy for every diagnosis or treatment, and I’ve carried that message and advocated strongly for our hospital. Now we have a major win: we’ve already received the replacement CT scanner, but we’re receiving a new $34 million MRI and endoscopy suite, and that includes a $3.7 million MRI scanner—the first in the Wairarapa. It’s also a seismic remediation that’s been upgraded to a hospital redevelopment. That’s what investment where it matters looks like, and it’s happening right across New Zealand. It means fewer patients travelling for hours to access services; it means less time away from work; fewer hours on the road; and less stress for families. It gives local clinicians better diagnostic tools and helps people receive answers and treatment sooner. We’ve invested an extra $5.5 billion for front-line health services, supporting more GPs, specialist assessments, surgery, and cancer treatments, alongside more investment in ambulances and Pharmac.

We’re also investing in the next generation: Budget 2026 provides a $1.6 billion operating boost for schools and early childhood education and $470 million for school property. Trades academy places will double from 10,000 to 20,000, with another thousand Youth Guarantee places. Those are school leavers with low or no qualifications, so that will enable those young people to have a better chance at success.

That will enable those young people to have a better chance at success.

We need to support our young people who see a future close to home. Builders, mechanics, engineers, electricians, agricultural workers and rural contractors are highly skilled careers that allow people to earn, stay, and build a life in our rural communities. Treasury forecasts a further 220,000 jobs, and we’re going to need those people.

Learning support investment continues through more teacher-aide hours, specialist support, and early intervention. In small rural schools, it’s investment like this that really counts, because numbers and words should never be a mystery to anyone.

We’re continuing to invest in our rural vets with the voluntary bonding scheme encouraging graduate vets to work in our rural communities. Last year, 32 graduates took up the offer, and with this year’s round open now, I’m expecting to see even more take that opportunity. Investment of $4.95 billion baseline funding for the Ministry of Primary Industries (MPI) is also continuing, and that reaches right into our rural communities. There is $246 million for the Primary Sector Growth Fund, helping good ideas move from the farm, the orchard, the forest, or the processing floor into commercial reality. There is $40.5 million over four years for our catchment groups, and another $79 million goes into the wilding control programme, which brings the total investment to $109 million.

There is $400,000 over four years supporting more than 90 A and P shows where town meets country, $250,000 for Rural Women New Zealand for their community outreach, and $60,000 to support young farmers, and those are our farmers for tomorrow. An investment of $4 million over four years for the Rural Wellbeing Fund has seen support for 18 initiatives across the country. Rural support trusts are also receiving $6 million over four years, including an extra $1 million for front-line mental wellbeing services. Then there’s Investment Boost—the second year of a $6.6 billion incentive to invest.

This is about investing in our businesses, increasing productivity, creating jobs, growing our economy, and supporting all those good things that this country needs. Allowing a business to deduct a further 20 percent depreciation on top of normal depreciation is the incentive sometimes that will just allow people to make that decision, which boosts our regions and our economy.

But here’s the thing: Investment Boost is not just about big-ticket purchases. You can replace the chainsaw that takes 10 minutes to start. You can replace the printer that seems to have a life of its own and doesn’t want to work. It’s for businesses big and small.

And then, resource management reform is another pro-growth measure this Government’s delivering. Budget 2026 invests $294 million to begin rolling out a simpler planning, consenting, compliance, and IT system. It’s a novel idea: one IT system to rule them all. What it will do is allow efficiency and clarity and reliability of decision making.

The new planning and natural environment legislation will have a positive impact in our rural and provincial areas. We want our farmers and growers to get on with what they do best, and that’s grow more. We want to unlock growth, we want to unleash people’s aspirations and ambitions, so that we can build for the future.

I also, just in closing, want to thank all those people working in the food and fibre sector. I want to thank our hospital and rural health teams, our teachers, our vets, our police, our firefighters, and our rural support trusts. I also thank the volunteers that keep our A and P shows, our halls, and our community organisations alive.

This Budget and the continued investment into our productive sector acknowledges the importance of the contribution that’s made and will continue to be made to the success of this country and the opportunities that will continue to develop. We respect rural New Zealand, we value them, and we back them 100 percent, and we’ve done it without any new taxes. This Government will continue to fix the basics and build the future.

17:14

Tēnā koe e te Māngai o te Whare, otirā ko taku mihi tuatahi i tēnei ahiahi, e te Māngai, he mihi ki ngā iwi e rua i tae mai ki roto i te Whare nei, arā ngā hapū W’anganui me Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, ngā iwi i tae mai ki te āmene i ā rātou pire Tiriti, me kī.

Nā reira tēnei te mihi nui atu ki a rātou. Ko te tūmanako ka hoki pai atu rātou ki ō rātou kāinga maha.

[Thank you, Madam Speaker. Indeed, my first greeting this afternoon is a greeting to the two iwi that into this House, that is, the hapū of W’anganui and Ngāti Ruapani mai Waikaremoana, the iwi that came here to finalise their Treaty bills, I should say.

And so, I hereby acknowledge them. The hope is that they return safely to their many homes.]

This afternoon, we’ve heard a lot of promises, and “gonnas”, and “we will”, and “we’re going to do this.” I don’t blame them, because their track record to date has been abysmal. The Prime Minister promised that the economy would turn around and people would have jobs. Where are the jobs? This afternoon, we heard the Minister talking about there being 4,000 rangatahi who are getting coaching for jobs. What jobs? Under National, unemployment is up, the take-up of apprenticeships is down, and jobs are nowhere to be found.

All across Ikaroa-Rāwhiti, from Awakairangi to the Wairarapa, which the member Mike Butterick has just mentioned, tae noa [up to] Tai Rāwhiti, unemployment is up in each and every one of our communities. National unemployment is at 5.6 percent but Māori unemployment is at 10.1 percent, almost double. Shame. No wonder they’re talking about making promises instead of standing by their track record, because that is what has been achieved under this National-led coalition.

Whānau across Ikaroa-Rāwhiti and Aotearoa cannot take another three years of this National-led coalition. Thank God that Labour has a plan. The Minister who spoke said, “We see you.” Yes, they do see you, Aotearoa, and they’re ignoring you. You are telling them loud and clear, voting with your feet in many cases, and moving from Aotearoa because the opportunities that this National-led coalition promised have not materialised and whanau are struggling each and every day.

Often in this House, we talk about mana motuhake. In its simplest form, mana motuhake in your daily life is being able to get ahead by your own hard work. That’s what people across Aotearoa want, and this Government has not fully enabled people to get ahead on their own hard work. They’ve made promises that the economy will turn around and that there would be jobs for whānau, and that has not happened.

One in five rangatahi Māori are not engaged in employment or education, That is simply not good enough, and that’s why Labour is going to back Māori into skilled work with the Māori trades training initiative.

Great idea.

It is a great idea, and we know it’s a great idea because we know it works. When the Labour Government introduced this, 81 percent of those who went into the kaupapa went into employment, and 76 percent achieved a training outcome. That is a result. That is not just empty promises about what we’re going to do; this is giving people the opportunity build their own mana motuhake. Even better, it’s going to be done in their communities with organisations they know and trust.

Another thing that is often lauded in this House is the amazing progress of the Māori economy in recent years. However, under the National-led Government every metric of the Māori economy has gone backwards. So while that will certainly be supported by improved relationships and commitment under a Labour Government, it will also be supported by the Future Fund, but we also have to get right down to the grassroots and give people the tools to develop and grow their own mana motuhake on their own whenua, which is exactly what Māori trade training will do.

We are also going to back Apprenticeship Boost. I believe that part of the reason the uptake is so poor is because, probably, there hasn’t been too much of a focus on it, but also it is due to the affordability of it for employers. We know that everybody is doing it tough and it’s not just the whanau who are struggling to pay the bills and put kai on the table; business are struggling. You heard my colleague talk about the number of liquidations across Aotearoa. How can we expect businesses to support whanau into trades and therefore into employment and therefore into contributing to our economy when they too are struggling?

Under Apprenticeship Boost, the employer subsidy will be restored to two years at $500 a month. The eligibility will be expanded to include new industries, because we’re all diverse, and our population are diversifying as well. Industries have changed; we need to as well. There will be a grant of up to $1,000 to cover work-related upfront costs for our apprentices, because what’s the point in gaining all the skills if you don’t have the tools to do the mahi? We’re all about practical outcomes for our whānau to help them enhance their own mana motuhake. There will also be $2 million for industry skills boards and providers to pilot additional support and mentoring—again, making this doable, workable, and ensuring that we get outcomes.

Another real result that whānau are going to feel is as a result of our SolarSaver project. Not only is this going to hit people where they want to be hit, right in the back pocket—bringing down one of the major concerns that this Government has been told time and time again and has not taken any affirmative action on—but the SolarSaver kaupapa will deal with the number one issue we know whānau are facing, which is the cost of living. It’s also going to create another industry and more jobs, more jobs for our skilled apprentices, who can stay in the communities where they live, where they grew up, where they want to stay connected to their whenua, their whānau, and their communities, putting their tamariki in local schools and supporting local business. That will all be supported by our SolarSaver scheme.

Also, we know that a lot of iwi have already got really strong solar capability. I think of Rangitāne, who have got their floating solar farm ready to expand, the recently opened solar farm in Te Karaka. Iwi are ready to go, so this is all very complementary to our Māori trades training and our Apprenticeship Boost kaupapa. As I said, these are very real kaupapa that are going to have very real impacts, and it’s not just going to keep individuals well educated, well trained, and well employed, it’s going to keep them in their communities and make a massive contribution to our economy.

In wrapping up, I just want once again to acknowledge the real mamae that people are feeling, the pain that families are telling us they are enduring every day. As I said, it’s no wonder members opposite are making promises, because their track record to date has been shocking. Everywhere I go, across not just Ikaroa-Rāwhiti but Aotearoa, whānau are telling me they are ready for change. They cannot afford another three years of this National-led coalition. As I said, whānau, Labour hears you, Labour sees you, and Labour has a plan—plans that we know will work; plans that we know have worked.

Whānau,

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the final message is clear: we know—you’ve told us—your number one priority is the cost of living. We know your other priorities. You want a good home. You want to get ahead on your own hard work

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You want access to healthcare—you’ve heard our plan for that—and you want access to good, warm houses, and Labour has a solid track record of delivering that all across Aotearoa. There are papa kāinga today still receiving houses that were funded under a Labour Government.

So,

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We’ve got two more weeks in this House and less than 70 days until the election. Who is sitting on that side of the House when we come back is in your hands. Make sure you are registered, make sure you vote.

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Thank you, Madam Speaker.

17:24

As I stand to commend the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill third reading to the House, I want to first acknowledge Paul, who came all the way from Christchurch, who’s with us in the gallery today. Welcome to Wellington. Welcome to your House. I hope you feel very special that you’re welcomed by members across the party, because we are elected by people like Paul to be in the House to fight for things that will build a better future for New Zealand. It’s very welcoming to actually see how people like Paul engage with how we pass bills to make it better for New Zealand.

At heart, this bill is about choices. It is about how, as a National-led Government, we use taxpayers’ money more responsibly, where we choose to invest to return the biggest impact that we can for the public sector and for New Zealanders, and what kind of New Zealand we want in the future and the economy that we want to build, to leave a lasting legacy for the future generations of New Zealand. There was so much that this Government needed to fix when we inherited it from the last lot, but our priorities are very clear: it is about fixing the basics and building a better future for all New Zealanders. I’ve had so many notes to write about—one part on fixing the basics, one part on building the future; what we have done in the last three; what this Budget is adding to what we’ve done in the last three years, but also, the bill as it laps over the next four years and what we are building for New Zealand.

In terms of fixing the basics, I have to start with health. Health is often, especially now, at the end of winter time, what people talk about when I door-knock on the weekend and what people tell me about on the doorstep. When I’ve shared with them that the current Government has invested, in our Budget, a record $5.5 billion extra—extra—of taxpayers’ money into front-line health services over the forecast, they’ve been quite surprised. Then they’ve asked me questions and we’ve gone deeper into the bureaucracies that we inherited from the last lot; what happens in healthcare. However, we’ve told them the plan and what we’re doing already, including the additional spending that we put in into this year’s Budget, including new hospitals and new wards built around the country—that is the new hospital wing in Dunedin, that is the new hospital we’re now building for Whangārei, that is the new land we’re purchasing for South Auckland, that is also feeding and building into the future of front-line doctors and nurses by doing the additional school in Waikato University.

Apart from the hospital, the wards, the beds, it is also the additional money we’ve put into Pharmac medicine. It is also about putting in funding and support for more precautionary and prevention testing—into breast cancer screening, into cervical screening, into bowel cancer screening. All of this is adding and helping towards building a better future for New Zealanders.

Then, what are we fixing in education? I am a mother of two young children, and when I sent Amber to her first day in school, I sent a text message to the Minister of Education, Minister Erica Stanford. I thanked her as a voter in New Zealand, and I thanked her as a mother, because myself, having gone through the public school system, I had all the confidence in the New Zealand public school system until the last lot came in, when there was rising truancy and kids were not going to school any more. There was no clear understanding from schools, from teachers, and from parents on what to teach our children. There was no foundational skills or knowledge taught in maths and English, and definitely not in science.

So what are we fixing? We are fixing it. I literally just saw this and I thought it was so fitting—I hope the TV will see it, and people around New Zealand will see it. While Labour are talking “tax, tax, tax”, we are building, and this is without adding additional tax on New Zealand taxpayers. We as a Government are building 1,364 new classrooms—1,364 new classrooms—without adding new taxes. We’ve built three new specialist schools without adding new taxes. We are also adding solar panels to 500 schools around the country to help to reduce their energy bills, to help to provide a safer and warmer school for our children, without adding new taxes. That is what I call fixing the basics but also building the future—this is what the National Government is about.

Then there’s law and order. I remember door-knocking in 2023 and that was the number one thing talked about in our community. There was concern about going into shopping malls, concern about ram raids, and concern about all the young children getting out of school or not going to school and then creating chaos and mayhem. There was concern about gangs going into townships and closing down townships so kids can’t go to school. There was a lot of anxiety and fear in the community.

So we came in, and what did we do in fixing the basics—and what has this Budget added? Just look at the results now. Ram raids are down by 85 percent, there are new police stations because the Government invested in a new police station in Greymouth, a new police station in Whanganui, and for Corrections a new courthouse in Rotorua. All of that was added, and the result we’re seeing now is a 22 percent reduction in serious repeat youth offending and 46,000 fewer victims—victims and their families—and better, safer communities.

That sort of fixing the basics needs to continue. We still have too much crime, but we cannot afford to go back to the last lot, which has, by the way, the same leader, the same deputy leader, the same front bench—just swapped around because they don’t answer emails—and all the same team, and they’re going back to the same strategy of all talk and no delivery. Actually, there is additional talk, because they’ve now promised tax, tax, tax, and also because their potential coalition partners are now talking about a bottom line being adding taxes, taxes, taxes. What do they have to show for it? Nothing.

In the last week when I door-knocked, people were concerned about the additional tax burden. Fundamentally, they are saying, “We don’t mind so much about paying tax, but we know that we’re just giving our money for no reason. We know that we’re just giving all this money to the IRD and we don’t see new hospitals, new roads, new schools—nothing.”

I want to answer one of the comments made by a speaker in the Labour Party just before me. He talked about the growing number of businesses closing down. He probably hasn’t read the news, because actually at the year ended 31 July 2026 there were more companies registered at the Companies Office—far more; actually, 40 percent more new businesses registered than businesses closed. If you are going to read one side of the stats, just make sure that you read the other side so that you have the complete, accurate story, because whatever we say in this House has a growing impact outside this House. People listen, so give them the true story.

Anyway, what are we doing for the future? This Government, in this Budget, has committed to infrastructure pipeline projects—and we have started turning the sod—that in the next four years will bring 220,000 new jobs for New Zealand. Those jobs will come with construction, with all the different sectors that are related to the projects, like new roads, new bridges, but also in retail and all the hospitality and service providers that come around those infrastructure projects. Remember that when we talk about the new infrastructure we’re putting in.

Also, there are record-breaking export sales. We are a migrant country. We are also a country that focuses so much on exports. We do so well at producing primary goods, so let’s not forget about the policies we have implemented and are supporting through Investment Boost and through a boost to families.

Also, KiwiSaver can now be used for first-home buyers on farms. All those measures are to help our primary sector to make sure that they continue to deliver and to grow this economy. This is why I think people at this year’s election have a very, very clear choice. It is about a party vote for parties that are mature, that have a plan, and are already delivering on the plan, and we have shown in the records that we have actually fixed the basics, but we are also building the future at the same time.

This election, make sure that you vote. Make sure that you vote for the party that will actually drive delivery, growth, and provide better jobs and a better future for all New Zealanders. I commend the bill to the House.

17:34

Thank you, Madam Speaker. That was quite an extraordinary contribution. Government members are trying to have New Zealanders believe that they have somehow managed to lower taxes, increase spending, and reduce debt. Oh, no, they didn’t mention debt, did they? No, and there’s a very good reason for that. They have tried to present this to New Zealanders—that somehow they have managed to do all these things without raising taxes. That is what they are trying to push.

But, as Nancy Lu was pleading with the House to tell the whole story, let’s have the whole story. This Government has borrowed through the teeth to get the things that are in this Budget. They have not balanced the books like they promised. In fact, they have increased the debt. This Government have borrowed more than the previous Government did, if you exclude COVID. Let’s now include COVID, because during that time the very same MPs that are now senior Ministers were pleading with us to spend more. They cannot have it both ways.

They are trying to trick New Zealanders into believing that it is possible to do all these things that they have promised without increasing taxes and without increasing debt. It is not possible. It is not true. That is why they are not telling the full story. The thing is that a few speeches—even speeches read today on that side of the House—are not going to change the reality for New Zealanders. They know that what Nancy Lu just said isn’t true. They know that what Mike Butterick said before her isn’t true. It doesn’t add up.

Best MP.

I’m not at all surprised to hear that Rima Nakhle’s piping up. She may as well make the most of the time she’s got. My pick, with two parliamentary sitting weeks left and just over two months left before the election, is that she’s gone, and so is Tim Costley as well.

New Zealanders know that this Government promised the world and has delivered nothing. Things have got worse. Debt has increased. Costs have increased. Wages have gone down in real terms. Unemployment is up. Homelessness is up. None of those things was talked about in any of the contributions from the Government members today.

What is also fascinating is that none of them has talked about nurses. Why is that, I wonder. Why is that? Is it possibly because the Prime Minister and the health Minister—and basically all of them—have been caught out? They have been caught out misleading the country by saying they have added 2,000 more nurses, but, actually, that is not true, is it? No, it’s not true. The number is 54—54 nurses at a time when demand on the health system has never been higher. This lot have only increased the number of nurses by 54.

Why is it, I wonder, that they have to make things up. Why do they have to claim that it’s 2,000 when it is actually 54? It is not just in terms of nurses, by the way. They are claiming that they have built 7,000 houses when, actually, it’s 600. Why do they have to make things up? It’s because their record doesn’t stand on its own two feet. It falls over very quickly once you scratch the surface, once you get through the spin, once you get through all the nonsense, all the PR—it doesn’t stack up.

Just look at the record in nursing. Waikato Hospital has 90 fewer fulltime-equivalents than a year ago. That’s extraordinary. Auckland City Hospital has 74 fewer. Middlemore Hospital has 78 fewer. They have not added a single nurse to Wairarapa Hospital in their entire time in Government. In fact, Wairarapa are 40 nurses short, and they are not allowed to hire. Let that sink in: they are 40 nurses short of what we need, and they are not allowed to hire, because Simeon Brown and this Government have put a hiring freeze on. They are not allowed to hire.

Is it any wonder that the number of nurses has grown by only 54 in this term? It is outrageous, and the fact that they tried to fib, the fact that they tried to mislead the country into thinking it was more when it was only 54, says everything you need to know about this Government. Just look at Palmerston North. They’ve had 25 cut in the last two years. Northland has had 67 cut, and Nelson-Marlborough has been cut by 30. They are going backwards because they have not invested in health. When they say they’ve done all these things, put a record level of funding into health, you only need to increase it by a dollar for it to be a record level of funding.

The thing is that they have not kept up with demand; they have not kept up with the cost.

In six years, they couldn’t even bring in free breast cancer screening.

They are chirping away because I have hit a nerve—because they’re going around their communities knocking on doors and telling people that nurses have gone up by 2,000 when they know it isn’t true. Why are they saying things they know are not true? It’s because they know that if they actually talked the truth when it came to nurses, it would not stack up.

It is exactly the same when you look at the claims that were made around Wairarapa Hospital. This is an issue that I have been banging on about for the last three years. This Government stole money that was intended to fix our hospital. We had to get the Speaker involved because the Minister refused to answer questions. We had to get the Ombudsman involved because the health ministry refused to answer questions. There was money designated to fix Wairarapa Hospital, they took it to fix the hole in their Budget, and then they have the nerve now, when they have been shamed into giving that money back, to claim credit for it.

It’s outrageous.

It is outrageous. Their record on health is outrageous. It is shameful. The facts speak for themselves. I would challenge any Government member to go and stand outside their local hospital, be it in Waikato or in Auckland City or in Middlemore or in Wairarapa or in Palmerston North or in Northland or in Nelson-Marlborough and to tell the truth—tell the facts: that their nursing numbers have gone backwards, and then tell people to vote for them. They won’t do it, will they?

No, they won’t.

They won’t, because they know that no one is going to vote for a Government that says it as it is, that tells the facts, that tells the truth that says despite three years in power, despite making all sorts of claims about expenditure in health, things have gotten worse. Fact: things have gone backwards—fact. They can’t spin their way out of it. They tried. They tried to mislead the country and they got caught out. But they don’t care—they don’t care.

They think that they can win this election by misleading people. I’ll give you an example: the National Party want to sell Air New Zealand. They want to privatise our national carrier. Is that true? No. That’s what the ACT Party want to do. It would be dishonest for me to say that the National Party want to do something because their coalition wants to do something. But that is not what the National Party is doing, is it?

No.

No. They are not sticking to the truth; they are trying to collate things and present a problem. So if it is dishonest for me to say that the National Party want to sell Air New Zealand, it is dishonest for the National Party to say that the Labour Party want to introduce nine new taxes. They know it isn’t true, but they say it anyway.

What does it say about a Government with a record of three years behind them that they have to make things up to make themselves look electable; that, after three years of being in Government, they have to go to New Zealand and say, “Vote for us because these guys are going to do nine new taxes.”, despite the fact they know it isn’t true. That’s hardly a record to stand on. That is why they’re doing it. They have hardly got a record to stand on so they have to make things up to make themselves look electable.

I haven’t even mentioned New Zealand First; that speaks for itself. They’re going backwards; I’m going to leave them alone. They’re doing themselves damage; that’s fine by me. But the fact is that New Zealanders can see through this fib. They can see through the nonsense. They know that in their local hospitals, things are going backwards. If nurses aren’t allowed to be hired, they have been cut; if work needs to be done, the money’s been put elsewhere to fill the hole in their Budget.

This is the reality that New Zealanders are facing: the highest homelessness in the history of this country.

Not true.

The highest homelessness in the history of this country.

According to who?

Rima Nakhle always changes seats in order to heckle—have you noticed that? It still doesn’t work. She says that it is not true. Well, I’ll tell you what? New Zealanders, here is a simple choice for you: who are you going to believe? Those people on the front lines, like the Wellington City Mission, the Auckland City Mission, the Christchurch City Mission, or the Methodist Mission, or Rima Nakhle? Who are New Zealanders going to believe? The people who are working with homelessness, the people who are working with our most vulnerable—those who say that it is the worst they have ever experienced, the worst that the country has ever seen—who are they going to believe? Them? The people who know what they’re not talking about? Or desperate National MPs who only have a matter of weeks left in the job who are clinging on to anything—making things up in order to stay in this job. I know who New Zealanders are going to believe: the ones who are actually telling the truth. They are ones who they are going to believe. In just over two months’ time, we’re going to see that in action.

17:45

If there was ever a pitch for leadership on that side of the House, that was it—that was it. One of the prerequisites, as Suze Redmayne said, is he has to wear a tie. So that discounts half of his colleagues on that side, but that was the leadership pitch. And that was the leadership pitch after a 24 percent poll result in this week’s Roy Morgan Poll on that side for Labour: 24 percent. They’re taking a dive—they’re taking a deep dive. You just wait: the hospital pass will come in. Mr McAnulty, Chris Hipkins has read the tea leaves, and we think you should take it up, and take on the mantle.

Ladies and gentlemen, he’ll use that speech, right there, to say, “Colleagues, I’m the white knight, I’m coming to save the day. Don’t worry about Wairarapa. Don’t worry about that. I want to lead this party and this country.” That’s what that speech was—that’s what that was. That was the leadership pitch. The only downside is he only had three other colleagues here to listen to it—and one of them is retiring, and he’s out of here; he’s checked out. He was yawning during that contribution; he was so bored—he was so bored. So there are no votes there. That was a leadership pitch if I’ve ever heard one.

But you’ve seen two already this year.

But we’re actually here to talk about the Appropriation (2026/27 Estimates) Bill; that’s what we’re actually here to talk about. We’re not here to talk about things here, things there—

Did you vote for Erica, or did you vote for “Bish”? It was Erica, wasn’t it? Or was it Penk?

We’re here to talk about the appropriation bill, Mr McAnulty.

Who did you vote for? Was it Erica? It was Erica!

Well, I certainly didn’t vote for you, sir—I certainly didn’t vote for you. If I lived in the Wairarapa, my vote would have gone to Mike Butterick every day of the week—every day of the week, Mike Butterick. That’s a true representative, one that actually lives in his community; one that actually lives in it, and knows and lives and breathes it.

Point of order. As everybody in this House knows, I love the hustle and bustle of this House, but it is inappropriate and unparliamentary to make an inaccurate claim about someone’s personal circumstances. I do live in Wairarapa and the member should not allude otherwise.

Yes, I expect that Tom Rutherford would apologise to the member.

Madam Speaker, I withdraw and apologise.

And I also want to remind the member that we’re on appropriations, and I know we’ve gone a bit political this afternoon, but a little bit of the appropriation bill in the speech would be good.

That’s great—I’ve got seven minutes and 42 seconds to do so.

If we’re talking about accurate records in the House, there should be other members standing up and correcting the record at the same time. I just wonder, if the member on that side wants to hold that standard, maybe he should look across his benches to other members on that side of the House and hold them to the exact same standard, because if he wants to hold us to that standard, he should start in his own glasshouse—his own glasshouse—and set the standard there.

This year’s Budget was focused on fixing the basics and building the future. If I think of my home in Tauranga and the wider Bay of Plenty, one of the things from this year’s Budget that I’m so proud of—so proud of—was the funding for the redevelopment of the Tauranga Hospital. Our city has grown exponentially over the last 25 to 30 years—we’ve grown massively; we’ve been one of New Zealand’s fastest-growing areas across the country.

Our men and women on the front line, working day to day in our Tauranga Hospital, are working in a constrained environment. Many Governments have known about the issue; many Governments have known about it. They have seen the droves of people coming across the Kaimai Ranges into Tauranga and seeing what we have in our slice of paradise. People have seen it; they know what we have: beautiful beaches, amazing communities, pretty damn good representations from their local members as well. But our Tauranga Hospital has been pushed to its absolute limit.

This year’s Budget had funding to upgrade it—finally, finally, it had funding for the redevelopment of the Tauranga Hospital. That is something I am so proud of us about, as a Government, that we are delivering. I know my colleague Sam Uffindell, the MP for Tauranga, would share the same thoughts as I would, because for many men and women across Tauranga and the wider Bay of Plenty, they want to know that if they turn up to their hospital, they can get the service they need from the incredible front-line healthcare workers but also that they are working in an environment and in facilities that are there to support them. So I’m really proud that we’re the Government delivering the redevelopment of the Tauranga Hospital.

Another thing I’m incredibly proud of, for us, is supporting our Port of Tauranga and the fast-track legislation that we’ve got that will enable growth, not just for Tauranga but for New Zealand—for New Zealand. This is New Zealand’s largest export port in the country—in the country—and it’s been our Government’s fast-track legislation that has enabled things like the Port of Tauranga, numerous renewable projects, numerous housing projects to finally be delivered; to change this attitude of no into, finally, a yes. And that is a good thing.

Roading and investment into infrastructure is massive for Tauranga and the Bay of Plenty, and this year’s Budget is building on that. We’ve got two roads of national significance: State Highway 29, Tauriko West, stage one, started under us—started under us. They talk; we deliver on this side. They talk, they consult, they put heaps of money into consultants. Remember “light fail”? Remember “light fail”? Not one metre of track actually delivered. This side, we came into Government, we said we would begin Tauriko West, State Highway 29 and it’s under way. That is a great thing, delivered through numerous Budgets, as us, as a Government.

And then there’s the Takitimu North Link, stage one, that’s progressing exceptionally well; opening in less than two years’ time for our community, which will be great. Fast track delivered for stage two already. Stage two is going to continue, and that is great. That’s what a Government of action actually does and I’m really, really proud of that.

This year’s Budget delivers on the investment into roading and infrastructure: nearly $7 billion in capital investment and about $60 billion of infrastructure investment over the next four years. That’s jobs—that’s what that is. That’s opportunity. That’s saying to New Zealanders that we’ve got plans for the future. We’re creating jobs, creating opportunity, investing in local economies, creating growth—that is how a Government grows the size of the pie. That’s how you grow the pie, and that’s what Mike Butterick talks about a lot. You don’t cut the pie up into so many small pieces and try to tax the hell out of it; you grow the pie. You want to solve the cost of living, you create more jobs, you build growth, you lift wages. That’s how you do it.

I can’t afford a pie.

That’s how you do it. And Duncan Webb, he can yell—he can yell—but the only reason he’s yelling is he’s looking for a job in two months’ time. He’s looking for one in two months’ time. [Bell rings]

The bell is the Business Committee clock. That one’s about 30 seconds behind.

OK, Madam Speaker, that’s fine.

Just to inform the speaker.

That’s fine. I think of other opportunities coming in our community and I think of what we’re doing in law and order. Law and order, for many locals in the Bay of Plenty—if I knock on doors in Pāpāmoa, Mount Maunganui, Welcome Bay, Maungatapu, or Ōhauiti, they say to me, “Gosh, I feel a lot safer now than I did 2½ years ago. Gosh, I feel so much safer if I go to Bayfair or the Crossing or into Tauranga Central than I did 2½ years ago. Thank goodness your Government has invested in law and order and getting rid of the sense of lawlessness that was taking over this country.” Remember ram raids? Down 85 percent under our Government. Gang patches? I haven’t seen one of those for nearly two years—I haven’t seen one of them for nearly two years. And Greg O’Connor, last night, in his valedictory statement, said that he absolutely loved the gang patch ban. That’s maybe why he’s going—that’s maybe why he’s going: down the back if you’ve got a differing view to the front bench.

And just, finally, the one thing I keep hearing is, “Please, don’t bring in any new taxes.” You want to do something about the cost of living, don’t take more of people’s own money; they’ve worked hard for it. You don’t grow this economy by digging into other people’s pockets; you do it by creating opportunities, creating a brighter future, focusing on the things that actually matter, and fixing the basics and building the future.

The Imprest Supply (Second for 2026/27) Bill is set down for third reading immediately.

17:55

on behalf of the Minister of Finance: I move, That the Imprest Supply (Second for 2026/27) Bill be now read a third time.

The House stands adjourned until 2 p.m. on Tuesday, 15 September 2026.

The House adjourned at 5.56 p.m.