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Parliamentary debates: Thursday, 26 March 2026

Contents

Continued from the sitting of Wednesday, 25 March 2026

Extended Sitting

Bills

Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025–26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill

Committee of the Whole House

Part 2 Amendments to Income Tax Act 2007, and Part A of Schedule 1 (continued)

Debate resumed.

Part 2 Amendments to Income Tax Act 2007, and Part A of Schedule 1 (continued)

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Good morning, members. I hope we’re all well rested. The committee is resumed on the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025-26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill. When we were considering the bill last night, we were debating Part 2. This is the debate on clauses 4 to 106—“Amendments to Income Tax Act 2007”—and Part A of Schedule 1. Once again, the question is that Part 2 stand part.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I just want to traverse briefly where we’d gotten through to last night. We had worked our way through Part 2 to around about—where am I up to?—the sale of excess electricity, so that was clause 19.

In addition to that, we had spent a substantial amount of time on the Minister of Revenue’s Amendment Paper 560. Now, that was a really important Amendment Paper. It was the one that introduced the assistance for families in this fuel crisis, giving them an extra $50 a week. As I’ve previously stated, the Labour Party will be supporting that amendment, but that Amendment Paper has probably been done over now and it is time to move on.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

That’s my advice and observation.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Yes, indeed. I do want to outline what there is still to discuss in Part 2. There is a series of changes to the Investment Boost rules; there is a series of changes around the foreign investment fund and revenue account method rules; there’s a series of changes around employee share schemes; and, very importantly, there’s an entirely new Amendment Paper, as well. It arrived earlier this week—Amendment Paper 559. There is a very substantial change in that Amendment Paper around infrastructure funding and the thin capitalisation rules for infrastructure funding. There are those major topics still to canvass in Part 2.

There’s a lot of work still to do in this and, in particular, that work on the Amendment Paper because, of course, that has not been through the Finance and Expenditure Committee. The select committee did some work on those thin capitalisation rules, but we did not have the legislation in front of us; we were just talking general policy. So, as I said, a lot of work to do in this section.

Going back to where we left off, I want to go to—

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Just at this stage, given what the member has indicated about how much work there is to do, the back and forth nature would probably assist, rather than five-minute speeches on each part of it—that would maybe indicate progress.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

That would be great, Mr Chair. Of course, that will depend on the Minister in the chair participating.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

It takes two to tango.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I note that the Minister in the chair is not actually the Minister responsible for this bill, so that could be a little bit tricky at this stage—

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Brought out the big guns—impact player off the bench.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

—though I’m sure the Minister in the chair at the moment will, in fact, do his best. I’m sure he’s looking forward to every moment of tax conversation—

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Oh, I put my hand up for this.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

—and I’m sure he’ll be ably assisted by the officials who are there.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

The Minister will be aware that his voice does get picked up on the microphone, and it goes out—

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Oh, I’m all big for Hansard.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Of course, if the Minister responsible for the bill is not here, it does make it rather difficult to have a whole lot of back and forth, but let’s give this a go.

I just want to start on clauses 33 to 35. These are a series of changes to the Investment Boost rules or the immediate write-off rules, the accelerated depreciation rules—so the rules that were brought in on Budget night last year. We debated them at the time and, of course, the difficulty with legislation brought in on Budget night is that, again, it hasn’t been through a select committee process, so it can be very hard. Try as they might for officials and drafters to get them perfect, it does take time to get tax rules sorted out.

The first question I want to ask the Minister—and given that we’ve asked for the back and forth—is what feedback the Minister and Inland Revenue were getting that made these amendments necessary. There would have been something that came up that triggered this, either from within Inland Revenue or from within the tax community that said, “Hey, you’ve got to get this right.” I’d just like to know what feedback the Minister and Inland Revenue were getting.

If we’re going to do a back and forth, we actually need the Minister to participate in this, and, as I’ve said, there’s a long way to go on this bill, so I’m going to give the Minister a little bit of a chance right now. Is he able to answer the question as to what information or advice he was getting, and that Inland Revenue was getting, that made these changes necessary?

RYAN HAMILTON

National Party · Hamilton East

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Mr Hamilton, just bearing in mind what you’ve heard, bearing in mind what took place last night, you’ll be aware there’s quite a wee way to go here. I won’t say you’re trifling with the Chair, but just make sure the bill is in front of you and be following progress yourself, and then you might get some idea of where we are and the likely success of a closure motion. I might have to say that it’s fairly early, given the progress we’re making through the bill at the moment, and given the message from the Chair last night.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. I am waiting. I’m sure the officials who are there will be quickly drafting a response for the Minister. It is actually quite important to know where the information was coming from about the need to introduce these changes to these accelerated write-down rules.

I want to go to replacement section DI 4(a)(viii), inserted by clause 34B. Let me see if I can find exactly the right spot; it’s quite interesting. What I want to know there is, it expands the meaning of “improvement”—oh, yes, I’ve found it here now. It expands the meaning of “improvement” and it extends it to all asset classes, including petroleum and mining development expenditure.

In the original legislation, we just had the word “improvement”, so there could be an accelerated write-down for improvements, but now we’ve actually changed that word “improvement” to “alteration, extension, or repair”. I’m just asking what was going on there, what advice the Minister was getting, and what advice officials were getting that said that the word “improvement” wasn’t sufficient and that we actually needed that rather clarified definition of what an improvement was to “alteration, extension, or repair”. If the Minister is able to answer that question

No? Well, in that case—this is one of the frustrations. I know the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, is a good guy doing great work in his portfolio around mental health, but it would be helpful if we had the Minister who was responsible for this bill. I appreciate things happen, but it is very hard to discuss a bill and to take committee stage seriously if we cannot get responses from the Minister.

Carrying on from here, that need to look at improvement, alteration, extension, or repair—if we go to new section DI 4B, and it’s the “Treatment of certain items as assets”—what it does is it says a person can get this accelerated write-down, this accelerated depreciation for farm development expenditure or an immediate write-off, and it extends that immediate write-off to farm development expenditure. It’s got the definition of farm development expenditure: “all petroleum development expenditure”; all mining development expenditure incurred by a person”; and “an alteration, extension, or repair of an asset of the type in any section”.

Now, this is kind of interesting because, of course, those development expenditure rules are sitting there in order that taxpayers who are developing an asset can capitalise that and they get, if I recall correctly, more immediate write-offs, but now they’re going to get this accelerated depreciation, as well.

There are two questions here. The first question is: why was this type of expenditure—the farm development expenditure, the petroleum development expenditure, the mining development expenditure—not included in the accelerated write-downs in the first place? Actually, there are three questions. The second is: again, what advice was the Minister or officials getting that it was necessary to actually include this explicitly in the accelerated write-down rules?

The third question there is—and this is where we need the officials’ advice, because although I am familiar with tax, obviously, I haven’t worked in it directly for eight years, so there’s some stuff, the very keen detail, that I’m not sure on. I’m looking for some reassurance on this. I’m assuming this doesn’t allow a double deduction, but if I could get some clarity on whether or not that actually allows a double deduction. I’m going to give the Minister an opportunity to answer some questions, if he so wishes.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you, Mr Chair. Just to acknowledge the questions from the Hon Deborah Russell; she seems to be taking the lion’s share of the work for the rest of her colleagues this morning. As pointed out, my portfolio is around mental health and what is the connection—well, I suppose when the Opposition was in Government and called tax “love”, then, obviously, we’ve brought in some mental health support.

“What feedback did IRD get that triggered this clarification?”—the Hon Deborah Russell asked about, referring to section 33. The advice I’ve received involved full consultation with the tax community to understand the gaps in the legislation and an extension to second-hand good clarification required to provide certainty for investment decisions. Just to repeat that: full consultation with the tax community, clarificatory to give certainty—and, I suppose, when we think about the Government side of the House, it is around giving confidence and giving certainty, because, I’m sure you agree, we need to give certainty for investment decisions to be made.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. I just want to carry on a little bit there, because it says “full consultation with the tax community”. Now, I appreciate that this was Budget night legislation. These rules around accelerated depreciation came in on Budget night last year, and the nature of Budget legislation is such that it is kept reasonably quiet, because announcements need to be made. A further detail around this is that, of course, people who knew this legislation was coming could well have delayed asset purchases until they got the advantage of the accelerated write-down. But then the Minister talked about full consultation with the tax community. Now, that’s an interesting discussion. Does this mean that there is a commitment within Inland Revenue and by the Minister around Budget legislation, or, indeed, any legislation that is introduced with little notice—again, I appreciate the necessity to do that—to doing ex-post reviews and ex-post consultation in order to ensure that the legislation really does meet the needs of the community?

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Mr Chair, and thank you to the Minister for the time in the hot seat this morning and to answer some of the questions, and there will be many coming from this side of the House as we work our way through what is a very long and complex bill.

Now, the question I have relates to clause 34D, “Section DI 5 amended (New investment asset deduction)”. Really, the issue I have with this question and with the section I want to get to is—as the Minister himself has expressed, he is not an expert in the area of tax; my sense is that there are a lot of New Zealanders who are not. For that very reason, understanding exactly what is in here and how that will impact New Zealanders who don’t necessarily take the time to read through the entire Act would suggest that, actually, our job here is to understand and interpret a lot of this content so that it’s much easier for New Zealanders to understand the ramifications and, indeed, for all of us to understand the ramifications around the decisions we make about whether or not we support this.

Coming to the specific subclause (1AC) in clause 35, in section DI 6, where it says it’s inserting as subsection (2)—and I just want to read the passage here: “For the purposes of subsection (1), if the amount of person A’s deduction is less than the amount (the available deduction amount)”—it goes on—“they would have been allowed if they had used the asset wholly in deriving assessable income or carrying on a business for the purpose of deriving assessable income,”. Thankfully, there’s a bracket at this point, which allows me to catch my breath. The passage goes on: “the applicable amount referred to in subsection (1) is reduced by the available deduction amount for the purposes of quantifying the amount of depreciation loss under subpart EE or the amount of a deduction under subpart DO, DP, DT, or DU, as applicable.”

The question is a very simple question about what is, essentially, a very complicated series of words in the bill, which really is: what does that mean in plain English, and can the Minister give us an assurance not just that he understands it but that we are all able to understand it and that, most importantly, the New Zealanders for whom this will apply are able to understand exactly what that means?

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I do want to go to a couple of very specific questions now. They will be my last questions on this part, and I hope the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, is—sorry, this section, before I move on to the next major topic of employee share schemes. But I want to understand, in particular, the policy decision around DI 4B(b) and (c). This is new section DI 4B, subsection (b) and subsection (c), inserted by clause 34C. Now, we’ve been allowed a deduction for development expenditure. I just want to remind the Minister that he hasn’t yet answered my questions on development expenditure in general, and so I would appreciate an answer on those. But DI 4B(b) and (c) give accelerated write-downs for all petroleum development expenditure and all mining development expenditure.

Now, there is, of course, a broader question around this, and that is to do with, certainly in the case of petroleum development expenditure, whether we should be encouraging petroleum development expenditure in our Income Tax Act, given the pressing needs of climate change. There’s a policy decision taken here in the tax Act to support fossil fuels. I get the reason for consistency within the tax Act, but could the Minister please explain why it is important to support fossil fuels in this way, given the crisis the world is facing in terms of climate change?

I also want to point out that, no matter what, the type of fossil fuels that are available in New Zealand would not replace the type of crude that we get from Iran and from the Middle East. It’s not the right quality of crude. So why are we mining these fossil fuels in New Zealand, and why are we encouraging these in New Zealand?

There’s a second point here, and it says “all mining development expenditure”. Now, in the Labour Party, we are not opponents of mining at all. We recognise the wealth it can bring to a country. But we are opposed to new coal mining. This is all development expenditure for new coal mining. I’m really worried about this. Would this create an incentive, for example, for expanding the mine on the Denniston Plateau? There’s some stuff here that just really goes against our conservation aims and it goes against the rules we have for what we’re trying to do in terms of climate change.

Right at the start, when this bill was introduced on Budget night, it was clear that the accelerated write-down was available for fossil fuel mining. We opposed it then, but I also oppose it in this sense. Even though we thought the accelerated write-down was a good idea, extending it to fossil fuels was an absolutely bizarre thing to do.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

So you don’t support affordable energy.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I wonder if the Minister could just give some reason—take a call—

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

I don’t need to. Affordable energy.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

—behind the policy decision for allowing petroleum mining and allowing coal mining to be supported in this way. Take a call, David—take a call.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you, Mr Chair. First, in response to my Canterbury colleague Reuben Davidson, who is the rising star of the Labour Party—and, I must say, full credit for innovativeness around filibustering. He is reading out a whole section and then asking the question of what it means in plain English. I look forward to more of those questions.

To the Hon Dr Deborah Russell, there were questions around what the gaps were that needed to be filled. The advice I’ve received is that there is no significant change from the original legislation. It covers other types of asset classes other than depreciable property, where it was always intended to include improvements, but the definition wasn’t included in relation to the relevant sections. The proposed change introduces the definition to those sections.

To the question around double deductions, there will be no double deductions. To the extent that a taxpayer claims Investment Boost, they will get only the balance of the deduction. The deduction is limited to the expenditure.

To the question from the Hon Dr Deborah Russell around why it is so complicated for new section DI 6(2) in clause 35(1AC), this section is complicated because it contains integrity provisions. Most taxpayers will have simpler circumstances, and so the approach will be simpler.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Mr Chair, and thank you to the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, for the answers—

Shanan Halbert

Labour Party · List MP

Reading out his responses.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

—to previous questions, and, yes, as my colleague points out, for reading out his responses to my questions that I’d asked previously. The—

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

And what are you reading?

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

I’m reading the bill, Minister. I’m reading the bill—

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Word for word.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

—which is what my questions relate to.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Hasn’t even come to the House and prepared questions.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Minister, I won’t warn you again. When you are engaging cross-party, you have a microphone, which means you have an advantage over everyone else in the Chamber. If flippancy goes through the Chamber, it does give you an advantage, and so please take the advice—

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

He could have asked proper questions, though.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Well, I’ll decide that; not you, as Minister.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m now wanting to ask some questions specifically around the clauses in this bill—which is the document I have in front of me, for the Minister’s reference—around the employee share scheme rules. This is really important, especially for New Zealand’s economic development or economic growth, depending on how you want to interpret the title of that portfolio—but it’s really important for both economic development and economic growth, because it’s around the rules that we put in place in law to empower and enable the start-up sector in New Zealand.

Now, we’re known around the world for being very, very good, if not the best in the world, at innovation and innovating, and our start-ups the length of the country—many of which I’ve had the privilege to visit and see what goes on—are leading the way with new ideas and with developing talent locally and attracting talent internationally. A big part of attracting and holding that talent in our innovation sector comes down to allowing those employees and individuals to be invested not just in the realisation of the idea but also in the potential growth and monetisation that transfers from intellectual property to initial public offering that those companies are seeking to have.

What we’re looking at in this section of the bill are the rules and regulations put in place around the issuing or transferral for an employee to become a share scheme beneficiary. There’s a specific reference in the bill at new section EA 4B, “Deferred tax for unlisted employee share schemes”, in clause 40, where new section EA 4B(2) says, “The employer may, at the time the shares are issued or transferred, designate the shares issued or transferred to an employee share scheme beneficiary as employee deferred shares.” Then there’s an underlined section here that gets very interesting. It goes on to say, “If the employer makes that designation, the employer must notify both the Commissioner and the employee share scheme beneficiary of that designation”—and this is the number—“within 20 days after the date of issue or transfer, or by a later date allowed by the Commissioner.”

My question for the Minister here is: what’s the process for the designation of that later date, is there discretion, and are there specific instances where the Commissioner of Inland Revenue would be asked case by case, or are we looking here at a blanket ruling that could extend out that 20-day period? I mean, 20 days can sound like a long time, but 20 days is four weeks. In our innovation and start-up sector, we know that a lot can happen in that period of time and, also, if you’re dealing with time zones in different countries and investments from other territories in other countries and from foreign investors, as well, that could all be very difficult to progress in that 20-day period.

Those are my questions for the Minister: what’s the process; where is the discretion, if there is any; would there be specific instances of variation of that 20-day limitation, or is there likely to be the facility for a blanket ruling that would shift that 20-day discretion for the commissioner?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you, Mr Chair. In response to the Hon Deborah Russell, who asked her question as to why include petroleum and mining expenditure, I’ve been advised that the decision to include petroleum and mining expenditure—these were included in Investment Boost so that all expenditure and capital investment is treated equally. It is a good policy that aims at driving productivity for all sectors.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I thank the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, for his answer to that question. I think that we debated it substantially at the time on Budget night, and if you’re going to do that—I don’t agree with doing it, but if you’re going to do that—then a consistency reason applies.

We have now moved on to the employee share scheme rules. These are clauses 39 to 41, and my colleague Reuben Davidson has already talked about some of the issues there. I just want to draw the attention of—it really got me. It’s new section EA 4B in clause 40, and I want to draw the drafters’ attention to this, because I think there’s been a typo or a mistake. There’s section EA 4B, then there’s section EA 4B(1), section EA 4B(2), section EA 4B(3)—and that’s quite straightforward—and then there’s section EA 4B(4B). I’m looking at it on page 28, halfway down the page, and I think that it should be subsection (4), not subsection (4B).

Hopefully, that will get picked up and tidied up somewhere, but then it goes to section EA 4B(2), and so we’ve got two subsection (2)s in there now. I’m pretty sure that there are just some typos going on somewhere, but if the drafters and the officials, who I know will be listening in the room outside, because there’s a suite of officials working on this bill—as I’ve said, I’m pretty sure it’s just a typo, but it would be nice to get that one tidied up. I guess that it would have been tidied up at some stage, but it certainly would help in debating it, and this just goes to the fact that I did actually read the bill, unlike my colleagues on the other side of the Chamber, it seems.

Aside from that issue with the typos, I was particularly interested—and the reason why I picked this up was because I was looking at new section EA 4B(4B), and I thought that that just can’t be right—in where it’s talking about the liquidity event date. In terms of the liquidity event, I guess what I’m concerned about here is whether we meet the arm’s-length criteria, particularly. Obviously, at the point at which we’re trying to establish a liquidity event, we need to be sure that the value established is correct. The best way to do that is through having an arm’s-length transaction. This applies particularly from, under new subsection (4B)(a)(i)—which should be new subsection (4)(a)(i)—the date on which it becomes a listed company. At that stage, for the shares which will be issued to an employee, there is a value established, and so that’s quite a good date.

Then, new subsection (4B)(a)(ii) says, “the date the employee share scheme beneficiary”—that’s the employee—“sells or transfers the shares to a person who is not associated with a beneficiary”. I wonder if the Minister could explain just the extent to which that term “not associated” is working: who counts as being associated with the beneficiary and who counts as not being associated with the beneficiary? In this case, we do want to be very, very sure that we are establishing a genuine arm’s-length transaction to establish a genuine value, and so it would be great to clarify exactly how it meets that test.

The other thing that I was fitting in there was the date on which shares are cancelled, including by the company ceasing to exist. So the employee will have been given a whole lot of shares, as is common in start-ups, but then, as is equally common in start-ups, start-ups don’t always succeed, and people have to try several things before they succeed, and then the shares achieve zero value, and that counts as a liquidity event, too. What then happens to the employees’ remuneration? How is that, sort of, figured into the—I guess it’s just a non-event, in a sense, but if the Minister could clarify that, that would be very helpful.

There was just one other thing—oh, no, I think we can move on. Those are some of the questions I wanted to ask—oh, no, I want to ask one other thing. In this new section EA 4B, inserted by clause 40, I want to go to EA 4B; should be new subsection (4)—

Ryan Hamilton

What page?

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Page 28, new subsection (4B), it talks about the shares. The date is obviously the sale date, and then it talks about “unless the shares are subject to a restriction that prevents their disposal”. So it means the date on which the restriction ends. I’m just trying to think about that—if the Minister could clarify. I’m taking that it’s the instance where perhaps the shares are listed, but the employee is not permitted to dispose of them until, say, a year after the listing date or something like that. Now, that might be a fairly common thing to do to ensure that the employee’s expertise stays with the start-up and so on, or that they’re—so I just wonder if the Minister could clarify exactly what sorts of restrictions might be envisaged there.

Again, when it’s coming to “associated persons” or not associated persons—so trying to establish that arm’s-length thing: the nature of restrictions, does that create a relationship that fits within the associated person rules, and things like that? I would hope that the restriction has to have a very certain date to it, otherwise I could see trigger events or a very certain trigger event that then says, no, this restriction is at an end. Otherwise, I can see the possibility for manipulating the date at which there is a liquidity event and, therefore, manipulating the value of the liquidity event. I wonder if I could just get some clarity around that, please.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Mr Chair. Just to further probe into one of these clauses, clause 41 here, which is “Section EA 5 amended (Income from disposal of original shares under share-lending arrangements)”. In subclause (2B) here, it says, “In section EA 5(1)(c), replace”—and then it quotes—“ ‘in the following income year (the later income year)’ with ‘in a later income year’.” What you’ve potentially got there is a shift, in my reading of it, and I’m seeking some clarity from the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey. If you’re saying, “in the following income year”, that’s very specific, that’s next year; if you’re saying in “a later income year”, that’s very broad, that’s potentially any year following the one you are in, which implies, or could imply, a period of deferral—well, an infinite period of deferral, because you’re saying “a later income year” and not “the following income year”.

I’m really seeking some clarification from the Minister about his understanding of what that means and how broadly that could be applied, and what risks that might pose—because, all of a sudden, something that had to be tidied up in the following income year now may never be tidied up or could be tidied up in two years, 10 years, 50 years. So I’d like some clarification from the Minister about exactly what the change there in clause 41(2B) will mean.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you, Mr Chair. In response to the question around clauses 39 to 41, employee share schemes—is there discretion for the 20-day period? I’ve been advised that, yes, there is.

To respond to the Hon Dr Deborah Russell—we will now call her the “Eagle-eyed Deborah Russell”: are there typos, as pointed out? I thought it was a very good question and did leave the reader with that thought, but I have been advised that, no, this is not a typo. The numbering will be updated in the assent version of the bill.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I think there are still a few more questions that the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, hasn’t answered yet, but I think we’ve dealt with the questions around the employee share schemes. That still leaves a couple of major topics in this section: one is the foreign investment fund (FIF) and revenue account method (RAM) rules, and the other is the matter introduced in the Minister’s Amendment Paper 560, which has not been discussed in detail by the Finance and Expenditure Committee—although we discussed some of the policy proposals there—and we did not have submissions on it, so I do want to cover some of those issues quite carefully.

Aside from the questions that the Minister hasn’t been able to answer yet—and I’m sure he will do so in due course—I want to move to clauses 51 to 67B, and that’s the revenue account method rules for the alternative to the foreign investment fund rules. First of all, just before I do that, I just want to note a couple of other things to do with the accepted financial arrangements in section EW 5, where clause 44 replaces “50,000” with “100,000”, and in section EW 57 and a few others. I think it’s EW 57 replacing “1,000,000” with “2,000,000”. I think these are good changes. Those thresholds were put in place a long time ago, and I think there was a real need to update those thresholds for the financial arrangements rules. So there’s no particular need to discuss those. We agree with those changes, and I’m sure that, had we been in Government, we would have been doing much the same.

Moving on to the foreign investment fund rules. Now, this is a very, very technical area of the Income Tax Act. Very roughly, how the rules work is that if a person has, I think it’s $50,000 of foreign shares, they have to value those shares at the start of every year and then treat 5 percent of the value as taxable income and pay tax on that—so not pay 5 percent as tax, but, say, 5 percent of that is income; 5 percent of that value is income; and then the income is included as deemed income in the person’s tax return. That is, of course, a tax on unrealised gains, or you can also get unrealised losses out of it. There are some particular difficulties associated with that, especially for shares that are not in a listed company, or shares that—because, in the end, there’s no mechanism for establishing a value.

And, of course, there are also particular issues for American citizens who are tax residents in New Zealand. The United States taxes its citizens, not its residents, and there were some particular interactions with the capital gains tax rules in the United States and the FIF rules here in New Zealand, which have been creating genuine difficulty for people.

We’ve now introduced the revenue account method. That’s so any dividends received are taxable as a person’s marginal rate and a gain or loss in any value of shares is going to be included in income and tax, but the value would be discounted by 30 percent. I think that’s the way it works. Look, the policy intent is to reduce compliance costs for taxpayers and, really, to remove not just compliance costs but also to give people a way around having to pay taxes on unrealised value when they may not actually have the cash in hand to do so. It really has been a point of friction in the tax system.

Nevertheless, I want to understand when a person may use the revenue account method. The person has to be a RAM taxpayer or a RAM interest—I have to say, that acronym brings to mind sheep, but OK; I hope our farmers don’t take this as an incentive to start using this method, either. I want the Minister to clarify exactly who may be a RAM taxpayer. There’s a little bit of confusion there; it’s hard to work your way through this. Perhaps a RAM taxpayer is a person who’s a—if the Minister could just set out in clear words what a RAM taxpayer is.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

In response to the Hon Dr Deborah Russell—the question around who is associated with a beneficiary and who is not—I have been advised that the meaning of “associated person” is in Subpart YB of the Income Tax Act. There are no special rules for its proposal. To clarify, the ordinary rules apply.

What happens to employee remuneration on the date shares are cancelled? I have been advised that, when shares are cancelled, an employee will generally be compensated for the loss of the shares by the employer. This may be in the form of a cash payment or different shares of the same value. This is common in share restructure situations. This will trigger a tax liability.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

I’m aware we’re still moving, but let’s keep moving.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Yep. I’ve specified very clearly the two areas where I feel as though we need to do some more work yet.

Just carrying on looking at a revenue account method (RAM) taxpayer, I want to understand, then, what a “RAM interest” is? There are two definitions here, which I think we could do with plain English for. I know there are a number of fairly ordinary people who this affects who want to understand whether or not they can now be a RAM taxpayer or whether they have RAM interest. We’re looking for a plain English version of what a RAM taxpayer is and what a RAM interest is.

I think it’s really important here what date this applies from. I recall, when I first became a member of Parliament—it’s getting on for close to nine years now; it’s hard to believe this is my ninth year in this place—I immediately had people approaching me over this particular issue: people who had lived in New Zealand for some years but still had shares overseas, particularly in the States. I want to understand if those people can now use this RAM method or whether they are still required to continue using the standard foreign investment fund rules. Now, as I said, this is a point of friction for those people. Is this going to solve that point of friction for people who have been here for a very long time indeed?

Francisco Hernandez

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. I appreciate that the member the Hon Dr Deborah Russell is going clause by clause, but I did have a question that I wanted to ask now that is slightly, I think, not quite where she was, because I do have to leave at 10 o’clock.

My question is around the Order in Council mechanism for the FamilyBoost package and whether there was consideration given to using that mechanism for the Amendment Papers and the fuel crisis relief package that the Government is offering. The change that this bill is making is that it allows the rates of the FamilyBoost to be set via Order in Council, which is, of course, a much simpler mechanism than setting them via legislation. Was there consideration given to making it so that the boost that the families are getting through the fuel crisis relief package is done via that mechanism, as well?

We know that this crisis is going to be quite a fast-moving one. We can’t predict the future. We don’t know what’s going to happen. It just strikes me that the Order in Council mechanism is a much better way, potentially, to set the rates that are in the Minister’s Amendment Papers rather than going through the changing of legislation, because the flexibility that it offers means that you can adjust the rates up or down depending on the price of fuel and depending on what’s happening with the international markets. That’s just my very quick question to the Minister, and I’m looking forward to an answer to that.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

As well as a revenue account method (RAM) taxpayer and RAM interest, there is then an “extended” RAM taxpayer. Now, that’s kind of an interesting—

Suze Redmayne

National Party · Rangitīkei

Ha, ha!

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Yeah, talking about extended “rams”, I think Suze Redmayne has probably got a little bit of information to share here! What’s an extended RAM, Suze? That’s an odd kind of thing to have: not just a RAM taxpayer but an “extended” RAM taxpayer. If the Minister could clarify: why might you have something that is extended further?

The other thing I want to be really clear about—and I think people at home are going to need to be very sure about this too. It’s sitting here in the legislation. It says that a RAM taxpayer has to be a “natural” person—no companies, and so on. Now, again, if the Minister could just explain, and I appreciate it is a perfectly sensible rule, why a RAM taxpayer has to be a natural person—so a company or a trust, or whatever, cannot be a RAM taxpayer?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Isn’t it great to be talking about a RAM taxpayer and not a ram raid!

What is revenue account method (RAM) interest? It is not a liquid foreign share, which means not easily able to be sold or converted, such as not on the stock exchange.

When may a person use RAM? I have been advised that the person must be a New Zealand tax resident on or after 1 April 2024, and the person must have been a non-resident for at least five years before becoming a New Zealand tax resident.

To the question from Reuben Davidson around clause 41, section EA 5—the question was about why the change from “the later” income year to “a later” income year—the relevant disposal or return of shares can occur in more than one income year, and later for a returning share transfer. This is why the change was made.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I’m grateful for the explanations that the Minister, the Hon Matt Doocey, has made around the revenue account method. It is a highly technical piece of legislation, so, I think, rather than pursuing it further, I actually want to move on from this now. I appreciate that we have been spending a large amount of time on this part.

Nevertheless, there is one more set of rules that I want to have a really good look at, and it’s actually going to be quite important to have an extensive look at this, because they are rules around thin capitalisation. Now, these are contained in the Minister’s Amendment Paper 559. This Amendment Paper was made available, I think, on Monday of this week. I’m pretty sure I picked up a copy of it then. It might have been earlier; it might have been a little bit later. This is, I think, the first time we’ve had an opportunity to have a look at the actual legislation. The particular ideas were discussed in select committee, but not the legislation, so there is quite a bit of work to do on this section.

Just to set the context for the committee, a brief explanation of the thin capitalisation rules: what multinational companies could do, if you’re not careful about it, is locate all of their debt in New Zealand and get a deduction for it even if they didn’t actually have a lot of their investment in New Zealand. It’s a pretty standard strategy for shifting funds around the world and getting the best tax deduction possible. What the thin capitalisation rules do is make sure that companies don’t load a high proportion and commercially unrealistic level of debt into New Zealand and claim high deductions. I think, under the thin capitalisation rules, firms can have up to 60 percent debt financing here or, if they look at the average debt financing of the company across the world, they can have 110 percent of the multinational’s average debt financing located here. What that does, then, is ensure that the deductions that are taken in New Zealand are fair and reasonable.

The trouble is that that can, in some ways, be a barrier to some investment, and we do want to ensure that we encourage inward investment, as well. We know we need it around infrastructure. These thin capitalisation rules are now being modified to ensure that, where we’re getting inward investment for infrastructure, those companies can get a reasonable deduction. Particularly, they have to have third-party debt and all sorts of things going on there, but, provided some infrastructure investment, they can get the full deduction. I hope the Minister in the chair is appreciating that explanation, as well, given that the Minister who is responsible for this legislation is not able to be here at this time. That, of course, happens. We understand this. The Minister in the chair is doing an excellent job—an excellent job.

There are two new clauses here in the Minister’s Amendment Paper 559: new clauses 69B and 69C. I have to say that 69B is a little dull—sorry, drafters, legislation officials—but 69C is where all the work is done. What 69C does is it introduces a new section FE 7C. Now, FE contains all the thin capitalisation rules, so this is the obvious place for these new rules to go in.

I want to go to new section—oh, I’ve managed to put an “FEC” there; clearly, I’ve just got the Finance and Expenditure Committee on my mind—FE 7C(1)(a). What this does is it says that people who can use this exemption to the thin capitalisation rules for infrastructure have to meet the requirements of section FE 2(1)(b), (c), or (cc). Now, FE 2(1)(b) is a non-resident company, (c) is a resident company that is more than 50 percent overseas owned, and (cc) is a resident company controlled by an overseas trustee. Roughly, that’s how it works.

This is the question for the Minister: new section FE 2(1)—why would a non-resident who is not a company not be able to claim this deduction if they are engaging in infrastructure, if they’re providing funding for infrastructure? Now, I get that that’s a highly unusual situation, but why would they not be able to claim that deduction, a non-resident who is not a company; why not FE 2(1)(cb), a resident company that, effectively, has overseas control through counting of its holdings?

Now, people who’ve worked in tax will know that there are these wiring diagrams showing capital flows and cash flows and revenue flows and deduction flows and all sorts of ownership flows. Those wiring diagrams are very, very complicated, and you count up those holdings. What I want to understand from the Minister, given those who can use these exemptions, is: why is it that FE 2(1)(a) and FE 2(1)(cb) are not included in new FE 7C(1)(a)?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you, Mr Chair. In answer to Francisco Hernandez’s question—who said he had to leave at 10 o’clock, so I thought I’d expedite that question a bit quicker. He had to go and—

Member

Busy guy.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

—well, that’s right—do what Green MPs do, like play hacky-sack or something like that! Did we consider doing the in-work tax credit by Order in Council? No, in-work tax credit rate changes are generally made by primary legislation. The reference to Order in Council relates to setting a date when support will stop, not for setting the rate itself.

For the question by the Hon Deborah Russell, who I never thought I’d hear say that she found part of tax legislation dull—I mean, those nine years are changing you slowly. I never thought I’d hear that. It’s surely all exciting. Who can use extended revenue account method (RAM): I’ve been advised “extended RAM taxpayer” are RAM taxpayers who are also being taxed in another country. This distinction was necessary because they needed RAM to apply to more investments to resolve the double taxation issue.

Suze Redmayne

National Party · Rangitīkei

Junior Whip

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Keep moving, but with some pace.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I am keeping moving. I want to move on to some further questions on this Amendment Paper 559 that was just dropped this week, when we haven’t seen the legislation previously. I appreciate that, in the absence of the Minister responsible for this legislation, the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, is doing an excellent job. Nevertheless, it’s very hard to discuss some of these technical issues and to get the policy intent behind them because of this.

I want to look at new section FE 7C(3), and this is one where I just want a confirmation of this. It says, “For the purposes of applying this subpart to any other person”. This is new subpart FE 7C or maybe FE—if they could clarify whether that’s subpart FE or new section FE 7C, that would be helpful, because I’m just not quite sure what, in FE 7C(3), this subpart refers to. “For the purposes of applying … to any other person”—so another person who might be able to claim the exemption for eligible infrastructure. I’m envisioning a situation where two entities are trying to claim the exemption for eligible infrastructure, so you can’t count the debt interest assets and non-debt liabilities of the eligible infrastructure entity and so on. If the officials could clarify that that’s to prevent a double-dip on this. I think that’s what their work is doing. I might be getting it wrong, but, again, because I’ve only just seen this legislation, we haven’t had an opportunity to discuss in the Finance and Expenditure Committee. I’m unsure as to exactly what that work is doing.

Carrying on from there, on FE 7C(4), we have a “non-QID”—or a non “kid”, “quid”, something or other—interest. I’m just disappointed that officials missed the opportunity for a full-scale quidditch reference. They could have done that. What FE 7C(4) does is it sets up an amount of income that gets counted as income. I was puzzled by that, because it’s got the subtitle “Income” there. Of course, that led me to the question: this is all supposed to be enabling a deduction, and I’m not quite sure how the mechanics of this are working. Where is the deduction itself enabled? Or is it the case that, first of all, we have the thin capitalisation rules that prevent a deduction, and then this new section FE 7C prevents the prevention of the deduction and we’re doing a double negative here? If the officials could just clarify how that mechanism actually works.

I want to make sure that there is a deduction enabled somewhere. But if it’s done via cancelling, as it were, the prevention of the deduction, it would be helpful to know exactly how that mechanism is located within the Income Tax Act. So that’s a couple of questions for the Minister there.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

High productivity this morning. The question was: why would a non-resident that is not a company not be able to claim a deduction? I’ve been advised the provision is focused on companies because these are the most likely taxpayers using it. Other taxpayers can always incorporate a company to access this thin capitalisation treatment.

The next question was asked by the Hon Deborah Russell. Why does foreign investment fund revenue account method (RAM) only apply to natural persons and certain trusts—e.g., family trusts? The RAM proposal was intended to remove tax barriers to migration and settlement of people in New Zealand and returning New Zealanders, hence why that is worded in this way.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m very grateful for that answer and, of course, that makes good economic sense to encourage people to migrate into this country. I commend the Minister and the officials for introducing that change.

Carrying on, on new section FE 7C, I want to go to FE 7C(7)(a). We’ve got “eligible infrastructure entity” and we’re trying to define what that is. It means a person who is carrying on a business or project of “creating, operating, maintaining or upgrading qualifying infrastructure assets the person owns;”. Now, I’ve got some serious concerns around those qualifying infrastructure assets and I do want to discuss those in a moment, and “creating, operating, maintaining, or upgrading” seems reasonable for the actual asset that is being created—this legislation is supposed to be enabling or encouraging infrastructure development—but then, for eligible infrastructure, it says “any activity in New Zealand that is ancillary to or facilitates the activities described in subparagraph (i) if the person carries on any such activity;”.

What’s going to be “ancillary” to “creating, operating, maintaining, or upgrading qualifying infrastructure”? I just recall that when we were discussing the accelerated write-down rules a short time ago, one of the things that we discussed there was how improvement had been expanded to maintain, develop, or something like that—the actual definition of “improvement” had been expanded into some particular words. I’m really worried that “any activity in New Zealand that is ancillary to or facilitates the activities” is going to be something that subsequently gets expanded, as well, or needs further explanation.

If we could have some examples, maybe, from officials of what sorts of activities would fall into that “ancillary to or facilitating the activities”. I think 7(a)(i) is pretty clear, but 7(a)(ii) is somewhat unclear because of that word “ancillary” and also those words “facilitating the activities”. If the Minister of Revenue is able to answer that, that would be helpful.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Good morning. The question is, who is the “any other person” referred to in new section FE 7C, added by clause 69C in Amendment Paper 559? I’ve been advised that thin capitalisation rules apply on New Zealand group level. When an exemption applies to an entity that is part of a group, the normal thin capitalisation calculation applies to the rest of the group, disregarding the entity applying the exemption.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I’m going to take a call from the Hon Dr Deborah Russell, but I do know, in consultation with the previous Chair, that we’re getting pretty close in this Part 2. I know that you’ve been honed into this the whole time, so a couple more specific questions would be really good.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Madam Chair. I note that this particular set of legislation only dropped this week. It hasn’t been examined in the Finance and Expenditure Committee—it’s the last major topic I wish to examine in Part 2.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I’m just asking to—

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Yep, and I’ve been moving.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I’m looking specifically to you as the member who’s been honing in on this. Thank you.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I’m going to keep on moving clause by clause through, very steadily.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Very quickly, questions and not comments. OK?

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

New section FE 7C(7)(b)(ii) added by clause 69C in Amendment Paper 559—and this is really interesting. It’s talking about assets and which assets are recognised in the balance sheet, and it’s subparagraphs (7)(b)(ii) and (iv) that are giving me concern. In terms of valuing the assets, we have “tangible assets:”, “financial assets:”, and “deferred tax assets:”, but there are two there—“intangible assets:” and “goodwill:”. Now, how are they valued? This is really worrying me because, of course, goodwill and intangible assets are subject to quite a bit of opinion—as it were—in terms of their value. There’s an opportunity there to inflate the value of assets sitting on a balance sheet as to whether or not they can be—as to meet that threshold. I’m concerned about how the value of those assets is going to be audited and policed by Inland Revenue. If I could have an answer around the ancillary activities and these intangible assets, they have two areas where I think there’s wriggle room in the legislation and I would be concerned about that.

Now, “(c)” is kind of interesting—new section FE 7C(7)(c)—the things that an entity doesn’t have, so a qualified infrastructure group must not have these things. I’m just going to say that the reality is that it’s a logical impossibility to prove a negative. That’s just a basic finding from logic—one cannot prove a negative. How is a company going to be able to prove something that they don’t have? I mean, I can assert that I don’t have a cat, but proving I don’t have a cat is a different thing. I would like some clarity as to how that is going to be policed, as well. That’s three items there that I need some clarity from officials on.

Then new section FE 7C(8)—and this is the qualifying infrastructure. It has to be “a tangible asset in New Zealand that provides … transport infrastructure”—tick, I’m happy with that. “Provides energy infrastructure … electricity generation, transmission, and distribution assets”—provided it’s green electricity, that’d be a tick from us. “Water infrastructure”—this got me a bit worried, overseas companies owning water infrastructure and investing in water infrastructure. There’s a few issues around that in New Zealand at the moment and that kind of begs the question as to who ought to own our water infrastructure. I’d like to know what the policy discussions were behind enabling water infrastructure to be owned, built, maintained, operated by overseas investors. Overseas investors expect a return, and I feel as though water infrastructure—this is a conversation we need to have in this country—is infrastructure that needs to be operated by and for the benefit of New Zealanders, not by and for the benefit of overseas investors. “Telecommunications infrastructure”—OK, no worries about that one. “Waste infrastructure”—it’s got me a wee bit worried, but not as worried as the water infrastructure.

Then the last one: “social infrastructure … hospitals, schools, libraries, prisons, large-scale student accommodation or similar public facilities”—the large-scale student accommodation: all right, that seems OK. But hospitals? Schools? Libraries? Prisons?

Member

You just said that.

Member

Repetition.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

This is actually a serious policy issue. This opens the door to private investment in our prisons. This opens the door to private investment in our schools. This opens the door to private investment in hospitals. This opens the door to private investment in libraries. This is a very serious policy question and I think we need to spend some time in this committee examining it, especially as this Amendment Paper was only dropped this week. There is a very serious policy issue here and that is the extent to which there should be private investment in these entities.

When we imprison someone, we take away—Madam Chair?

Members

Madam Chair!

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The Hon Dr Deborah Russell.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

This is a serious question. When we imprison someone, we take away their freedom. That is a large and important thing for a State to do, but this says that people can derive a profit from the State imprisoning someone. That is deeply worrying. Our public schools have always been that: public schools and they have been provided by the State. As much as possible they have provided a free education. But if we are going to have private investment in our public schools, then that private investment is going to demand a return. That private investment for operating and maintaining those school buildings takes money out of taxpayers’ money and sends it off to private investors overseas. Is this the right thing for us to be doing as a country?

I want members on the other side to justify this. Why should we be enabling foreign investment in our prisons? This is a deeply serious matter and I want a policy answer from the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Madam Chair, I was just going to compliment the Hon Deborah Russell for being so strong, but starting to falter a bit—although Reuben Davidson did start off strong but faded a wee bit.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Just answer the questions please, Minister.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

But I see the Hon Duncan Webb’s come in and passed him a few questions, so no doubt he’ll be back up on his feet now he’s been prepped a bit better.

The question around thin cap proposal—how will the value given to intangible assets be audited, policed by IRD? I’ve been advised the definition of “intangible assets” and “goodwill” follows standard accounting treatment, so IRD would check that this standard accounting treatment is being followed.

The question from the Hon Deborah Russell: what is new section FE 7C(4), inserted by clause 69C on Amendment Paper 559—if I’m correct in that—and that classification doing? Subsection (4), effectively, denies a deduction by deeming that income for debt that is not third party—from related parties—does not qualify, and the interest expense on this related party debt is deemed to be income. I’ll just read that again: subsection (4), effectively, denies a deduction by deeming income for debt that is not third-party debt. Debt from related parties does not qualify and the interest expense on this related party debt is deemed to be income.

RYAN HAMILTON

National Party · Hamilton East

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 2 set out on Amendment Papers 559 and 560 be agreed to.

Amendments agreed to.

Part 2 as amended agreed to.

Committee of the whole House

Part 3 Amendments to Goods and Services Tax Act 1985, and Part A of Schedule 2

Part 3 Amendments to Goods and Services Tax Act 1985, and Part A of Schedule 2

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Members, we come now to Part 3, which is the debate on clauses 107 to 134, “Amendments to Goods and Services Tax Act 1985”, and Part A of Schedule 2. The question is that Part 3 stand part.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

There are a number of minor changes in this part of the bill to the GST rules, but, actually, the thing that I really want us to focus on is the new joint venture rules. I don’t want to go through all the remedials—fascinating that each of them is on an individual basis, but I actually do want to focus on the joint venture rules.

For the benefit of the committee, in terms of joint ventures, what was going on was where companies were involved in a joint venture together, so one company would be paying—sorry, two taxpayers, GST-registered taxpayers were engaging in a joint venture together, one entity would pay the bills and claim the GST and flow it through to the other company, who could claim their share of it, and so on. This whole process had seemed to go on in a fairly, I wouldn’t say casual, but on a somewhat ad hoc basis. It was the accepted practice for how GST on joint ventures was accounted for.

There was a need to actually firm up the legislation on this. The practice followed commercial reality, but Inland Revenue established that, actually, through a draft ruling, this probably wasn’t the appropriate practice; it didn’t actually follow the legislation. Although people were doing something, which, at the end of the day, accounted for all the GST correctly, all the correct amount of GST was being paid—that’s our understanding—it wasn’t actually being done legally. So there was a need to make sure that the GST rules caught up with the actual practice, given that the actual practice was reflecting commercial reality and did actually mean that all the correct GST was being paid.

My understanding is this whole set of rules ensures that unincorporated bodies can indeed claim the GST. It proposes what is now called a flow-through treatment. We’re familiar with flow-through treatment in other areas of the taxing Acts, for example, with flow-through companies and so on. This is a flow-through treatment here with GST.

The difficulty is that we got a whole lot of feedback from submitters and from accounting bodies, from some of our senior tax consultants that, actually, the rules now create more of a mess than there was in the first place. I just wonder if the Minister has a sense of how he would respond to that and what he would say to that, or what officials would say to that.

I appreciate that this is a difficult bit of law, so I’ll just go through it clause by clause. I was inviting the Minister in the chair, the Hon Matt Doocey, to perhaps comment on the general policy overall, but that’s fine. I want to know why—going to clause 108 which should be in section 2 amended, the interpretation section of the Goods and Services Tax Act—“partnerships” are not included? You know, partnerships are the ultimate flow-through entity of anything. So it’ll be interesting to know why partnerships are not included in these definitions.

Then it goes on in clause 108(6) to talk about some interesting things like—it’s a really interesting thing here—a “non-integral deduction”, means for goods and services that don’t make a substantial improvement to the main goods or does not become an integral part of the main goods. The “main goods” is an interesting definition in itself, but then a “non-integral deduction”, again, is there a definition of “integral deduction” sitting in the Act? In that case, wouldn’t that be a better thing to do? I want to know why it was defined this way on a negative basis as a “non-integral deduction” instead of being defined in a positive manner as an “integral deduction”. If the Minister could give me some clarity on that, please. Apparently not—not yet.

Carrying on through these rules, and they are quite technical. If the Minister could explain—sorry, I’ve just lost my place here because the Goods and Services Tax Act is a little bit complicated; it’s one of those ones that could do with a good tidy up. We’ve got a definition here under clause 109, section 2A amended, the definition of “associated persons” and we’ve got (db) “an ordinary joint venture and a member of the ordinary joint venture” is coming in, and we’re inserting (dc) “2 members of an ordinary joint venture or of a flow-through joint venture when they transact in their capacity as members of the joint venture:”. They now become associated persons. I just wonder how that affects the associated persons in these flow-through rules for the new joint venture rules.

Normally, when we’re looking at associated persons, we’re trying to prevent some mischief. But this seems to be enabling people to conduct something together. That just feels like a faintly different use of the associated person rules around GST.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Madam Chair. I just wanted to look at one of the clauses in here in—I’m here on page 71 and it’s really a threshold question around a determinant. In clause 111(4), “After subsection 5(23B), insert: (23C)”, it steps through a number of scenarios here or criteria here for “a taxable supply of goods and services in a return provided by the supplier;” Then when it gets down here to (23E) it goes on to say that “Subsection (23F) applies if—” and, in (a), it says, “section 11(1)(md) is treated as applying to a taxable supply of goods and services in a return provided by the supplier: and (b) after the date on which the supply is made, the supplier or the Commissioner finds that section 11(1)(md) does not apply:” Then it says, “(c) the recipient of the goods and services did not provide the supplier with correct or sufficient information under section 78FB to enable the supplier to determine whether the supply should be zero-rated.”

There must be criteria or a threshold here, around what that level of sufficient information is or means. Then, if the onus is on the supplier to determine whether the supplier should be zero-rated or not, there’s someone here who has to interpret the criteria or information. To me, there’s two questions there: what metrics or framework would the recipient need to provide, but also what would the supplier need to provide? I’m keen to get an understanding from the Minister around the level of detail that is provided to both parties in that relationship, to enable the correct determinant around the applicability or otherwise of the GST considerations within this part—this amendment—to this bill. If there is a grey area or if that’s not crystal clear for people, the risk is that mistakes and errors will be made. Obviously, that’s exactly what this bill is trying to prevent.

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you very much, Madam Chair. I’ll just gather a few questions up around partnerships. We had one specifically on clause 108: why are partnerships not included? I’ve been advised this is to clarify for the avoidance of doubt that the rules can only apply to joint ventures, because, in some countries, joint ventures can include partnerships.

There was a further question around definition and also complexity, especially within the amendments. I’ve been advised the rules were subject to full public consultation; much of the volume and complexity of the amendments is in relation to zero-rating amendments, which were supported by submitters.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I want to refer to clause 114, which amends the zero rating of goods. The way the GST is set up is interesting: if exempt supplies, exempt goods, are completely outside the GST net, therefore you can’t claim input costs, but zero-rated supplies are in the GST net, and you can claim input costs against them. When you zero-rate something it’s to do with, in some cases, just ensuring that we’re not adding unnecessary complexity to transactions, and so on. Section 11 has a whole lot of goods that are zero-rated—a whole lot of things that are zero-rated. It’s adding into this section the zero-rating of the supply of goods and services through this joint venture.

That does make sense, but I want to just clarify with the Minister that we shouldn’t be passing goods back and forth in a joint venture and charging GST on them and so on. The zero rating here just enables that to happen efficiently, but nevertheless enables people to claim the input tax deductions—so if I could have a clarification from the Minister on that.

I do want to just clarify, in clause 119: often, people make mistakes with recording the information for GST and it actually matters kind of a bit more than it does in some ways for the income tax because of the way that GST is a flow-through tax and flows and flows and cascades through the system. We need to have correct record-keeping all the way through. In the supply correction information—that’s section 19N of the Goods and Services Tax Act—that date there is seven years from the date the supply was made. I just want to clarify that that is consistent with the other time frames in the GST Act; so that seven years works both ways. Again, it’s just that consistency thing. We know that if people have the same date in their mind, then it’s easier for them to comply with the tax law—so just clarification that the time frame is actually consistent within the GST Act.

I want to go to new clause 120; it’s the calculation of tax payable. You know, we have a flow-through joint venture; it’s making both exempt tax supplies, so no GST involved whatsoever, and zero-rated GST supplies, so GST is involved and people can claim input tax deductions. But what we have here is two entities involved in a joint venture together claiming input tax deductions. They have to agree on the same method for all members; they have to have that agreed in writing between all members, and it has to be fair and reasonable as to the method they’re going to use for apportionment. Minister, I just want to know: what happens if they don’t agree? What is the consequence if they don’t agree to that?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Just in response to the Hon Dr Deborah Russell’s question around non-integral deductions, and is there a definition of integral deductions: the advice I’ve received is because the relevant rules allow a GST-registered person to claim non-integral deductions for the relevant goods—typically, expenses for repairs or maintenance associated with a house that they partly use for home office or for their business—it is simpler, from a drafting perspective, to define what is not integral than to define what is integral.

RYAN HAMILTON

National Party · Hamilton East

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Motion agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 3 set out on Amendment Paper 559 be agreed to.

Amendments agreed to.

Part 3 as amended agreed to.

Committee of the Whole House

Part 4 Amendments to Tax Administration Act 1994, and Part B of Schedule 1 and Part B of Schedule 2

Part 4 Amendments to Tax Administration Act 1994, and Part B of Schedule 1 and Part B of Schedule 2

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Members, we now come to Part 4, which is the debate on clauses 135 to 171—“Amendments to Tax Administration Act 1994”—Part B of Schedule 1, and Part B of Schedule 2. The question is that Part 4 stand part.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

We’re gradually making our way through this bill. There are, I think, three major topics I wish to discuss; they’re kind of related. The three topics that are really worth discussing in here: first is the repeal of section 17GB of the Tax Administration Act. The second one, which is a very serious one, is the insertion of new section 18HB, “Regular disclosure to Government agencies”. I think we need to have a substantial discussion around those disclosure rules, and I can see that my colleague Vanushi Walters is itching to get to discuss that. The third—and I must just check exactly where it is—is the rules about what information a commissioner may collect from trusts has been repealed and changed. I do want to have a look at that, as well. Also sitting in here is the Schedule 7 amended—I think sits in this part of the bill as well; that’s clause 169.

I want to go back, straight away, to clause 141 of this bill. Clause 141 is very straight but it repeals section 17GB, and there are a number of other sections that are amended because of that: 17C, 17E. Section 17GB is a really interesting provision and, I think, a really necessary provision. It is the provision that enables the Commissioner of Inland Revenue to collect information from taxpayers and to require taxpayers to provide information to the commissioner for the purposes of forming tax policy. Forming tax policies is a really important role; tax policy is complicated. We have a very specialist team at Inland Revenue who work in tax policy, and people who make lifetime careers there, as I can see from some of the officials on the bench at the moment who make lifetime careers in tax policy.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I don’t think we should bring the officials into the debate.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Oh, I was wishing to compliment them, but I will withdraw that comment, then, and I’ll make it in private later on. It is difficult to get tax policy right. Now, Inland Revenue, at the moment, has an excellent consultation process, which they work through to get tax policy right, but, even so, sometimes the information is simply not there.

Section 17GB gave the commissioner power to collect information from individual taxpayers or groups of taxpayers in order to see what was going on in the tax system, in order to see what patterns of behaviour there were, in order to see whether there was any mischief going on, and in order to see what could be done better. The information could not be used for tax collection purposes; it was completely barred from being used for tax collection purposes. It could not be handed over to investigative teams, or anything horrid like that. It had to stay sitting in that tax policy purpose. There was no harm being done by this particular piece of legislation, but this Government has decided to repeal that piece of legislation.

In the select committee process, really important groups of people—such as, I think, Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand; I’m trying to remember the others, but certainly the tax justice group—urged that this clause be retained. Given that people wanted the clause retained, given that they saw value in it, given that they felt it made tax policy a lot better, why, then, is the Minister continuing with this repeal of 17GB, with repealing this really important plank in the way that we form policy? It’s, I think, a real shame that it is being repealed, and I’d like the Minister to justify it.

Vanushi Walters

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Madam Chair. I look forward to having a really robust discussion about clause 143, inserting new section 18HB, which is the insertion of the new disclosure requirements, and, in my view, a significant step into privacy rights. I think it really does require a broad discussion.

There was an interesting point of view, which I agree with, put forward by the Privacy Foundation, where they make quite a compelling argument that there is no need for a new scheme of disclosure. There is already the ability for information-sharing agreements to be created under Part 7 of the Privacy Act. The objection to using the current framework is primarily that it takes too long, so that it takes up to 18 months to get one of these agreements in place, and that it’s inefficient in terms of the purpose required for information sharing, particularly in regards to cases of fraud, etc. But the argument that the Privacy Foundation makes is that, actually, the existing regime—so the Part 7 regime—is sufficient. The delays that occur are not inherent or a necessary part of the system; it’s, essentially, due to operational reasons, but they also argue that the existing framework is sufficient and there’s no need for any of these changes. So they’re arguing “Just remove new section 18HB in its entirety—there’s no need because you could make operational efficiencies to make the current system work, and then you would also have the existing benefits of the system that we have.”

I do want to talk through the benefits that the current system has, because this is a clear choice that the Government has made not to try and address operational inefficiencies and use the benefits of the current system and bypass those protections which are important protections in privacy law. The first protection, they suggest, is that the current system is a legislative instrument, and while it does take some extra time, it does help guarantee high-quality drafting, high-quality information, so the information that’s required is confirmed by Order in Council. This would permit an agreement that sits outside of that framework where there’s an agreement between two agencies. The value of having that agreed by Order in Council is, of course, that the House then has the ability to disallow the agreement if it believes that it’s in breach of the privacy principles. Again, that means that the approved information-sharing agreements—the AISAs—must be approved by Cabinet, as well. The time taken to do that is important because it does mean that there’s sufficient protection for individuals.

The second thing is that they say that consultation—and they’re right—needs to occur under the existing information-sharing agreements. Under Part 7, you have to consult with agencies or people who may be affected, before you put that in place. Again, it does take a particular amount of time, but the argument is that that’s certainly worth it, because then you ensure that you’re protecting information and that the interests of those who may question the validity of a stretch into that information space can be taken account of.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The member does a very good job of interpreting the legislation, but I’m waiting for a question.

Vanushi Walters

Labour Party · List MP

The ultimate question here is: why is there a need for new section 18HB, inserted by clause 143, at all? Essentially, we still have these information-sharing agreement provisions under Part 7 of the privacy regime—so that’s there. The argument from the Privacy Foundation is that that’s sufficient. What I’m setting out is why that is a better system. If the Government just chose to improve that system, as opposed to imposing this new one, they would not only be able to get the information required but individuals would still retain privacy.

The other important point they make is that when information is matched or shared, the individual concerned would be alerted under the existing framework; that’s not the case under the new framework. Their point there is that there can be errors that are made.

So the first question to the Minister is: why not retain the current regime and just address the operational issues that the Privacy Foundation have pointed to?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

Thank you, Madam Chair. I’ll just answer the question from the Hon Dr Deborah Russell. This was a question around “Why repeal section 17GB?”. We acknowledge submissions on this, and we acknowledge people’s feedback, but, ultimately, the Government had concerns that section 17GB gave insufficient weight to the privacy of taxpayers—and it actually links into the point from Vanushi Walters. Because of that, we thought a repeal was considered to be the best option for protecting the privacy interests of taxpayers. Just for some context, that section 17GB had only been used once before previously.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

As I said, I think it’s a real shame that section 17GB hasn’t been retained. A number of submitters came to us and said, “Well, OK, we get that there were concerns around the use of 17GB, but then why not simply put more safeguards around it? Why not put more guardrails around it?” So why not put explicit provisions into the law as to how it could be used? I do kind of agree that more guardrails could have been introduced in the first place, but why remove such a valuable tool from our policy officials? It would have been straightforward to put more guardrails around it.

We’ve had pretty interesting discussions in the Finance and Expenditure Committee. This is available from the public hearing we had with the Commissioner of Inland Revenue earlier this year on the annual review. He talked about the way that taxpayers’ data is protected. He pointed out that there are really stringent provisions around that. They’ve dismissed people for breaching those provisions. I think, in the last five years, something like 75 people have been dismissed because they breached the provisions of information access, so they take really good care with their staff—take them through all sorts of training programme things around the privacy of taxpayers’ information. I’m concerned that one way to use section 17GB simply would have been to shore up the protections around it.

In discussing this, again, in public session, the assertion was made around section 17GB that the commissioner actually had the power to collect this sort of information under section 17GB already; that he could already do so because he could use his powers around the stewardship of the tax system to collect the same information. Now, that seems like a long reach to me, and I would like to understand whether the commissioner can actually collect that information, and to what extent taxpayers would simply refuse to give it up, and what the commissioner would do in those circumstances.

So, you know, we have a situation where we had a valuable tax policy tool. It could have done with more guardrails. A way of retaining that valuable tax policy tool would have been to have put more guardrails into it, and yet the Minister chose not to do so. Why not, Minister?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I think it is a finely balanced argument, and we understand all the arguments. But I think what has tipped it in favour of the repeal of section 17GB is a couple of things. One is that the nature of that provision, in our view, was overly invasive, to the point where it didn’t adequately protect the privacy rights of taxpayers. The second point would be that it generally wasn’t used often; in fact, it’s only been used once. In terms of a tool, it has been used relatively rarely. With those two factors, we think it’s finely balanced, but we’re taking the decision to repeal it.

Just in terms of the idea around more guardrails, I tend to agree that guardrails for privacy are important, and, in fact, the member pointed out some of the guardrails that currently exist around repercussions for misuse of information data that exist in the system. We think it’s probably a good argument, but we think it’s in the right place.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I’ll take a call from Vanushi Walters, but I am going to comment that we are getting more speeches than questions at the moment—from a range of members, actually—so I want this to be concise and clear and I want it to be post - clause 143, which we’ve just discussed, because, as we made a ruling last night, we’re moving forward, and the teams need to be organised and working in that structure.

Vanushi Walters

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Madam Chair. I will be brief. My first question was: why do we need it at all, when the existing framework is protective? The second option for the Government was to adopt some of those protective elements of the current scheme into the new one. So, specifically, I would ask the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, why there is no inclusion of a requirement to give notice of an adverse action. In the current framework, for example, in cases where there could be an offence committed and so you might want to information share, the result is maybe a deportation. The current framework allows for the individual to be notified; there’s notification requirements of a potential adverse action. The new framework doesn’t appear to have that, so if the Minister could advise whether there was consideration for inclusion of some of those protective elements.

The second one is on the reporting requirements. The situation as it is allows the Privacy Commissioner to raise concerns with the Minister of Police or the Minister of Revenue, but doesn’t allow the commissioner to require an agreement to be reviewed. Was there consideration, or would the Minister consider, that that is a useful clause to include?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

Thank you, Madam Chair. I’ll just go and address the question from Vanushi Walters about why new section 18HB, inserted by clause 143, is inserted. Essentially, the member pointed out that these kinds of provisions do already exist, in a sense, through the approved information-sharing agreements. The problem with those is that they can take some time to process through. They are helpful for a situation where it’s unclear whether there is public support for a particular information-sharing agreement to be put in place, and so that public consultation is required and helpful.

When there is a situation where it’s clear that there is public benefit or public support for information sharing, that’s where this new section 18HB can come into play for a proposal for ministerial information disclosure. It’s a faster tool; it’s used in an instance where there is clear public support for the information-sharing purpose, and also where time is of the essence—for example, it could be relating to a person’s ability to access a benefit or to combat serious offences.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

A couple of comments and then on to a new section. The Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, said that the information-gathering power in section 17GB, repealed by clause 141, had only been used once, which proved it wasn’t really needed. For goodness’ sake, it’s only been in place since 2021, so it’s a very new power, so I’m not surprised it hasn’t been used more often. That doesn’t say that it couldn’t still be used. The Minister also said that it was important to protect the privacy rights of taxpayers. Well, how does that stack up, then, with the huge impost that has been introduced in clause 143, where there is now going to be a whole lot of information disclosed to other agencies and without, necessarily, the strong protections we know Inland Revenue has got in place? Those things really do push against each other, Minister, and I’m really disappointed to hear you advancing those arguments.

Ryan Hamilton

Questions, not statements.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Take a call. I’ll leave my colleague Vanushi Walters with clause 143 and those very important issues around privacy. I want to move to clause 153, and that’s the repeal of the legislative provisions for trust disclosure. Now, again, there was a whole set of provisions. We know that trusts are a very commonly used mechanism in this country. We don’t have a lot of information about trusts. Particularly if they don’t earn income, then they don’t have to do a tax return, so it’s very hard to know what’s going on with trusts. They are routinely used for tax-planning purposes, with “planning” being an interesting word there.

The commissioner was enabled to collect a whole lot more information around trusts—you know, names of trustees, names of set laws, and so on, to try to trace some of the flows around that. This is clause 153, Madam Chair, which repeals section 59BAB.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Yes, I’m on it.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Then it was asserted that the commissioner would still be able to collect that information under his existing powers. Could the Minister in the chair please explain those existing powers to reassure that that information can still be collected.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to get to some very specific questions in clause 143, section 18HB, the newly drafted section inserted in here. The first is in subsection 3(a)(i): “the disclosure is reasonable and”—and, here, the word “practical” has been replaced with “practicable”; no major issue with that. So no major concern, because that doesn’t really, in effect, make much difference to the impact of that word.

The questions I have, where I think the wording has been redrafted and that does have a material impact on the intention of the clause, is subsection 3(a)(iv), where we’re seeing “adequate” struck out and replaced with the word “reasonable”. Now, there’s quite a difference between these two words, in my opinion, and I’m interested in getting the Minister in the chair’s opinion on this.

“Adequate”—for example, if I have a bucket and I’m trying to move water from one place to another, and the bucket has a hole in it, it’s not adequate for the job but it will still do a reasonable job of transferring water from one place to another. But it’s not actually adequate. So replacing the word “adequate” with “reasonable” would, all of a sudden, imply, having not as strong a safeguard in place to protect the privacy of individuals and the commercial confidentiality of information, that this bill is now prepared to accept a bucket with a hole in it to do that job rather than a robust system that will be watertight. When it comes to the privacy of individuals and the commercial confidentiality of information, I would want a bucket that didn’t have a hole in it to be managing that information.

Further down in this passage, the word “retention” has been changed to the word “storage”. The word “storage”, to me, talks about a method of containing information. It doesn’t give any implication of timeliness; “retention” does. So the issue here, and particularly in the digital age—and we are well and truly there—is that storage also speaks to digital technology and the potential for digital technology to be used as the method for holding that information. But, again, storage doesn’t explicitly state or imply, as retention does, or did, or would have, a time signature or time frame on that. I’m interested in the Minister’s answers to those questions, not so much about “practical” to “practicable”, because I think that is a minor change, but “adequate” to “reasonable”—I see that as being significant.

If someone told me they were going to provide me with adequate protection, I’d be quite comfortable; if they said “reasonable”, I’d want to be asking some questions about what their idea of reasonable is versus what my idea of reasonable is. Similarly, “retention” to “storage”, all of a sudden; a time frame on that isn’t necessarily implied by the use of the word “storage” versus the use of the word “retention”. Some answers to those specific questions would be appreciated.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

Thank you, Madam Chair. I’ve got a couple of answers that are just overdue. One, I think, was just to round off a question from Vanushi Walters. I think there was a question around why there is no inclusion to give notice of an adverse action in the new information-sharing proposal framework. The adverse action will be included in the ministerial agreement, rather than the framework itself—for example, one of those adverse actions could include reductions in some entitlements.

On the question from Dr Deborah Russell about trusts’ disclosure powers; the existing trust powers are in sections 33 and 35 of the Tax Administration Act, which enable the commissioner to prescribe and to require taxpayers to file returns as required by the commissioner. I’d just make a comment that I know that the member mentioned that the provisions have been in place since 2021, and that’s not a lot of time, but, of course, that’s five years. I measure time in terms of Tom Rutherford, and that’s about 20 percent of Tom Rutherford’s life. For some people, that is quite an extensive period of time with which you can undertake some action.

Finally, I’ll give some consideration to the difference between storage and retention. From a pure statutory interpretation view of the difference between “adequate” and “reasonable”, there is a longstanding understanding of reasonableness tests in legislation. They provide for an objective test for what is reasonable in particular circumstances, and that actually takes out that subjectivity of what I think is reasonable versus what you think is reasonable. It’s an objective test, and there is an argument in there that when you require an adequacy test, you could go to the extent of requiring actions to be taken that are unreasonable in the circumstances.

In order for something to be bulletproof, or in order for all of the holes in the bucket to be completely filled and completely sealed, you could block those holes up with plasticine, I guess; you could get your welder out, and you could weld the bottoms of the metal pail together; or you could replace the bucket with an industrial-strength nuclear bunker. That might be adequate to protect something, but it might not be reasonable to do so. That’s, I think, the main difference there. It provides protection for the consumer and protection for the data because you still have to take reasonable safeguards, at which point the adequacy of those will be a consideration in what is reasonable. One person’s interpretation of adequate may be that nuclear bunker, and someone else’s interpretation might be just getting a new bucket that’s fit for purpose.

Vanushi Walters

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Madam Chair. And thank you to the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, for his explanation in terms of adverse actions being included, but in the agreement itself. I would say that there are still rights issues present because you’ve reduced that from a statutory obligation through to secondary legislation. We can’t guarantee that it’s there.

My other point to the Minister was that there are other protections in the current framework. There is a question across the board in terms of reporting and advising the individual before the information is shared. There are a number of protections in the current system, and there’s been a choice made not to have them in primary legislation. It could be the fact that they’re in secondary legislation, but, none the less, the point is that they are potentially more rights-infringing because they’re in secondary legislation as opposed to primary. The reason this is important is because this could be biometric data as well. Clause 143, inserting new section 18HB, says “the Commissioner may disclose sensitive revenue information”, but revenue information presumably would include a file on an individual that contained biometric data as well. We’re talking about the potential sharing of biometric data; again, the existing framework allows additional protections.

My question is this: if there’s a decision being made to lower those protections to secondary legislation, surely—at least for biometric data, a particular category of private information—we may want to retain the higher protections that are in statute as opposed to secondary legislation, and would the Minister consider that as something that could potentially be lifted into primary legislation?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I think it’s an interesting discussion because there are obviously trade-offs when you incorporate something into statute versus secondary legislation. One of those is that the benefit of having something in statute provides rigidity and a little bit of untouchability, to a certain extent. The downside is that if that particular provision or condition of storage of biometric data is in primary legislation, there is no challenge to the rights-limiting factor of that beyond a declaration, say.

You could argue that having those kinds of provisions in secondary legislation opens up those guidelines or barriers to challenge under privacy conditions, human rights conditions, reasonableness tests—all under judicial review. There is an argument that, actually, if you’re concerned about the effectiveness of them and whether they are rights-enhancing enough, you have the ability to actually strike down secondary legislation in a way that you don’t for primary legislation. In one sense, you could argue that there are some stronger protections by putting it in secondary legislation, as well as having that flexibility. It’s probably there or thereabouts. We haven’t given consideration as to lifting biometric data into primary legislation at this point.

Just to round off the question from Mr Davidson, I am now advised also that the changes he refers to were actually those suggested by the Law Society at the Finance and Expenditure Committee. Their intention is to align with the wording in the equivalent sections in the Privacy Act and also in the Customs and Excise Act. Part of that will be just a consistency of terminology across statutes.

Miles Anderson

National Party · Waitaki

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 4 set out on Amendment Paper 559 be agreed to.

Amendments agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 4 as amended be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Part 4 as amended agreed to.

Part 5 Amendments to other enactments and revocations

Part 5 Amendments to other enactments and revocations

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Members, we come now to Part 5. This is the debate on clauses 172 to 192, “Amendments to other enactments and revocations”. The question is that Part 5 stand part.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I know we don’t backtrack in these debates, but, just for completeness, right at the end of that last question, Vanushi Walters asked a question around biometric data being in secondary legislation. I can point to examples of that existing already. Biometric data can already be disclosed under approved information-sharing agreements, which are also secondary legislation, so there is precedent for that kind of data.

Part 5 is the “Amendments to other enactments and revocations” part. It is, essentially, the consequential amendments that give effect to the policy decisions agreed to by the committee at the previous parts. For example, it amends a number of statutes to make a series of administrative and technical changes to give effect to those previous agreed policies—for example, amendments to the KiwiSaver Act to insert a definition of “compulsory employer contribution”; amendments to the Unclaimed Money Act to, again, define what a “tax file number” is. I’ll think of some other interesting examples to take the committee to. We’ve got amendments to the Māori Fisheries Amendment Act to insert new parts around share transfers, and various other definitional inclusions, as well. It’s a fairly straightforward part that makes the effective changes to other pieces of legislation that are required to give effect to the bill.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

The Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, is correct that in the bill that has come back from the Finance and Expenditure Committee, this is a fairly straightforward part. I want to draw the committee’s attention to one change, which I think is just kind of interesting in itself, but then I want to raise an issue that actually makes it not straightforward.

I just want to draw attention to clause 187B. It’s an amendment to the Māori Fisheries Amendment Act, and there are some matters in there to do with some shares being transferred from Te Ohu Kai Moana Trustee Ltd. That was an out-of-scope amendment to the bill. We had to go to the Business Committee to get permission to include it in the bill, and it was actually there in order to protect the position of the shareholders there. It was a really important one. We were pleased to be able to include it in the bill at the select committee stage.

The bit that is not straightforward, and perhaps the Minister has missed this, because it is not in the bill itself; it is on the Amendment Paper. Now, this Amendment Paper was dropped on Monday sometime, maybe Tuesday sometime. We knew it was coming. I came into the House on Tuesday and looked for the paper on the Table and then looked at the regulatory impact statement and the like on the Table and found a brand new one on student loans. That sits in this part of the bill. These new rules around student loans were not signalled earlier on. They were not signalled in the select committee process. The first we knew of them was when they arrived on the Table this week.

I see the Minister is looking a little disconcerted. I’m going to direct the Minister to Amendment Paper 559. In the original bill, we are looking at the amendments to the Student Loan Scheme Act 2011. That’s on page 93 of the original bill. In terms of the Amendment Paper—and I’m going to urge my colleagues to look at this Amendment Paper too, because this does a whole lot of work. There’s an Amendment Paper and a regulatory impact statement. In terms of the Amendment Paper, we are looking at the new clauses which are now being inserted. It is new clauses 180AB to 180AI. If we look in terms of page numbers, we are going from page 17 to page 20 of the Amendment Paper.

Sitting in here are a whole lot of new rules around student loans—not signalled in the bill that was presented to the House in the first reading, not signalled during the select committee process, not signalled at, I think, the second reading. The first we knew of them was when this Amendment Paper and the attached regulatory impact statement arrived on the Table earlier this week—a whole new set of policy, which we actually need to have a pretty thorough discussion of, because there are some quite serious issues sitting in here.

It’ll just take me a while to explain this, seeing as the Minister hasn’t. There’s a known problem with student loans. We have a number of student loan borrowers overseas who have very large loan balances, and because they are overseas borrowers, they also have very, very large amounts of interest on those loans. In fact, in many cases, the interest exceeds the amount of the loan itself, the original loan proper. That is now creating a number of problems. There’s a huge problem for the individual student loan borrower. We know of people who simply won’t come back to New Zealand, because they are overseas. We know of people who are deeply stressed by their student loan balances and can’t manage them.

It used to be that a student could head off overseas with their student loan balance and pretty much just remain uncontactable, but these days we have some pretty strong information sharing going across tax jurisdictions, actually going to the tax jurisdictions that New Zealanders are most likely to go to, obviously, with Australia and with the UK. So we are now starting to be able to track down these student loans.

The difficulty is, a little bit like with child support, a person—[Bell rung] If I may carry on, Mr Chair; I do want to explain the problem. The difficulty is that, as with child support, the amount of interest and penalties become so great that in itself it becomes a huge barrier to the person doing the right thing and contacting Inland Revenue and sorting out a repayment schedule.

What these set of new rules do is that they enable a person to get in contact with Inland Revenue and to put in place, hopefully, a payment programme by instalment—an instalment package. In that situation, the commissioner, if these rules go through, will have the capacity to forgive some or all of the interest—to write it off. Obviously, we can see straight away a whole set of issues that we need to work through in terms of that capacity of the commissioner to forgive interest debt, provided the person keeps in line with a student loan.

First of all—I want to get to a question now, and then we’ll go through it clause by clause. This is a question on the general policy. I’d like to ask the Minister to explain why Inland Revenue, why the Minister, thought that this was a good time to make this change. What is the reasoning behind making this change?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

Thank you, Mr Chair. As someone who incurred a significant student loan and then stayed in New Zealand, worked my butt off, and paid it off, interest accruing on my loan hasn’t been an issue for me. But for many New Zealanders who choose to engage in our public education system and enjoy the fruits of that system and the support provided by the taxpayer through that system and then head abroad to pursue their dreams and ideas and careers—which is their right to do and something that we love to encourage, as a country that loves to encourage our young people to explore the world, build a career, and then, hopefully, return home—they do incur debt sometimes in terms of interest on their loans. That can be, as the member indicated, quite significant at times. For some of those individuals, that has resulted in debt so large that they disengage from the IR completely.

Currently, the position is that the Commissioner of Inland Revenue can only provide relief from late-payment interest on student loans. That is interest which applies when a borrower doesn’t make a payment in time. Under the existing laws, the commissioner does not have discretion to provide relief from interest charged on student loans more generally. You could have an instance where a borrower overseas has accumulated interest, has never made a late payment, but still has significant interest debt. Currently, in that situation—and that applies to overseas borrowers, clearly—the commissioner has no discretion to provide relief at all.

The proposed amendments in new clauses 180AB to 180AI on Amendment Paper 559 would give the commissioner the discretion to provide some relief from that interest. Discretion would be broad in nature, and it could be exercised when the commissioner considered relief was equitable. To qualify, the loan would have to be repaid in full, either in a lump sum or through short-term instalment repayment arrangements, and, after that point, both the loan interest and the late-payment interest would be cancelled for the period of the instalment arrangement, provided that the borrower met all their obligations under the arrangement.

So we are trying to find a way in which we can encourage overseas borrowers to pay off their loans more quickly. One of those ways would be to provide an incentive through relief from that interest debt, because we know that the accumulation of debt overseas is an issue, and, as the member pointed out, we have undertaken a number of tools and changes over many years to continue to pursue those who have incurred a debt from the taxpayer and who otherwise would be obliged to pay. But we cannot track them down or chase them up as readily as we can if they were onshore here in New Zealand. We do that more now with our relationships in the UK and Australia, but this is one way of incentivising those borrowers by saying, “Look, if you get on top of it, if you pay off your debt, we can provide you some relief from the interest that may have accrued on that debt.”

So that’s the intention behind it. We want to encourage people to reduce the debt they have overseas, and, ultimately, hopefully, in one sense, get them to a position where they do want to return home to New Zealand and build a life and build a family here because they won’t be faced with a very large tax bill when they get here.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

I just have a further question on the broad policy level before we start getting into the detail of it, because there are really significant policy issues here. This is just one further question from me and my colleagues, and they have further broad policy questions.

There’s an obvious fairness issue here, and I’m sure the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, is aware of it. At one stage, I was overseas paying a student loan, and I did the right thing, paid the amount and so on. There are other students who stay here in New Zealand, and I’m delighted my three daughters are doing that, and they get no interest on their student loans. But there’s a heap of young people who head off overseas, do their OE, have two or three or four great years overseas, maybe stay permanently, but in those two or three great years they acquire real knowledge and skills and expertise and then come back to New Zealand. Many of them do the right things. They’re in contact with Inland Revenue. They work out how much they’ve got to keep on repaying on their student loan. They keep on repaying their student loan, and because they are overseas borrowers, they pay interest as well. These are the people who do all the right things. They’ve paid their loan and they pay the interest, and now those people who’ve done the right thing—and I’m sure the Minister can see where this is going—are going to be faced with a group of people who have not done the right thing, who have not paid their loan, and so have been in contact with Inland Revenue. They’ve done all the wrong things. They’ve taken the money and run, and those people are now going to be let off not only their late-payment interest but now they’re going to be let off the interest as well. So they are going to end up paying less overall than the people who have done the right thing.

Now, I get the reasons for doing this. It’s something we were grappling with in Government and I know this Government is grappling with as well. It’s actually a hard problem. But I want the Minister to talk to those people who have done the right thing and have paid the interest, and could the Minister explain to those people why this is the right thing to do, why it is a good policy even though, certainly at first glance, it looks like quite an unfair policy? What’s the wider consideration that means it is best to pursue this despite the seeming unfairness to some individuals?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I could think of an analogy here at home. If you were someone who had committed an offence and that offence had come with, let’s say, a fine, and you’ve got two people, same offence, same fine, and one person chooses to pay the fine on time and incurs no further penalty, the second person chooses whether they have the means or not to pay the fine. Therefore, they incur some penalties on that and may at some point incur a conviction, at which point the court may decide, “Well, in lieu of your inability to pay the fine, we may wipe that debt and we may ask you to do community service instead.” That recognises that there are some situations where having some flexibility may result in a greater outcome because the individual who would be saddled with that debt or that fine may then be able to contribute in another way, and you reduce the overall long-time impost on the taxpayer.

I think the general proposition for those people who have done the right thing is that we will always, as a Government, support those people, and we will do everything we can to take both a carrot-and-stick approach. We’re a very fair-minded and evenly balanced Government and while we have the stick with which we can chase people down through the IRD, and say hello to them when they arrive at the border and remind them that they’ve got a debt to pay, and maybe send them friendly reminders through the post, we also will provide a bit of carrot for them as well. I think that is a very even-handed, balanced approach, and it’s a good way of making sure that people are aware of their obligations and do pay up. But we’re also aware that there is a responsibility on the Government to try and recoup as much of those costs as possible. If it means having more debt paid off in a more timely manner, we are willing to take steps to provide some incentives to do so.

For those who have borrowed money from the taxpayer and gone overseas, made a good life out of it, and benefited from the higher incomes and the higher quality of life and the opportunities that higher education and taxpayer-funded education gives them, I’m very proud if they choose to come back and contribute back to New Zealand. Because, certainly, there are people out there who don’t have the privilege or the opportunity to undertake further education and get the private benefits of that, and they are the ones that are out there working in our store houses and our freezing works and on our farms day in, day out, paying the tax so that some of our children can enjoy a higher education and travel the world.

So for those of you who do the right thing and pay your debt and come back, good for you. For those of you who have struggled a bit and have incurred some interest and are thinking of writing it off and never coming back, hopefully this gives you food for thought and an ability to maybe make that decision to pay off your loan and come back home at some point.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

We’ve had some very good contextual discussion on the policy issues; now the nuts and bolts, please.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair, and thank you for that, Minister. I want to echo the previous speaker’s surprise when I saw the regulatory impact statement on this particular section, because, literally, the student loan interest rate and the concerns around that has been something that the Green Party has been advocating for quite a while, particularly ramping that up since the middle of last year. So I’m really pleased to see something that the Government is doing, and I also particularly acknowledge the Hon Dr Shane Reti on this as well.

You want to get into specifics, Mr Chair, but I just note that this is my first call. I have some very specific questions, and, I guess, the first question I have for the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, is: when we are looking at the overseas student loan interest rate, one of the fundamental differences we have when it comes to interest rates in general is that, in other areas, the interest rate is determined based on the size of your income, the proportion of your income if you’re paying for a student loan back here in Aotearoa New Zealand. That is not the case when you are overseas borrower. When you have a student loan and you are overseas, your repayment is not based on your income but on the size of your loan. The problem with that, I think, is the misconception, the assumption—and I think the Minister just mentioned this, as well—that when you are going overseas, you are likely going to be in a position where you are earning more or having a better standard of living. That simply is not the case.

One of the things we hear when we’re talking to overseas borrowers around this is that when you’re in another country, in general, the cost of living is lower but also your salary is lower. If you’re in, let’s say, South-east Asia, you do not actually get a chance to even be able to earn enough to pay off your loan in the first place, which then means that you’re naturally going to accrue interest on that.

So my first question is: has the Minister, as part of this package, considered adjusting the interest rate to the income level of an overseas borrower rather than alongside an overseas borrower? That is what’s getting a lot of people in debt. Basically, back in 2021, we were looking at maybe about 52 percent of the people having overdue payments; now we are looking at 75 percent by 2025. So it is obviously clear that this system, in terms of how we are making repayments, is not necessarily working. But, again, what we are introducing here is a good step.

My second question is, when we are looking at this, as part of this package, what sort of allowances is the Minister also being presented, in terms of IRD’s ability to communicate with overseas borrowers, not just in terms of this policy but, in general, about overseas loan payments? The reason I also say that is because one of the other challenges we’re finding with overseas borrowers is, number one, the system is in place to fit the purpose of domestic borrowers without an interest loan, which means that when you are getting an email from IRD about your overseas payment, you are never actually told how much you’re paying.

What we’re hearing is—please, correct me if I’m wrong—you’re never actually told how much interest and how much principal you’re paying on top of that. Anyone with a mortgage will know that your fortnightly payment or weekly payment or monthly payment to the bank breaks everything down so you know how long it’s going to take you to repay that—that’s not immediately clear. Also, when IRD communicates with overseas borrowers, often there isn’t clear communication. There is an inability to check, in terms of emails, and also, sometimes, it kind of tells you that it’s a six-monthly payment and they drop it on you at the drop of a hat.

So when we’re looking at this, the other question I have is: what is IRD going to be doing to ensure that overseas borrowers are understanding the size of the loan they have that they need to repay? Because even including the example that we’re seeing here in the regulatory impact statement, paragraph 15—the example that we’re using here with “Lana”—often people who left quite early on didn’t necessarily know they had any more loan outstanding and that it has been slowly accumulating. So while the policy here we’re seeing, which is allowing the commissioner changes to the student loan, to get interest but also loan interest—is there a way that we are able to communicate with borrowers earlier on, so they don’t get into that situation in the first place?

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I think this might be a case of “It’s not the size of the income; it’s how you use it.”, in terms of paying it back. So for those who are overseas, they are smart enough to have gone to university, are smart enough to have booked their flights and found accommodation and found work; I think they are more than capable enough of keeping track of their own loans. However, in saying that, if there is more work that the IRD could do to communicate with them, I’m sure that they would be interested in that. It is, unfortunately, outside the scope of this bill. This bill is focused on changes in order to allow for the provision for the commissioner to write off interest, in terms of providing relief.

So in terms of the member’s two questions, there has been no consideration to changing the interest rates, nor to changing Inland Revenue’s communication strategy as part of this package.

Arena Williams

Labour Party · Manurewa

Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to take the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, to page 19 of Amendment Paper 559—to his new powers introduced at clause 180AF. This is the provision which allows for the relief of loan interest. My first question to him is: if this power was being exercised by IR before this new provision was introduced, how, and was that power outside of their legislative power? Was that by some other regulatory-making power?

I refer him to a report on this recently—as recently as May 2025—where Auckland tax expert Dave Ananth profiled a number of cases of overseas borrowers that he had been assisting with, some of them with six-figure loans that had racked up due to the interest costs, over and above their initial costs, that these New Zealanders owed. He was able to negotiate with IR one-off relief for those students and those were detailed by the reporters who covered those cases. So there are cases, recently, where IR have forgiven debt of overseas borrowers. If this new power is required, then under what power was IR operating when they granted that relief? That is my question to him.

I want to ask this in the context of at the time of that reporting in 2025, the Minister Simon Watts had ruled relief out. He was reported as saying that there would be no forgiveness of that debt for overseas borrowers and he framed this all as a discussion about the moral hazard of New Zealanders overseas and the fairness constraints around that; people should repay the debt that they owe. They knew the rules when they got into it. You can understand that position from the Government. That’s not something that we would be pushing—this sort of “tough on borrowers” rhetoric—but that was the position of the Minister. So I think this committee is owed a little bit of explanation about why we now have a Minister in the chair who has said, “There’s a stick there, but we need to use this carrot.” That is a change in the position.

Why is it that when we have a Minister talking up the new powers of enforcement for IR that this bill has actually introduced—more powers of enforcement, and we have traversed them in this stage, and, in the last year, new enforcement powers for IR. Labour members have pointed out that a punitive system and a further punitive system would discourage those skilled New Zealanders from being able to return. It’s, essentially, an argument about labour mobility overseas.

Is it the Government’s position now that labour mobility and a new sort of workforce where we have New Zealanders going overseas to work in Queensland on the building sites there and build their houses—is that now Government policy to encourage New Zealanders overseas, and is this part of that? Is it the Government’s policy that New Zealanders will always go on an OE—as, I think, has been answered in question time in response to the number of New Zealanders leaving overseas by the droves? Is it now the Government’s policy that that sort of labour mobility requires some form of flexibility in these rules, which were ruled out by the Minister in charge of this last year? When we look at those powers of relief that the commissioner can grant in new clause 145A, it also begs the question of when the Minister used the example of a re-payer who has repaid every payment on time, has never missed a payment, but is still accruing interest debt—is that the only example here? That would also fit with the Government’s rhetoric around being tough on enforcement, but that’s not what I’ve heard from this Minister.

I’ve heard that this is about equitable considerations, as well as natural justice, for those people who are seeking genuine relief, recognising that people find themselves in different circumstances. So is it, in fact, the case that the example used here is much broader than it; that someone who has missed a few payments—the 70 percent of borrowers overseas who have missed some repayments, who have done things a little bit wrong—does it also apply to them?

Then, how much of the debt? There’s $4.3 billion outstanding that is held by overseas borrowers, yet they make up only less than 20 percent of the total borrowers. How many of them, who are not coming to this entirely blameless, but they are people who we all recognise: they’re probably members of our family, people we have employed before, people who we know and we’ll see, hopefully, around the Christmas table because they will be able to return to New Zealand; these people who have gotten themselves into a bit of a situation—does it also apply to them? We’re still not clear whether IR, in fact, had the power to forgive their debts before, has been doing this by some other mechanism, and will continue to, in the future, with these new powers, which seem much more than the Minister intended when he commented in 2025.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

· to the very last point

I understand that the case the member’s referring to was using the existing provisions, which I outlined before, which is that the commissioner can provide relief for interest accrued as a result of late payments. The challenge at the moment is that that is the only thing that the commissioner can provide relief for, not the wider interest burden.

I’ll also remind the member that the commissioner will be able to consider, and, in fact, will consider every case on its individual circumstances. So if you took into account some of the examples that the member said, where the borrower was not completely blameless when it comes to not making their repayments—perhaps one or two many trips to the South of France in their holiday period, when they could have been paying off the loan generously provided to them by hard-working New Zealand taxpayers—I’m sure the commissioner will consider every circumstance relevant to the borrower to determine if they are, indeed, eligible for relief. Relief is not guaranteed and the amount of relief given will be able to vary.

I’ll note that the IRD did receive Budget funding in 2024 for additional compliance action, and one focus area was on overseas borrowers. I will note that those very large sticks do apply to borrowers, in terms of the enforcement action that IR can take, but, you know, we are a Government that supports our farming sector—we are the world’s farm—and we are always being pro-carrot, and so we will always have a mix of carrot and stick. If this is something that can encourage some higher levels of repayment so that the taxpayer isn’t continuing to incur this debt on behalf of those individuals, then we think that is something worth pursuing.

My message to all borrowers out there, whether you have stayed onshore or not, is that you are very fortunate to be in the position to be able to go on an OE. I didn’t go on an OE. My parents didn’t go on an OE. Their parents didn’t go on an OE. If you go far enough back, my great-great-great-great-grandparents did go on an OE, but they came on their OE either from Hawaiki or from Cornwall to come here and to make a life for themselves. So for those of you who are privileged to go on an OE: enjoy yourself, make a living, but maintain your obligations and pay your debt back, like the rest of us have to.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan. Again, we’re getting broad on the policy issue here—on both sides of this discussion, I might say.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. I do now want to move on to specific clauses, but, I think, just one small thing on that—and I thank you, Mr Chair, for indulging me to be able to ask my previous questions.

One point of clarification I do want to make is, what I’m asking for, maybe, as a part of this package, is to treat the method in which overseas borrowers are paying off their student loan the same as domestic borrowers, where the repayment is based on their income, not based on the size of their loan. Is that something that has been considered? Because that would drastically reduce the number of overseas borrowers, particularly in countries where they may not earn the same income but have a lower cost of living. It will mean that they are less likely to get into debt in the first place and be more prompt in their repayment. So I’m just checking that with the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager.

Moving on to new section 138A, inserted by Amendment Paper 559. I want to start with the new section 138A, which is “the borrower has entered into an instalment arrangement”, and this is with the commissioner. I wanted to check because in the explanatory note, it does say, “either in a lump sum payment or through a short-term instalment arrangement”. If it’s in lump sum—so, basically, the whole essence of this is that we’re looking at waiving the interest, in terms of both the debt and, also, for the loan itself.

I guess, going back, the first question is: in new section 138A(2), it says, “from the date of the instalment arrangement”. If you’re paying off in a lump sum and there’s no retrospective element in terms of the debt accrued by interest or via debt interest, wouldn’t that mean that they just need to pay off the whole total lump sum—as in, the entire amount—and there’s actually no relief? Unless I’m missing a trick somewhere, where the commissioner is able to retrospectively say, “OK, I see that you have accrued interest both in terms of your loan but, also, in terms of your debt from, let’s say, 2015 to 2025. If you’re paying off in a lump sum, we are happy to waive the loan interest and the debt interest from 2020 to 2025.” That, I can see as being an incentive. But if you’re saying, “from the date of the instalment”, and that date is when you’re paying off in a lump sum, there’s no retrospectivity, which means there’s no relief whatsoever. Is that a correct assessment?

Going back, my second question is, if the borrower has entered into an instalment arrangement, let’s say a short-term arrangement—two questions. Number one is: what is “short-term”? What has been the average of a “short-term” currently? Because, obviously, this is an expansion of the commissioner’s power, so there must be some scope currently—just to get an idea for overseas borrowers who might be paying attention, to go, like, “OK, so this is something we’re looking at that’s a six-month thing or short-term expense to a three-year thing, a five-year thing.” It’ll be good to get some sort of range or clarity or average from the Inland Revenue Department.

With that, does that mean that the relief that we’re seeing for both long interest and, also, debt interest is only, again, for the period of that short-term instalment; from the date of instalment to when they’re supposed to pay it off? Which, potentially, if it’s short term—like, six months—also isn’t a significant relief. It’s a good one, but it may not be as significant if they’ve had this debt for 20 years. Just those few questions for the Minister.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I’ll touch on “short-term” soon—I can’t see where that term is being used—but just in terms of the first question around differential payment: that issue is out of scope, and so it wasn’t considered as part of this bill. The bill was just looking at interest relief mechanisms.

The second question was around new section 138A(2). My understanding, and, hopefully, confirmed by the officials, is that this is the period from—say you entered into an agreement to make repayment over six months; essentially, interest on your debt obligation pauses at that point through to the point you make payment, so that you’re not paying further interest on that. Let me try and explain that a bit better: you make an agreement with the commissioner to make installations over six months to pay off your loan. As part of that agreement, you will get interest relief. You enter into that agreement on 1 January, and you pay it off on—what, six months later? —1 June, something like that.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

1 July.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

1 July—1 July. The period from 1 January to 1 July, if you’re making those payments ordinarily, would accrue interest, right? You would continue to accrue interest. This says that if you enter into the arrangement and you make the payment in full in that period, the interest that ordinarily would have accrued for that period is just wiped off or cancelled. You don’t have to pay that on top of whatever else is being paid.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. Just for the Minister in the chair’s reference, the part that I mentioned about short-term lump sum—to pay “in full, either in a lump sum payment or through a short-term instalment arrangement”—is on page 22 of the Amendment Paper 559. This is the explanatory note. The student loan discretion to provide relief from interest—second paragraph.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

OK, I see—yes, it’s in the explanatory note. So, just for clarification, instalment arrangements can be for up to two years.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair, and thank you, Minister. That’s actually a really good thing to know, in terms of the two years.

But I want to check, then, following on from the Minister’s response: in which case, if we’re looking at the example that was presented on page 9—so paragraph 15 of the regulatory impact statement—the example with Lana, who had a student loan between 1998 and 2005. In this case, she is someone who had $44,000 in a student loan. By the time she was dealing with the loan that was $120,000; she has then made $77,000. She’s still paying off her loan, but her loan balance is $90,000, over double what she has borrowed.

If she decided to make, I guess, an instalment agreement with the commissioner in that case, would that then—my understanding is there is no interest or debt relief for the fact that she has accrued $77,000 of interest rate over that period; it doesn’t take into consideration that she’s already paid more than double of what she’s borrowed, and she will only get relief for the period if she decided to pay the instalments. If you’re looking at this example, she would have $30,000 left. Let’s say, between 2017 to now—we’re looking at a period of nine years, or maybe 8½ years: in 8½ years, she paid $77,000. But what you’re asking for now is not only, under this policy, that she’s not going to get the relief for that amount; she also must then pay off the remainder of, potentially, $30,000 or more within two years, which is more than what she’s been able to pay off up until now.

I’m just trying to get a sense of—she’s not going to get the relief for older ones; she’ll get a relief for the current ones for the two years that, maybe, she has an instalment—if she’s even allowed to have two years, because two years is the maximum—but, at the same time, she needs to find a way to pay off an even greater amount than what she was able to pay off up until now, in order to try and get a relief for two years. Would that be a correct analysis of that example in the context of what we’re mentioning in terms of new section 138A?

I know that there are other parts of this particular part that others may want to contribute on. I know that we have spent a fair bit of time here on the amendments pursuant to the Student Loan Scheme Act, but I think this is probably one that is quite significant. I want to check, then: if an instalment has been made with the commissioner—let’s say new section 141B, inserted by clause 180AD on Amendment Paper 559, “Late payment interest cancelled if instalment arrangement complied with”, and it does also follow with instances talking about the commissioner’s obligations, “must cancel any late payment”, and I’m also looking at it in conjunction with clause 180AF, “New cross-heading and section 145A inserted”. In new section 145A(2), “The Commissioner [must have] regard to the circumstances of the case … if the Commissioner considers it equitable to do so, write off as much of the loan”. That is on the basis that there is an instalment arrangement being made. What happens if, for whatever circumstance, the loan borrower is unable to make a payment as required of that instalment arrangement? Does that mean the commissioner will cancel the whole arrangement if there’s one payment that’s been overdue, regardless of circumstance?

To give an example, if someone from overseas, who has a reasonable income, made arrangements saying, “I can do this.”, made an agreement with the commissioner, then the person lost their job and they are unable to make the same payment—will the commissioner look at that with sympathy or with equitability, and say, “It’s OK. You know, we would want you to maybe pause for this period, if you’re wanting to find a new job, and we are going to continue with an interest rate or a debt rate, etc., but once you’re able to pay it, your instalment plan continues and there’s no more interest or debt.”; or, at that stage, the commissioner’s like, “Sorry, you missed a payment. That’s it. We’re reverting back. No interest loan or debt interest relief for you.”? So what happens when we get to that kind of situation?

I’m just seeing that the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, is getting some advice. If the Minister is ready to, maybe, respond to that, I’ll leave those questions there for now.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I’ll go to the example used. There might be some confusion. Essentially, any arrangement that we would come to would be an arrangement between the borrower and the commissioner as to what they could actually afford to pay back in a scheduled rate. I think that we shouldn’t confuse a situation where this example is used just to show how significantly in debt or behind some borrowers can get when they are overseas borrowers. I can’t speak for whether an arrangement could be made in an example like that, or what the arrangement might be, but that is sort of at the extreme end of the example, right? You’re looking at a borrower whose debt is, essentially, six times the original loan balance. Whether or not this kind of scheme would work for them or not, I’m not too sure, but we don’t want to get confused by just using an example of how interest can accrue and cause people to gather more debt over time. That’s more to emphasise the fact that this is a big problem that we’re trying to address, and that’s why we’ve got the carrot and the stick in play there. I just think that, in terms of the details of specific examples, I can’t really go into them much more than just to look at what’s in the legislation that’s before us.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you for that, Minister. Just, I guess, another question—I appreciate what the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, said in terms of it’s an arrangement between the borrower and the commissioner of what the borrower is able to pay off. Would that, then, be a correct assumption that because, again, this is something where the instalment arrangements need to be paid in full, in which case, if a borrower is unable to meet the full payment within the period of what is considered a short term or a lump sum, that means that a borrower is not eligible to have that kind of agreement with the commissioner and, therefore, would not benefit from this, really—OK, I’m seeing a head nod. Cool. Good to know.

My final question for this clause—and I’ll just signal to the Chair that we’re happy to move on to other parts of Part 5, which I know still has quite a few things—is to do with new section 145A(3) and also (4), inserted by new clause 180AF on Amendment Paper 159. In terms of when we’re looking at if loan interest is written off and, also, the commissioner may reverse a write-off, which kind of answers one of the other things that is mentioned—but let’s say, in terms of (3), has there been any modelling done by IRD, in terms of what would be the likely average or what would be the range of the interest write-off, both in terms of at an individual level but also in terms of the total amount level, noting that Australia, for example, just last year, has written off $16 billion in bad student debt? Is there any sort of modelling done, in that case, from IRD on how much in total will be written off and the average?

RYAN HAMILTON

National Party · Hamilton East

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Mr Chair?

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Lawrence Xu-Nan, the Minister is just getting the answer to your last question.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. I just want to seek one clarification from you, noting that we do have a very good officials’ team and also a very diligent Minister in the chair—for example, if this part of the debate is closed, would the Chair allow the Minister to still respond to the question in a subsequent part, if the Minister is still receiving advice? Would that be OK with the Chair?

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

We’re happy—the Chair will indulge that in the next part.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you so much, Mr Chair. That was all I had for that.

Miles Anderson

National Party · Waitaki

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.

Ayes 68

Noes 55

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes55
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand15
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 5 set out on Amendment Paper 559 be agreed to.

Amendments agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 5 as amended be agreed to.

Ayes 102

Noes 21

PartyCount
Ayes102
New Zealand National49
New Zealand Labour34
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes21
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand15
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Part 5 as amended agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 1 be agreed to.

Ayes 102

Noes 21

PartyCount
Ayes102
New Zealand National49
New Zealand Labour34
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes21
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand15
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Schedule 1 agreed to.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

The question is that Schedule 2 stand part.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 2 be agreed to.

Ayes 102

Noes 21

PartyCount
Ayes102
New Zealand National49
New Zealand Labour34
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes21
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand15
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Schedule 2 agreed to.

Committee of the whole House

Clauses 1 and 2

Clauses 1 and 2

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

Members, we come now to clauses 1 and 2, the debate on the title and commencement.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

Mr Chair, thank you. I just want to make a brief comment, really, on the title of this bill, the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025-26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill. The “Annual Rates for 2025-26” is—as I discussed earlier, I think, in the second reading, or maybe in the Part 1 debate—a constitutional requirement. It now looks as though we will meet that constitutional requirement, and I assume that the Minister in the chair, the Hon James Meager, is sighing with relief that he’s going to get his bill through, because it’s quite tricky if we don’t.

I do want to just take issue with the next phrase, the “Compliance Simplification”. Frankly, I’m not quite sure what the simplification is, because if we look at the GST and unincorporated joint ventures rules, those are rather complicated. If we look at the new rules for revenue account method taxpayers, which are inserted into the foreign investment fund rules, those are actually rather complicated, too. I pity the people who are going to have to try to sort their way through them in terms of applying them. Then there were further complications introduced in the Minister’s Amendment Paper, so that’s hardly simple law either. In particular, looking at the changes to the thin capitalisation rules around infrastructure expenditure, those are not a simple measure at all.

If we look at all the issues in this bill in terms of whether compliance has been made easier, I don’t think that’s the case at all. In fact, the title of this bill is quite misleading in that regard. I suggest that this bill should be renamed the “Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025-26, Compliance is Never Going to be Simple, and Remedial Measures) Bill”.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

Thank you, Mr Chair. Just before we go on to debates about the title and how complicated tax legislation is—I’ll defer to the member on that, given her expertise and given that I can spell “tax” and that’s about as far as it goes in terms of figuring it out sometimes—

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

One hopes you pay a little.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Oh, I’m sure we all pay our fair share. We’re obliged to pay.

Look, I’ll go back just to round off the question from Dr Xu-Nan about analysis done on the likely range of interest write-off. It is complicated. The variation in the amounts and the lengths of time that overseas borrowers or any borrower has had a loan vary wildly. The analysis done shows that the proposal is expected to deliver a modest one-off gain of about $1.5 million to the Crown. While that brings some money in, the value of each loan differs. We think the changes will make it more likely that we can collect amounts that would otherwise not be collected.

For example, if you think of some of the very old loans on our books that are of quite low value, if this new power enables the settlement of those loans, we might end up recovering more financially than what the loan’s book value is. That’s, essentially, the extent of the analysis on that. It is a difficult exercise. As members have pointed out throughout the debate, it’s quite difficult to know exactly who is where and what they actually need to be contributing.

This is the debate on the title and commencement; we’ve already had one call on the title. Again, the title just does what it says: it amends the Income Tax Act in order to set the annual rates for 2025-26, provide compliance simplification, and some remedial measures. I take the member’s points that legislation can be incredibly complicated and sometimes make things more complicated. That’s why we have very intelligent experts in all manners of tax to both teach those of us in the real world who want to learn about these things but also come to the House and teach us here as well.

In terms of the commencement dates, there are a number of different commencement dates for different sections. There are various reasons for that. I’d invite members to check out the departmental disclosure statement, which gives clear reason for all of the differing commencements. If you take, for example, clause 2(3), which looks at commencing section 73 on the date of 1 January 2009, those of you who are very good at maths will notice that that is in the past. One of the reasons for that is that it looks to deal with crypto assets and, essentially, ties some of these transactional definitions to the date on which those assets came into being, essentially, in the world.

If members have questions about the commencement dates and want some particular detail, there is some detail for each of those in the departmental disclosure statement. Essentially, most of these dates are coming in at different times to take into account either the complexity in operationalising them—so giving agencies and individuals more time to respond, giving people enough foresight and enough warning to make sure they can prepare for their obligations, and also doing some tidy-ups for those matters that may have arisen in the past that we want to account for when we’re incurring future tax liabilities.

Lawrence Xu-Nan

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Chair. Thank you for that, Minister. I do want to address the commencement date, but I actually want to address the commencement date for Amendment Paper 559 and Amendment Paper 560.

I’ll start with Amendment Paper 560. The changes to clause 2 are to do with the increase in the in-work tax credit. It says that it “comes into force on a single date set by Order in Council”—that’s in clause 2(25). In clause 2(26): if it “has not come into force by 1 April 2027, it comes into force then.” My two questions for that are: what would be the date that is set by Order in Council? Is there a rough estimate of when that date is going to be, because 1 April 2027 is the day after this scheme ceases to take effect at all? If the Order in Council doesn’t happen, and it naturally comes into effect on 1 April 2027—if we’re looking, on Amendment Paper 560, at section MF 4L(3)(a)(ii) “for the period starting on the change date and finishing on 31 March 2027”—by the time you get to 1 April 2027, there is no increase in base rate by $50 a week.

I think it would be good to reassure everyone that there is a date in mind by Order in Council and it is sometime soon rather than waiting till next year. That’s my first question regarding the commencement date for Amendment Paper 560.

The second one might just be me not being able to see it, and it might be a drafting thing. In Amendment Paper 559—I know we just had a big discussion around clauses 180A and new clauses 180AB to 180AI—I’m just noting that on page 1 to page 2, at no point, even under amended clause 2(23)(h), do those clauses get mentioned as part of the commencement date. Would you be able to highlight what is the commencement date for clauses 180A and 180AB to 180AI? Have I missed something under clause 2?

Usually, there is a catch-all phrase—something like, “everything else commences on X date”—but I’m not seeing that here. Clause 2(1) of the main bill says that “This Act comes into force on the day after the date on which it receives the Royal assent, except as provided in this section.” Am I correct, then, to assume that if Amendment Paper 559 doesn’t mention the particular sections we’re looking at—sections 180A and 180AB to 180AI—those sections come into force the day after Royal assent? Would that be a correct assumption? I’m seeing nods, but if I can get a response to my first question, that would be great.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

Yes, the date by which the Order in Council will be set is—it’s kind of a tautology, but it’s the date on which the Order in Council will be delivered. It will obviously be before 1 April 2027, because the whole point of this is to provide relief that is timely, targeted, and temporary. In our view, it will be as soon as possible after this bill passes through the House.

In response to the member’s question, just so we get it on the record, about commencement dates generally: yes, clause 2(1) is a catch-all for all sections that aren’t outlined in the rest of section 2.

Dana Kirkpatrick

National Party · East Coast

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.

Ayes 68

Noes 55

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes55
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand15
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Clause 1 agreed to.

Celia Wade-Brown

Green Party · List MP

No. Party vote.

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

I’ve already declared—a little slow, I’m afraid. Members need to keep up.

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to clause 2 set out on Amendment Papers 559 and 560 be agreed to.

Amendments agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That clause 2 as amended be agreed to.

Ayes 102

Noes 21

PartyCount
Ayes102
New Zealand National49
New Zealand Labour34
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes21
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand15
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Clause 2 as amended agreed to.

Bill to be reported with amendment.

Online Casino Gambling Bill

Committee of the Whole House

Part 6 Gambling duty and other matters (continued)

Debate resumed from 10 March.

Part 6 Gambling duty and other matters (continued)

Greg O'Connor

Chairperson

The Online Casino Gambling Bill. Members, when we were last considering this bill, we were debating Part 6. This is the debate on clauses 80A to 82, “Gambling duty and other matters”. The question is that Part 6 stand part.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

Thank you, Mr Chair. We have traversed this bill and I’m quite pleased at where we’re up to. I do have an Amendment Paper in terms of this section—Amendment Paper 538—which is on the Table and I’ll just get to it. It’s with regards to new clause 80G.

In regard to the proceeds from lottery gambling and also the online gambling proceeds—we had some submitters that had an issue with when the funding is coming through, but also I wanted to ask the Minister of Internal Affairs: what advice did she receive in terms of the modelling because the Lottery Grants Board will be receiving the proceeds? What I wanted to ask was: will there be a differentiation between the proceeds from the lottery bodies with the online gambling proceeds?

What I wanted to ask—because it was brought through by a couple of the submitters—the issue is around receiving funding or community funding that is returned to the community. Will there be a specific differentiation between what comes through the lotteries side of it and what comes through the online gambling proceeds? The second part of my question—so I’ll just put it how the submitters put it. What they wanted to understand was if it comes through lotteries, that’s clean money; if it comes through online gambling proceeds, that’s termed “dirty” money. Money is money. However, some of the submitters have an issue applying for funding if it’s clean versus dirty.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Thank you, Mr Chair. Speaking to the Amendment Paper that the member Lemauga Lydia Sosene raised, Amendment Paper 538—as presiding member of the Lottery Grants Board, I am also aware that there will be people who don’t wish to touch money that’s been from the proceeds of online casino gambling and therefore do not wish to apply for a source of funding from this area. The board is also cognisant of this and will provide for applicants to identify the source of money they wish to seek funding from. I don’t consider that a legislative amendment is needed for this matter, as the board can resolve this matter as a board.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

Thank you, Minister, for your reply. My Amendment Paper, Amendment Paper 538, does specifically have an addition to an application about how those applying will be able to make their own decision. I appreciate what the Minister of Internal Affairs has said because I, too, am a member on the Lottery Grants Board. It’s just helpful, in part of educating communities when they are going for funding, that they understand where it comes from. But what people wanted to be really clear on is whilst all the funding might go into one bucket, they really wanted to understand that: is there an ability, through the Minister, or did she get any official advice on that differentiation?

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

As the presiding member of the Lottery Grants Board, I expect to be receiving advice from officials in this area, but I don’t believe a legislative change is needed because the board is cognisant. I, as a Minister and the presiding member of the Lottery Grants Board, am also cognisant that there will be some people who will not wish to apply and receive funds from online casino gambling. We will ensure that it is clear where some of that money is and which funds it is attached to, so that those people who do not wish to have any of those proceeds from online casino gambling do not touch that money.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

Thank you, Minister. I appreciate—and probably traversing all this may be out of scope. Minister, in your role as chair of the Lottery Grants Board, do you think that officials will provide that advice? Even though my question is out of scope at that other mechanism, I just wanted clarity on that.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Yes, I would expect so, because, as the Minister of Internal Affairs and the presiding member of the Lottery Grants Board, I am responsible for the distribution committees, and so therefore will be taking advice in that capacity.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

Thank you, Madam Chair. I just wanted to ask about service. Because we’re dealing with so many overseas entities, I appreciate that the world is changing rapidly and becoming more networked, but it’s also a situation where post is changing and people’s use of that. In the case of overseas entities, it is more and more easy for people to escape things like the issue of notice.

I wanted to know from the Minister of Internal Affairs what advice she has had on that changing area of service overseas, and whether this informed the way that this is structured, and what kind of eye or review of the successive service there would be in the next little while, given that we are dealing with the pointy end of often quite sharp operators in those areas? Will there be any kind of attempt to look at whether those service provisions are fit for purpose, given this particular application of service? Thank you.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

I can only assume the member is talking about clause 81 in terms of service of notice. Is that correct?

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

I am, I’m talking about—yes, 81. Thank you. Apologies for not saying so.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

That’s all right. I would just point the member to clause 81(1)(a)(iii). It makes it very clear that a notice that can be served on an individual can be served by sending it via email. This is to ensure that cross-border issues can be addressed cross-border rather than requiring a physical person to be present in New Zealand, which gets around any border issues to do with online casinos.

Tim Costley

Madam Chair?

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Camilla Belich.

Tim Costley

Madam Chair, can I just—aw.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I’m not sure it’s a genuine call, Mr Costley. If it is, let me know.

Camilla Belich

Labour Party · List MP

I look forward to Tim Costley’s substantive contribution on this part of the bill!

Thank you, Madam Chair. I do have a few questions around Part 6, and the questions I have are in relation to Schedule 2, which, I understand, is part of Part 6, as it refers to clause 82.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Yes, that’s correct.

Camilla Belich

Labour Party · List MP

Even though Part 6 itself is not the longest part of this bill and many of the changes that are in Part 6 have been inserted by the Governance and Administration Committee, the consequential amendments to other Acts are quite a substantive part. I had a couple of questions, and other colleagues will undoubtedly have questions around how these changes will impact on other parts of the Government’s legislative framework. Specifically, I wanted to ask first about the anti - money-laundering practices that will need to occur within this bill. Obviously, we’re regulating a market which is currently unregulated, and I do see that there is, appropriately, as it should be, a link to the Anti-Money Laundering and Countering Financing of Terrorism Act.

What I wanted to know is whether we have any evidence to date that in the regime that is currently being operated in an unregulated fashion, this has had any link or there has been any evidence of money-laundering, or indeed, financing of things like terrorism, which is prohibited under our law, and how those particular provisions will come in under those particular pieces of legislation. I’m just wanting some evidence of what the problem issue is that we’re looking at with the changes to this bill, and currently, if there is evidence that that has been occurring, would the current legislation that is listed there in Part 1 of Schedule 2 actually apply to the existing prohibitions on money-laundering? I think that’s quite a big subject area. I think, because we are dealing with international operators, it will be more incumbent on the Government and on this House to ensure that those are sufficient. I look forward to the Minister of Internal Affair’s comments on that.

I also wanted to ask specifically about the changes to gaming duties. With this Act, there are some substantive changes that bring the online casino gambling framework within the Gaming Duties Act 1971. Obviously, that’s quite an old Act, I suppose, or an Act that has been around for some period of time. I just wanted to know whether the provisions in here will, effectively, be allowing the taxation of those offshore providers in the same way as other current gambling operators are already providing taxation within New Zealand under that Act. Is the Gaming Duties Act 1971 able to sufficiently, I suppose, account for—I assume it has been amended substantively since 1971—the nature of the online gambling framework? Obviously, it’s a regime that has been around for a little while.

The third issue that I wanted to raise, within Part 1 of Schedule 2, was that there is a specific change to the Tax Administration Act—in Schedule 7, after clause 34A—and there is a slight change that the select committee has made in there, too, which talks about a specific allowance for the commissioner to allow communication to someone who is an employee of the Department of Internal Affairs. I just wanted to know the kinds of protections around these types of disclosures and what types of employees we’re envisioning may be covered by this type of provision. What is the mischief that this provision is trying to avoid, and what are the types of conversations that the drafters were thinking would occur that will then be prevented by the inclusion of clause 34B?

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

To answer the first part of Camilla Belich’s question, she asked about the Anti-Money Laundering and Countering Financing of Terrorism Act (AMLCFT) requirements within the law. The bill does bring online casino gambling operators under AMLCFT regulations because we are aligning it with existing explicitly covered and treated regulations for other forms of gambling here in New Zealand. The Government doesn’t have any specific evidence of any issues of this nature currently, because it has been an unregulated market, which means that the Government hasn’t been capturing information in this area. However, going forward, this will bring it into line with physical gambling here in New Zealand.

Camilla Belich also asked about the gaming duties and whether the provisions allow taxation of offshore operators. Yes, I can confirm that they do. They are already paying a duty tax under other legislation, such as GST, but, at clause 34B, we are removing this, and the answer is no, the Government Amendment Paper addresses this.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

Thank you. I haven’t been on the Governance and Administration Committee on this matter, but I’m interested in the changes to dates. It’s Part 2 of Schedule 2, new regulation 7A. I can see that there has been a decision to take out a simple rule of the 20th day for the returns, and there is a more complicated approach further down in that new regulation.

I’d just like to understand why. I’m particularly interested in whether that is something that is common to other practice. Really, it is just the why: why are we changing that in the way we are? Has there been a problem with that more simple approach? I’m very keen to hear from the Minister of Internal Affairs on that practice. I appreciate it might be for a very good reason. Thank you.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Thank you, Madam Chair. The member Helen White refers to the dates at new regulation 7A(1)(a). This aligns with the Inland Revenue tax payment dates.

RYAN HAMILTON

National Party · Hamilton East

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that Lemauga Lydia Sosene’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 530 replacing new clause 80E be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.

Ayes 54

Noes 68

PartyCount
Ayes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1
Noes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8

Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that Mike Davidson’s amendment to Amendment Paper 530 amending clause 80D set out on Amendment Paper 558 be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.

Ayes 54

Noes 68

PartyCount
Ayes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1
Noes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8

Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 6 as set out on Amendment Paper 530 be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Amendments agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that Lemauga Lydia Sosene’s amendment to insert new clause 80G as set out on Amendment Paper 538 be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.

Ayes 54

Noes 68

PartyCount
Ayes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1
Noes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8

Amendment not agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 6 as amended be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Part 6 as amended agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Now, we come to the voting on Schedule 1, where there’s no further debate. The question is that Lemauga Lydia Sosene’s amendments to Schedule 1 as set out on Amendment Paper 561 be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.

Ayes 54

Noes 68

PartyCount
Ayes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1
Noes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8

Amendments not agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 1 be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Schedule 1 agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 2 as set out on Amendment Paper 530 be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Amendments agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Schedule 2 as set out on Amendment Paper 507 is ruled out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.

Mike Davidson’s amendment to Schedule 2 as set out on Amendment Paper 543 is ruled out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 2 as amended be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Schedule 2 as amended agreed to.

Clauses 1 and 2

Clauses 1 and 2

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Members, we come now to our final debate. This is the debate on clauses 1 and 2—“Title” and “Commencement”. The question is that clauses 1 and 2 stand part.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

I’d like to take a call to discuss the title of this bill, and I appreciate that often people put up flippant things in terms of those titles.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

A truer word was never said.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

Ha, ha! I’m not intending to do that at all. I wasn’t on this committee, and then I looked at the report and I saw that the Greens have made the point that, in the Cabinet paper, it was seen that one of the primary purposes of this bill was actually revenue gathering. Now, I think that the public need to understand that, and I don’t see that as being made apparent from this title.

I would like to know from the Minister of Internal Affairs whether she accepts that that’s what the Cabinet paper said, because I’m looking at this here and I’m seeing it. I’d like to know where she sees that in the schedule of purposes of this bill, because I am very concerned we are dealing with a group of very vulnerable people; in particular, we’re dealing in my area of Mt Albert with groups that are very concerned about the addictive nature of online gambling to young people in particular and that we might be gathering that very revenue from a vulnerable group. I have Asian Family Services in my network of people I constantly talk to, and they are particularly concerned about the nature of this gambling in the Asian community and that it really is very destructive of families and is really undermining those communities.

What I would like to suggest as a title here is that we simply, straight as a die, put into the title that this is “Revenue Gathering From Online Casino Gambling”. It’s not treating it any differently from anything else, but it’s straight as a die—this is the purpose of what we’re doing. If it isn’t what the Minister is prepared to accept this bill actually does—and that’s what our title should do; be very straightforward about this—I’d like to know why she rejects that title as more informative to the public about the nature of what is going on here. I look forward to her comments. Thank you, Minister.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Thank you, Madam Chair. Look, I’m as big a fan as any that the law should be given a title that does what it says it does. I think for anybody who is trying to find what the rules are around online casino gambling, making sure that the title says “Online Casino Gambling Act” makes that exceedingly apparent, and there shouldn’t be any misunderstanding of where to go to find the rules.

To the member Helen White’s questions and the suggestion of changing it, I do reject that. The system itself enables revenue gathering, but its purpose is to regulate the unregulated market, which takes us back to: how would somebody find what the rules of the regulations are? They would google “online casino gambling”.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

Thank you, Madam Chair. I appreciate the Minister of Internal Affairs’ answers for the title and, also, her contribution. I want to ask the Minister specifically around commencement, and I do have an Amendment Paper 561 in. One of the concerns, as you’ve heard in some of the contributions, is the impact. Labour agrees with the regulating of this industry; however, we have some concerns in terms of the speed of the amendment bill. We also have concerns about the impact in our community. Members’ contributions from this side of the Chamber have raised the impact on our young people.

Rather than make a speech about it, the Amendment Paper is very clear in terms of the commencement date and the reasons behind us requesting, from this side of the House, that it is important to understand that whilst the bill brings in revenue, it is the impact and the unknowns of online casino gambling. Many of our submitters talked about how young people will have access—and they do now, in an unregulated platform—24/7. The concern is that online casino gambling will be available 24 hours, seven days a week. The difference with the land-based casinos is that you have to physically go there. You have to get in your car and physically go there, and there are restrictions there.

The reason for our push in terms of consideration for commencement—we know that in New Zealand, we have something called social media influencers. Some of our young people are being lured by overseas offshore companies that, if they do this, put out a service or have a product, they’ll get that—they’ll get a big payment. The Department of Internal Affairs have got some very clear guidelines and restrictions. What I’m asking is, in terms of the Minister’s decision, what advice was given to the Minister—we heard a number of submitters raise their concerns about vulnerable groups in our society that are going to be saturated in terms of advertising, in terms of what’s available. Can the Minister explain what advice, what modelling, the exposure to young people—all of these important issues in our community?

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Thank you, Madam Chair. Just starting at the end of that member’s contribution, we’ve already traversed social media influencers and advertisement restrictions within other parts of this bill. I acknowledge that was on a different week, but we are on this week now, on a different part.

I also want to acknowledge that the member’s contribution talked about how, when this law commences and comes into force, it will make online casino gambling available. There was a response from this side of the House: well, it already is. We are commencing this year with the law because the market has been unregulated for far too long. I acknowledge the Labour Party could have regulated it, but they didn’t. It’s been unregulated for far too long already, and it means that if we pushed any time frames out, consumers would be continuing to participate in online casino gambling online with no harm minimisation and consumer guarantee standards.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I’m going to take a call from Helen White, but I do want to say that the last speech strayed quite a long way from commencement, so they need to be very much on point.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

All right. I think the issue of commencement is the one I’d like to speak about in this contribution. The member will be aware that it’s very recent that we have come out with an online harm collaboration in the select committee, which was the Education and Workforce Committee. It really is a very interesting piece of work, because there was an exploration where almost every party—I think, save for the ACT Party—has come up with a real addressing and a suggestion that there was a lot of harm being done—

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

So is this—

Todd Stephenson

ACT Party · List MP

Point of order.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I think I might be about to address the member’s point of order, so please make it again if I don’t. This is title and commencement—very tight.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

OK, maybe if I start with why it’s important to commencement—

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I think just go to title and commencement, because we’re traversing things that have already been said and not necessarily relating to this piece of legislation—title and commencement only.

Helen White

Labour Party · Mt Albert

Thank you, Madam Chair. My point is that in a world that’s changing so rapidly, the commencement of this bill at this time when this work is starting to be cross-party and there’s an understanding of the harm of addiction in this area, particularly for young people—it is a moving feast. It would be very helpful to see whether the Minister of Internal Affairs has considered that work and the capacity, perhaps, to move the commencement of this out long enough for that work and that understanding to be actually looked at. It is so relevant to the harm that’s being done in the area. It really is a new area for us all as parliamentarians, so I’d like to know whether she’s considered moving the time out long enough to talk to some of those stakeholders. I’m thinking about people like Holly Brooker and the people who’ve been doing the work in that area of online harm for children. Thank you.

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Look, I hope I can close this out pretty quickly. The member Helen White has been here long enough to know what a title and a commencement is. That contribution had nothing to do with this law, and I think it makes a trivial mockery of the parliamentary process that we’re here for today. I would suggest that this debate is actually closed.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

I think the Minister should leave the job of deciding when we close to me. There was a vague link to commencement there, but I am getting frustrated with the broadening-out of these speeches, so one more chance—Lemauga Lydia Sosene.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you that you are allowing one more question on commencement—

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

On commencement.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

You have said to be specifically tight, Madam Chair. To the Minister of Internal Affairs: the commencement date is really important, specifically with the self-exclusion register. What we have before us—and I’ve got an Amendment Paper there, and why it’s important is the horse will have bolted before the cart comes along, in terms of—

Tim Costley

I think we’re mixing our—it’s a real kettle of worms, this speech.

Lemauga Lydia Sosene

Labour Party · Māngere

You’ve got an amendment bill here—you’ll have your time—and the provision is to allow it to begin, but the self-exclusion register will come at a later date. The question that I have is: what advice did the officials provide in terms of the self-exclusion register for the commencement date?

Brooke van Velden

ACT Party · Tāmaki

Minister of Internal Affairs

Look, I’ll make it really simple, because I know that the self-exclusion register came through the Education and Workforce Committee. This Government has a mission to regulate the online market. We are progressing with the law, with the regulations that the Government had signed off on. As a Government, we have accepted that there was a change at the select committee for this additional area of regulation, which is why there is an extended date for those regulations to be made, because the other ones are already in train.

Carlos Cheung

National Party · Mt Roskill

I move, That debate on this question now close.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That clause 1 be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Clause 1 agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to clause 2 is out of order as referring to an indeterminate event and not providing sufficient certainty.

The question is that Lemauga Lydia Sosene’s tabled amendment to clause 2 replacing “1 May 2026” with “1 January 2028” be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.

Ayes 54

Noes 68

PartyCount
Ayes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1
Noes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8

Amendment not agreed to.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

The question is that Lemauga Lydia Sosene’s amendments to clause 2 as set out on Amendment Paper 561 be agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.

Ayes 54

Noes 68

PartyCount
Ayes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1
Noes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8

Amendments not agreed to.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That clause 2 be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 54

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes54
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori5
Named members
Ferris
1

Clause 2 agreed to.

Bill to be reported with amendment.

Antisocial Road Use Legislation Amendment Bill

Committee of the Whole House

Part 1 Amendments to Land Transport Act 1998, and Schedules 1 and 2

Part 1 Amendments to Land Transport Act 1998, and Schedules 1 and 2

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

Members, the House is in committee on the Antisocial Road Use Legislation Amendment Bill. We start with Part 1. Part 1 is the debate on clauses 3 to 23—“Amendments to Land Transport Act 1998”—and Schedules 1 and 2. The question is that Part 1 stand part.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Associate Minister of Transport

Thank you, Madam Chair. We are all aware of what this bill does. It deals with the growing issue, over the past couple of years, of antisocial road behaviour. Colloquially, I think, that’s known as the bad activities of boy racers, but, of course, it’s 2026; we’ve got girl racers—we’ve got all kinds of racers. Sometimes, those racers terrorise our neighbourhoods and terrorise our roads. Now, I know that, in places like Christchurch, there are various by-laws and restrictions in place, including anti-cruising laws around the centre of Christchurch. That may come as a surprise to some members in the Chamber, but if you go around Christchurch, you’re not allowed to cruise around Hagley Park at certain times of the day. For those of you who wish to join us in the South Island, do so sensibly, but do not be cruising in and around Christchurch.

Of course, that’s no help to some areas of the public around our country who are terrorised by really poor behaviour on our roads. I’m talking of things like intimidating convoys. We’re talking about groups of motorists who are determined to do nothing more than spending nights and early hours of the morning doing burnouts on roads, terrorising the neighbourhood, and generally just creating dangerous or reckless situations for the general public.

This is the piece of legislation that is aiming to address some of those issues, and, in particular, this part we’re talking about, the part that amends the Land Transport Act, does a lot of the heavy lifting in terms of creating a new offence of dangerous or reckless activity. It also provides the police new powers to request information connected to some of those offences.

Now, of course, the police have powers to require or ask for information on some occasions now, including when someone has failed to stop. If anyone has done the Otago University first-year law exams, I recall we had to memorise six out of 10 essays. One of those essays was interpreting the “failure to stop” section, so this gives me a bit of a throwback to my law career, and I’m glad that we are now providing the police some additional powers to require that information.

Of course, when these large convoys or when these large gatherings appear and are creating chaos and havoc, it can be difficult to determine who is responsible for those vehicles in order to take the enforcement action later on, such as impounding those vehicles, forfeiting those vehicles, and perhaps even, maybe, crushing those vehicles. This part makes amendments to the Land Transport Act to provide some powers and some enforcement mechanisms in those areas. I’m sure members will have some significantly interesting questions and contributions to make.

TIM COSTLEY

National Party · Ōtaki

Thank you, Madam Chair. I do want to take just a moment to ask the Associate Minister of Transport, the Hon James Meager, about this because, as I’m sure the Minister is aware, this has been an issue in my electorate in Levin and Ōtaki and some of the other areas. It’s something I’ve been advocating for to the Minister for a while. I even have drafted member’s bill legislation, but, of course, thankfully the Government has chosen to act, seeing the wider issue, and bring this in. I do just want to seek his reassurance that this is going to suitably address that because I think of the two significant events that took place in Oxford Street in Levin. We had police officers assaulted during one.

Also, there’s a need to be able to conduct that follow-up action to go and bring meaningful consequences that will deter further efforts. The police, in the second instance, did a tremendous job in shutting this down and seizing them, but they need the tools, and I want to make sure they’ll be in place. I’m thinking of the residents I met with in places like Miro Street in Ōtaki and Oxford Street in Levin, and even the old Main North Road in Waikanae. I just want to get some assurance—not just for me but for the people that might be watching or engaging with us online—that this tools up the police and it gives them some more powers to go after them, it brings in meaningful consequences, and it’s going to enable us to reassure local citizens that we are giving the police the tools to actually go after these guys and bring some consequences back.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Associate Minister of Transport

That’s an excellent contribution. I think it shows the value of good, strong, local representation on issues that are important to parts of the country like Ōtaki, like Kāpiti, like Lower Hutt, and like central Christchurch.

The bill does a number of things to address Mr Costley’s concerns and the concerns of the community in Ōtaki. It creates some new offences for those who are engaging in reckless behaviour. It creates new offences for intimidating convoys, so not only are you having the case where you have to be stationary in one place causing issues but if you are actually travelling on the road and using your behaviour to intimidate other people—maybe up and down the State highway there, Ōtaki to Levin and north of Levin—causing a whole lot of issues on the road, it creates offences for those, too.

It gives police greater powers to identify those who are involved in street racing. It gives the police powers to actually close off those roads where those activities may be undertaken, to take some preventative action, and also to make sure that we can better deal with these issues. It introduces new $1,000 infringement fines and court-ordered fines. It increases the fines for excessive noise.

Another thing it does is it allows police the ability to impound those vehicles, so that those individuals who are facing the consequences of their actions do not go and sell them off to their mates on Trade Me Motors or on Auto Trader NZ—if they still do that—and avoid the consequences of their behaviour. So to the people of Ōtaki, the people of Lower Hutt, the people of Christchurch, you can be assured that help is on the way with this legislation.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

Thank you, Madam Chair. That’s great to hear that from the Associate Minister of Transport, the Hon James Meager, and to see a little bit of electioneering for the member over there. These no-cruising signs in Christchurch that the Minister alluded to are actually quite amusing because there are signs everywhere that say, “No-cruising zone ends here.” I’m assuming that means that that is where the cruising zone starts. If the no-cruising zone ends, the cruising zone must start, and it’s not far from where I live.

Actually, my first question is about one of the centrepieces of the legislation, and it’s new section 39A, inserted by clause 10, which creates the offence of “Dangerous or reckless activity offence conduct in frightening or intimidating convoy”. It just strikes me—and the Minister might want to comment—that this would be quite hard to commit, because to do so, the first thing is that to prove it you have to prove that they’re engaging in a dangerous or reckless activity offence, right?

Subsection (2) lists those. For example, reckless use of a motor vehicle—what it’s traditionally called—would be one. That’s already a very serious offence. In fact, I believe it’s an imprisonable offence. So you’ve got to be engaging in road use that’s already illegal, at almost the highest level; not just careless use of a motor vehicle but reckless or dangerous use of a motor vehicle.

Then it says, “and (b) operates the motor vehicle”, so that’s just being the driver or the user of the motor vehicle, and is “intending it to frighten or intimidate”, and—another “and”—operates that motor vehicle as part of a convoy. You’ve got to have four elements: committing a serious traffic offence, being the operator of the vehicle, being in convoy, and being frightening and intimidating.

Now, it strikes me that you could get a convoy that’s frightening. I think the general public thinks this is what they’re doing: that if there are three cars with stereos blasting and people yelling out the windows, now, that’s not dangerous or reckless, but it’s frightening or intimidating. But you actually have to be doing something which is already an offence—for example, driving not just over the speed limit but dangerously over the speed limit. That would catch it. Or drifting around a corner, which the Minister might not know, but that means when you lose traction and it backslides.

I mean, I guess my point is this: is it the Government’s intention that a convoy of two cars going a bit fast, being loud and threatening, is caught, or does it actually intend that that additional aggravating factor of there being a very serious traffic offence being committed at the same time is intended? It’s those four “ands” in there which are the challenge.

Then, of course, embedded in that section is the other tricky thing, which is intending it to frighten or intimidate another person. Now, if you know any boy racers or girl racers—car enthusiasts—in fact, they don’t think very much at all. They don’t intend to intimidate; they intend to be cool, so I guess that kind of intention thing seems to be a little perplexing. They don’t actually think ahead, so knowing that or being reckless that—they’re not knowing or reckless either; they just don’t even think about it, because recklessness is wilful blindness. They’re not wilfully blind; they’re just stupidly blind, which is an entirely different thing. I’m struggling to see how that particular section will operate in practice, and if the Minister wants to comment on that, that would be useful.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Associate Minister of Transport

There was a lot in that contribution from Dr Webb. I think one thing we can say with certainty from that contribution is that he wasn’t electioneering, because of course he’s going to leave us at the end of this term of Parliament, and we will miss his insightful judicial mind and his forensic analysis of bills clause by clause, and also his contribution to the Justice Committee.

Now, of course, the Government’s intention in this bill is to prevent dangerous or reckless activity being undertaken whilst travelling in a convoy. That activity needs to be intended to be frightening or intimidating to another person, or being reckless as to whether or not it is likely to be frightening or intimidating to another people, and the activity that they undertake has to be dangerous or reckless conduct as defined under subsection (2). They also have to be operating the motor vehicle and have to be engaging in that conduct while operating that motor vehicle as part of a convoy.

Dr Webb has asked and answered the questions about what the Government’s intention is. It is intended to create this offence to stop those very dangerous, very reckless, very frightening, very intimidating convoys that are going up and down our highways, up and down our motorways, in and out of our leafy suburbs, all through central Christchurch, causing chaos and frightening people on the road. We think that’s a bad thing and we’re going to stop it.

Barbara Kuriger

Chairperson

With that, it becomes time for me to report progress. Thank you.

Progress to be reported.

House resumed.

Sitting of Thursday, 26 March 2026

Start of Sitting Day

The Speaker took the Chair at 2 p.m.

Commencement

Start of Sitting Day

Karakia/Prayers

Greg O'Connor

Assistant Speaker

Almighty God, we give thanks for the blessings which have been bestowed on us. Laying aside all personal interests, we acknowledge the King and pray for guidance in our deliberations that we may conduct the affairs of this House with wisdom, justice, mercy, and humility for the welfare and the peace of New Zealand. Amen.

Business of the House

Business Statement

Simeon Brown

National Party · Pakuranga

Minister of Health

on behalf of the Leader of the House: Next week, the House will consider the remaining stages of the Racing Industry (Closure of Greyhound Racing Industry) Amendment Bill and the first reading of the Sale and Supply of Alcohol (Improving Alcohol Regulation) Amendment Bill. Wednesday will be a members’ day.

Tangi Utikere

Labour Party · Palmerston North

I thank the acting Leader of the House for his points there. Can I ask him, as it is the lead-up to Easter next week: is it the Government’s intention to utilise urgency, as seems to be common practice, in order to progress the legislative agenda?

Simeon Brown

National Party · Pakuranga

Minister of Health

on behalf of the Leader of the House: I wish the member opposite a very happy Easter in advance. This Government is a very busy Government. I wish all members all the best for Easter next week.

Personal Explanations

Question No. 4 to Minister, 12 March

Amended Answer to Oral Question

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

I seek leave to make a personal explanation to correct an answer I gave during oral questions on 12 March 2026.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Leave is sought for that purpose. Is there any objection? There appears to be none.

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

On 12 March 2026, I stated, “We have seen nearly 5,500 Māori come off the jobseeker benefit in the quarter ending September 2025.” I should have said, “We have seen nearly 5,500 Māori come off the jobseeker into work for the quarter ending September 2025.”

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Well, I’m sure that little information for the House is fascinating to the member, but it was clearly using the House for overt political purposes, which is not appropriate.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Ask him to apologise, Mr Speaker.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

No, no—he’s not as good at it as you.

Presentation

Petitions

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Two petitions have been delivered to the Clerk for presentation.

Clerk

  • Petition of Elspeth Baker-Vevers requesting that the House initiate an inquiry into ADHD-related systemic harm and establish a National ADHD Strategy and Annual Funding Plan, and
  • petition of Keely Kalirai Cairns requesting that the House urge the Government to include Hindi as a language option for NCEA and ensure that resources are available for teaching it at primary, intermediate, and secondary schools.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Those petitions stand referred to the Petitions Committee.

Select Committee Reports

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

A select committee report has been delivered for presentation.

Clerk

Report of the Finance and Expenditure Committee on the Report of the Ombudsman, OIA timeliness obligations: Compliance and practice in The Treasury Te Tai Ōhanga.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

The report is tabled for consideration. No bills have been introduced.

Oral Questions to Ministers

1. Finance

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

to the Minister of Finance

Will the update on New Zealand’s four fuel alert levels tomorrow include a change in alert levels, or will it be an explainer of what the levels are?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

The latter. We will not be changing the fuel response phase overnight, although it is the case that within a response phase, we will continue to take additional actions, some of which we will detail tomorrow. Tomorrow, we will also provide more information about the criteria we will use to assess when a change in the response phase is required. As the member would expect, these will include things like changes in the amount of fuel in the country.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Will the alert level framework allow for different alert levels to be applied to diesel, petrol, and jet fuel?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

Yes.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

How much warning will New Zealanders get before moving along the alert level framework?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

The member asks a very good question, because what we are determined to do is to ensure that people aren’t in a situation where things change suddenly overnight in ways that aren’t expected. Instead, what we are intending to have is a framework in which we are transparent about the assessment criteria, where we are clear with New Zealanders when an assessment is taking place, and then we announce the decision of what that assessment is. Part of that assessment will include engagement with industry.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Should New Zealanders expect a smooth, gradual progression through the alert levels, or could we jump through them quickly or skip levels given the current trajectory of some fuel stocks?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

Our goal is to avoid ever getting to response phase 3 or 4. These are envisaged in the National Fuel Plan as the point at which prioritisation of fuel would be required. Our goal is to be doing enough to source the supply of fuel internationally so that does not become necessary, and, by taking sufficient actions in response phases 1 and 2, that we wouldn’t reach phase 3 or 4. In direct answer to the member’s question, I would not expect us to be skipping through the response phases.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

What groups has she met with to consult on how the fuel alert levels will operate?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

I’ve directed my officials at the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, together with officials at the Ministry of Transport and officials at the Ministry for Primary Industries, to undertake extensive engagement with industry, both fuel companies themselves and fuel users, and a range of industry-affected entities. This morning, together with the Minister of Local Government, we briefed mayors and their staff from local government. I have individually met or had phone calls with a number of chief executives and other industry representatives.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Has Shane Jones discussed Crown funding, including using the surplus in the petroleum or engine fuel monitoring levy fund, to increase diesel storage capacity at Marsden Point more quickly than would normally be the case?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

I’m not responsible for which discussions Shane Jones may or may not have had. If the member wants to ask Shane Jones a question, she can.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Is economist Brad Olsen right to warn New Zealanders that the crunch on diesel seems to be coming closer quicker, and is starting to become worrying, given the importance of diesel to the productive economy?

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

We’re not sure that Brad Olsen has calculated his figures correctly, in that he isn’t able to see the ships that are on the way and the amount of diesel that is in them, and therefore what is required. Critically, what New Zealanders need to understand is that we agreed that keeping a focus on diesel is very important, because obviously that is the fuel that so much of our industry and productive economy leans on and requires. It’s also the case that that is the fuel that, internationally, has been most disrupted by events in the Middle East. It is the fuel which has, according to all of the studies that have been done, the least elastic response to price, which is to say that people don’t tend to substitute it in the way that they do petrol—when the petrol price goes higher, people don’t tend to use as much, whereas diesel users do not have as much choice. All of that, taken together, means we have a real focus on diesel. Something I would highlight for everyone is that in New Zealand, we legally require every company that is importing fuel into the country to have a minimum stockholding obligation (MSO) of at least 21 days’ worth of diesel. What that means is that they face fines of millions of dollars if they breach that requirement. That is intended to provide safety and a buffer, and we would expect to be notified if there was any risk of those MSOs being breached, and we have not had any such notification.

Shane Jones

NZ First · List MP

Can the Minister confirm that the strategy that she refers to will reflect the lessons learnt from the COVID experience and avoid arbitrarily introducing restrictions on New Zealanders?

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

What a stupid question.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

You were sitting at the Cabinet table, Shane!

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

Our goal, obviously, is that we recognise that fuel is very important to our economy—

Shane Jones

NZ First · List MP

Jab—jab. COVID failure.

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

—and so taking steps now—

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

You were sitting at the Cabinet table.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

You forgot where you were, Jonesy.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Just a moment. This is a very important matter that troubles a lot of people throughout the country. We will hear answers in silence.

Nicola Willis

National Party · List MP

Minister of Finance

We recognise that fuel is vital to driving our economy, supporting jobs and incomes, so that is why we are taking a precautionary and prudent approach now, because it is the case that if we were to reach response phase 3 or 4, then the potential disruption to New Zealanders and industry could be significant. While we are doing everything we can to prevent getting to that phase, in the meantime we are conscious that we have the gift of time to work through what that prioritisation would look like, and we have taken an approach that says we will iterate that together with industry. Noting that, in the past, when arbitrary classifications have been offered by Government, there has been very good feedback and engagement from others, who have said, “Actually, that needs to change.” So when we offer our indicative prioritisation, we do expect there to be feedback from a range of stakeholders, and we will be listening to business and industry so that we get it right.

2. Social Development and Employment

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke

Te Pāti Māori · Hauraki-Waikato

· to the Minister for Social Development and Employment

What funding increases, if any, can food bank and food rescue organisations expect to receive in Budget 2026 to support the one in three households who are struggling to put kai on the table, as reported by the Hunger Monitor, during rising fuel price pressures?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

on behalf of the Minister for Social Development and Employment: We know that many families are being hit hard by the global fuel price shock. That is why are delivering targeted support for low and middle income working parents, by increasing the in-work tax credit. I’m unable to comment on Budget decisions prior to the Budget.

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke

Te Pāti Māori · Hauraki-Waikato

Does she accept that rising fuel prices will have a big impact on food prices, and, if so, will the Government be offering any additional financial support to beneficiaries, superannuants, and students so that they can continue to afford kai?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

Obviously, the duration of the crisis in the Middle East will determine the impact and the level of impact, but I would note that on 1 April, beneficiaries and superannuants will have an increase in assistance. I also note that the Ministry of Social Development (MSD) has support available to individuals in hardship that need assistance to meet immediate needs such as food. So there is assistance coming on 1 April, and there is the ongoing assistance that MSD provides.

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke

Te Pāti Māori · Hauraki-Waikato

If the Government cannot offer any financial support for low-income whānau, can they commit to a 165 percent funding boost for food banks to make up for the 165 percent increase in people receiving food support since 2020?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

I did, in fact, in the previous question, note that additional assistance would be available on 1 April—that the Consumers Price Index increase will occur for the beneficiaries, and the superannuation increase will also occur. So there are increases about to occur. However, I note also that MSD still has that ongoing support available for those individuals in hardship that need assistance, and that does include for food.

3. Education

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

· to the Minister of Education

What announcement has she made regarding New Zealand’s national qualification?

Erica Stanford

National Party · East Coast Bays

Minister of Education

Today, I announced the first major step in rebuilding New Zealand’s senior secondary qualification, with Cabinet agreeing to major structural decisions to replace NCEA with a new system that is clear, consistent across schools, and internationally comparable. The new qualification across years 12 and 13 and the stand-alone foundational award in literacy and numeracy will be phased in from 2028 for the foundational award; 2029 for the year 12 qualification; and 2030 for year 13. This is about restoring confidence in our national qualification and ensuring it supports deeper knowledge-rich learning so every student can succeed.

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

Why is the Government replacing NCEA?

Erica Stanford

National Party · East Coast Bays

Minister of Education

Well, for too long the current system has struggled to provide clarity and confidence. NCEA has become increasingly fragmented and inconsistent across schools, and too often students have been able to accumulate credits without building the knowledge and skills they need for the future. It’s not fair on our young people, and it does not give parents, employers, or tertiary providers the confidence that they should have in a school qualification. We’re putting that right by building a system with high expectations, consistency, and student achievement at the core.

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

How will the curriculum drive what is being assessed in the new curriculum?

Erica Stanford

National Party · East Coast Bays

Minister of Education

As we speak, 86 writing groups of writers and subject experts schools across the country are creating a senior secondary curriculum in 175 subject areas. This national curriculum will be internationally benchmarked and will drive what is assessed in our new national qualification. All students will receive deep learning in nationally consistent subjects to ensure they are set up for success beyond school.

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

What feedback has the Government received from the sector about these changes?

Erica Stanford

National Party · East Coast Bays

Minister of Education

This work has been shaped by extensive sector engagement; more than 10,000 New Zealanders took part in consultation, alongside detailed input from a principal advisory group and sector experts. There was clear support for structural change to our national qualification that is simpler, more consistent, and better aligned to what students need for the future. A principal wrote to me following this morning’s announcement to say, “Well done and thank you for being courageous and following through on this. It will make a huge difference and the positive generational shift”—the text isn’t quite right, but it basically says that it will make a huge difference and the positive generational shift that we’ve been looking for. [Interruption] I would be very careful, I say to the Opposition, making accusations of which principal that came from. We have amazing principals across New Zealand who are all doing an exceptional job and they all deserve our respect.

Ginny Andersen

Labour Party · List MP

Will her next NCEA announcement have any of the detail that we were all hoping to see in this NCEA announcement?

Erica Stanford

National Party · East Coast Bays

Minister of Education

We are taking the time to get the details right. Consultation—[Interruption]

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

There’s not much point asking a question if you don’t want to hear the answer.

Erica Stanford

National Party · East Coast Bays

Minister of Education

Genuine consultation is about making sure you take time to get the detail right and properly engaging in the complex interplay of technical decisions that need to be taken. We’ve put together a technical advisory group to work alongside our professional advisory group, to take this very complex set of decisions. It’s this good process that’s required to get this right. Perhaps if this good process had been followed the last time NCEA was refreshed, it wouldn’t have been such an unmitigated disaster—take note.

4. Māori Development

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

· to the Minister for Māori Development

Does the Minister stand by his Government’s track record on Māori employment, and, if so, why?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

Yes, I stand by the Government’s track record on Māori employment, particularly given that between 5,000 and 6,000 Māori came off the jobseeker benefit and into work in the quarter ending September 2025—a fantastic result, in my view.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Does he expect the Māori unemployment rate to increase even further, given the announcement of the proposed closure of food-processing plants, including the announced closure of McCain’s in Hastings?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

As this House knows, we have been absolutely focused on enabling a number of fast-track Act projects throughout the country, whether or not they are geothermal, aquaculture, property developments, or others. Some of those fast-track projects—in fact, nearly 25 of the 149 in Schedule 2 of that Act—are either Māori-partnered or -led. It’s absolutely marvellous that Ministers—

Shane Jones

NZ First · List MP

Hear, hear!

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

—exemplary Ministers like Minister Jones—have announced matters such as the—

Shane Jones

NZ First · List MP

Mine! Mine!

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

—geothermal strategy. Of course, there is a range of other quarrying and mining initiatives that employ Māori.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Point of order, Mr Speaker. [Interruption]

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Points of order are heard in silence.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Speaker. The Minister hasn’t even addressed the question. The question was specific: does he expect the Māori unemployment rate to increase even further, given the announcement of the proposed closure of food-processing plants, including the announced closure of McCain’s in Hastings? He hasn’t addressed it even slightly.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Well, the question would be: can he address it? I’ve got to sit here and listen—I’ve heard his answer, and certainly what was going through my head was how on earth could he know what the ethnic or racial mix of the employment profile for those particular factories are. He can’t answer it. Have you got another supplementary?

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

What support, if any, will be provided to Māori in South Auckland, where Māori unemployment is at 20.6 percent—almost four times the national average—under this Minister’s watch?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

As this House has heard on several occasions from across different Ministers, there are a number of initiatives that the Ministers in this Government and this Parliament, in fact, have encouraged to ensure that there are more jobs created throughout Māori communities and a range of other New Zealand communities, as well, whether or not that’s through the fast-track processes; through some support around the Regional Infrastructure Fund led by Minister Jones; or through some of the mahi that, ultimately, Minister Stanford has been leading around education to create a whole range of talented, bright, young Māori graduates from schools. They may seek work and build enterprise in New Zealand, or they may go overseas and seek work and build enterprise overseas—and where has the old Willie Jackson gone, when 25 years ago, as an Alliance MP, he came to New York City and saw my overseas dreams and was absolutely encouraging of that?

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

How—[Interruption]

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Just a minute, Mr Jackson. All right.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

How will current policies address the needs of Māori in West Auckland, where unemployment sits at 17.3 percent?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

You see, that’s the challenge that the member opposite has on a range of matters: he thinks that the Government is the solution to everything. On this side of the House, we don’t. We think that it is to enable interest rates and inflation rates to come down, to stop the wasteful spending that was curated under previous Governments, and to ensure that the business and enterprise regulatory framework is available to create jobs and not just handouts.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Point of order, Mr Speaker. Thank you, Mr Speaker. I would like to ask again: how did the Minister address that question? The question was specific: how will the current policy address the needs of Māori in West Auckland, where unemployment sits at 17.3 percent? Surely, he hasn’t addressed the question.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Well, he listed some Government policies. Have you got another supplementary?

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

I’ve got plenty of supplementaries, Mr Speaker.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Well, that’s good.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

But to the—I still don’t understand that response, but kei te pai, Mr Speaker. To—

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Well, hang on a minute—just a minute. Mr Jackson, you won’t be carrying on if you want to challenge like that. I don’t judge the questions—I do initially with the primaries, but not so much the supplementaries—and I certainly have no responsibility for the answers. But I can work out whether or not there has been a reasonable addressing of the question. That’s what I’m required to do.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

What does he say to the Hastings mayor, Wendy Schollum, who said she is “devastated” about the closure of McCain’s and “desperately concerned” about the families who will be impacted?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

No one in this House wants to see large industries shut down. That’s why we’ve been absolutely focused on making sure that we build the infrastructure that this country requires to move and to, basically, build for the future. That’s why I expect members opposite to support all our infrastructure activities around new schools and classrooms across the country; around new roads of national significance; and around a whole range of economic initiatives that this Government is undertaking, including the mahi that Minister Jones has been leading in the regional infrastructure space, like mussel factories and spat factories.

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

How can he keep claiming the Government is delivering for Māori when the clearest delivery so far has been more Māori out of work and things getting worse, not better, under this Minister’s watch?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

On Friday, I had the great opportunity to go with the hard-working East Coast MP, Dana Kirkpatrick, to a wonderful place called Kawerau. It’s a place that welcomes industry, it’s a place that welcomes business, and it’s a place that welcomes hard work. The geothermal facility opened there by Obayashi Corporation, alongside Eastland Generation and Tūwharetoa mai Kawerau ki te Tai, absolutely exemplifies Māori development creating jobs, creating business, and actually moving the country forward. That’s the sort of mahi that this Government is into and wants to support in the future.

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Can the Minister confirm that sensible economic management is important and beneficial no matter your ethnic background; that if you have a Government that spends carefully, that manages the economy well, that’s good for everybody, but if you have a Government that splashes the cash and drives inflation and interest rates and puts us all into debt, that’s bad for Māori as much as anyone else?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Minister for Māori Development

Absolutely. It’s absolutely warming that the members of this coalition Government want to see all Kiwis, including Māori, succeed.

5. Health

Hamish Campbell

National Party · Ilam

· to the Minister of Health

What recent announcements has he made about preparing the healthcare system for winter?

Simeon Brown

National Party · Pakuranga

Minister of Health

Last week, I announced that Health New Zealand will invest an additional $25 million to prepare our healthcare system for higher demand over the busy winter months by boosting hospital capacity and increasing staffing. This important investment in preparation for winter will deliver up to 378 additional front-line staff, 71 extra winter hospital beds, and up to 567 short-stay beds in aged residential care to free up hospital capacity. The plan focuses on four key priorities: prevention, strengthening primary care, improving emergency department (ED) and hospital flow, and supporting timely discharge. By planning early, expanding capacity, and supporting our front-line teams, we are providing the tools needed to better manage increased demand during winter and deliver the care New Zealanders need.

Hamish Campbell

National Party · Ilam

How will this investment support improved performance in our emergency departments?

Simeon Brown

National Party · Pakuranga

Minister of Health

We know that following the reintroduction of our health targets, Kiwis are spending less time in EDs across the country, with the latest quarterly results for October to December 2025 showing 74.2 percent of patients being admitted, discharged, or transferred within 6 hours, up from 72.1 percent at the same time the year before. However, we know there is still more work to be done, particularly as we head into the winter months. Our hospitals will face increased demand during winter due to a growing ageing population. By increasing capacity and front-line staffing, we’re helping to prepare the healthcare system for this.

Hamish Campbell

National Party · Ilam

What role does prevention have in improving performance over winter?

Simeon Brown

National Party · Pakuranga

Minister of Health

The plan to prepare our hospitals for winter ensures a stronger focus on prevention. We know that prevention is key to reducing pressure on our hospitals. That’s why this plan is prioritising more flu vaccination opportunities, targeted support for older people and those at higher risk, access to anti-virals, stronger vaccination support in aged care, and easier access to multiple vaccinations in a single visit. This is alongside our work to strengthen primary care by launching a 24/7 digital consult service and expanding urgent and after-hours care clinics up and down the country.

Hamish Campbell

National Party · Ilam

What else is the Government doing to ensure hospitals can better manage demand over winter?

Simeon Brown

National Party · Pakuranga

Minister of Health

Alongside increasing capacity in our hospitals, this plan to prepare our hospitals for winter places a strong emphasis on improving patient flow and supporting timely discharge. That includes expanding Hospital in the Home services so more patients can recover safely at home, increasing the availability of transitional and aged residential care beds, and strengthening allied health support to help patients return home sooner. We’re also improving weekend discharge processes and ensuring better coordination across the system so beds are available to those who need them the most. I want to thank our hard-working doctors, nurses, and allied professionals in our hospitals, who work incredibly hard each and every day. This plan is to support them and the incredible work they do.

6. Housing

Tamatha Paul

Green Party · Wellington Central

· to the Minister of Housing

Is he concerned about the report from Cotality that showed the average rent-to-income ratio is as high as 28 percent; if not, why not?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

on behalf of the Minister of Housing: I am advised that rent-to-income ratios were 27.9 percent in quarter four 2025, according to Cotality, a reduction from 28.2 percent in quarter four 2023. The measure has stayed relatively flat during our time in Government. I’m also advised that under the previous Government, the measure grew from 26.1 percent to 28.2 percent in 2023. This matches with other measures that prove that under this Government, rents are plainly more affordable for many. The social housing register is down, the share of first-home buyers in the market was at record levels at the end of last year, and we have far less tamariki and whānau in emergency housing. The member may also read the rest of the Cotality report, which shows that housing affordability has improved to its best level in almost a decade due to stable housing prices, rising wages, and falling mortgage rates. It says that in quarter four last year, the house-price-to-income ratio was 7.2, down from above 10 in 2021. This Government doesn’t just talk about it; we deliver on housing affordability.

Tamatha Paul

Green Party · Wellington Central

What does he think would be an affordable average rent-to-income ratio?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

What we know is that housing affordability and rent affordability has come down, whether or not it’s come down from 3.1 percent in the year to January 2026 according to TradeMe data or a range of other data and evidence-based facts that show that rents have either stabilised or are coming down slightly.

Tamatha Paul

Green Party · Wellington Central

How is the Government making progress on rental affordability when renters in places like Rotorua, Gisborne, and Tauranga are spending more that 30 percent of their income on rents?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

What we know is that a range of data points show that credible measures of rent price changes show that rents are flat, whether or not it’s the stock measure, which is the most well-known measure for rental affordability, which shows rents are just under 1 percent in the year to January 2026, which is lower than inflation. What we won’t do—what we definitely won’t do—is start going around putting rent controls on everyone.

Tamatha Paul

Green Party · Wellington Central

What evidence does he have that rent controls would do anything other than put a limit on rents that New Zealanders already can’t afford?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

How many cities need to try and fail at solving their rental challenges through rent controls for the Greens to learn? Rent controls don’t work. The Greens’ housing plan, in general, would make the housing market in New Zealand much worse.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

No, no. Just talk about the Government’s answer.

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

OK. The member claims to believe in evidence-based policy, but, in fact, the evidence shows that rents have stabilised or come down over the last couple of years. Actually, we’re really proud of not only doing that but seeing the social housing register come down and also getting rid of the motel generation, birthed long-term by the Opposition, of course.

Tamatha Paul

Green Party · Wellington Central

Does he have confidence that his Government’s policies are working to lower house prices when Treasury is forecasting house prices to increase 6 to 7 percent a year for the next four years?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

What I am confident about is under the leadership of the Minister of Housing, Chris Bishop, and the Minister of Finance, Nicola Willis, we’ve seen the average per square metre build rate of Kāinga Ora come down, unlike the previous group.

Tamatha Paul

Green Party · Wellington Central

What policies does the Government have to permanently lower rents besides engineering a recession and scaring 200 New Zealanders out of the country every single day?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

That comes from a very dark and dank place, that comment—very dingy. What we’re all about is making sure we’ve got the basics sorted, infrastructure in place, better energy prices, e mihi ana ki a koe e te Matua Tararā [I congratulate you, Dalmatian gentleman], and all the necessary steps and phases to ensure that, actually, housing is affordable. Guess what! That facts say so. The evidence says so.

7. Social Development and Employment

Willow-Jean Prime

Labour Party · List MP

· to the Minister for Social Development and Employment

How many people, if any, receiving benefits or superannuation have children in their care and are also in paid employment?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

on behalf of the Minister for Social Development and Employment: I can advise that there are more than 47,000 working-age people who receive a main benefit from the Ministry of Social Development who have children in their care and who are receiving some other form of income.

Willow-Jean Prime

Labour Party · List MP

How many people who receive superannuation or a benefit have children in their care and who are also in paid employment will get the $50 a week fuel relief?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

We acknowledge the impact of the global fuel price shock on families and households and businesses right across New Zealand. The $50 increase in the in-work tax credit is aimed at low and middle income working families with dependent children. We know that around 143,000 families will receive the full $50 weekly increase. That will include 48 percent of children in material hardship. The policy is targeted, timely, and temporary to minimise inflation.

Willow-Jean Prime

Labour Party · List MP

Has she informed the Minister of Finance that there are many families on a benefit while working and caring for children, given the Minister of Finance’s statement that “I’d also note, working families face the obligation to get to and from work each day. Beneficiaries do not face that obligation.”?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

Well, on behalf of the Minister, I’m sure the Minister of Finance is very aware of that, and we are very, very careful to ensure that what we are doing is targeted, timely, and temporary to minimise inflationary pressures. We have learnt from the excesses of COVID—

Shane Jones

NZ First · List MP

COVID. Fail—fail.

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

—and we are ensuring that we are supporting our low and middle income working families with dependent children.

Shane Jones

NZ First · List MP

Feral—feral.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

That’s enough. Just a moment.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Well, that’s actually—he’s calling out—

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

I beg your pardon.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Don’t worry. I’ll talk to you later.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

I’m certainly not worried.

Willow-Jean Prime

Labour Party · List MP

Did she advocate for additional support for struggling sole parents, disabled parents, parents of disabled children, and grandparents raising grandchildren who are receiving superannuation or a benefit but are also working part time?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

As I noted in one of my earlier answers, approximately 1.5 million New Zealanders will receive an increase in their assistance from 1 April through the annual general adjustment.

Willow-Jean Prime

Labour Party · List MP

Does she accept that the 1 April changes will not be enough for people receiving superannuation or benefits to adapt to the fuel price increases, as they are based on previous inflation and don’t take into account this current pain?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

We acknowledge that the impact of the global fuel price shock is going to be on families, on households, on businesses, and on industries right across New Zealand. There will be an increase on 1 April for beneficiaries and superannuitants. Our targeted, temporary, and timely $50 tax credit increase is targeted at middle-income working families with dependent children.

Willow-Jean Prime

Labour Party · List MP

Why, when the whole country continues to struggle with the cost of living—now exacerbated by the fuel crisis—did the Government not ensure that financial support go to the most at risk of poverty to get to and from work, retain their employment, and to get their kids to school?

Penny Simmonds

National Party · Invercargill

Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment

We have learnt, from the past excesses of the COVID responses, that if the response is not targeted, timely, and temporary, the whole of New Zealand will suffer with increased inflation.

Answer subsequently amended on 31 March 2026 at 14.05.

8. Housing

Rima Nakhle

National Party · Takanini

· to the Associate Minister of Housing

What recent announcements has he made about improving outcomes for rentals and landlords?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

The Government has announced proposals to develop new legislation to establish a light-touch regulatory regime to address issues with property managers within New Zealand’s rental market. The proposed regime will introduce minimal standards for conduct and competence, provide effective complaints and disciplinary processes, and support better dispute resolution but not be over the top. This supports the Government’s priority of improving the rental market to make it easier to be a landlord and easier to be a tenant. I look forward to introducing a bill to the House and welcome the one and only thing that I saw in the Greens’ housing plan, which suggests—

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

No, no. That’s enough. Thank you very much.

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

—creating a national register of these property managers. Thank you.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Thank you very much. We’ll move straight away to question No. 9.

9. Housing

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

· to the Associate Minister of Housing

Does he accept the findings of the Auditor-General’s report into emergency housing; if so, will he give any direction to the Ministry of Social Development to change their practices?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

I welcome improvement ideas from the Office of the Auditor-General and want to tautoko the Auditor-General’s acknowledgement of the progress made to date. There are now clear pathways and systems for those in genuine and immediate need to access housing assistance, not just hurling people into emergency hotels like on Ulster Street in Hamilton. More so than ever before, agencies are collaborating to identify, address, and prioritise these needs. Tēnā tātou.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

How many applications for emergency housing were unfairly declined for “unreasonably causing or contributing to their immediate emergency housing need”?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

It is noted that in the Auditor-General’s report, there was a call for more consistency around the declines, but the vast majority of people who apply for emergency housing either get emergency housing—between 60 percent and two-thirds of applicants—or they receive some sort of housing assistance. I welcome further inquiry into that.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Does he accept that in the third quarter of 2025 in Auckland, for example, the decline rate for emergency housing applications reached up to 63 percent?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

I’d recommend, for a specific quarter in a specific town and a specific decline rate, that that matter is put through the written parliamentary questions process. But what I will say is this: the vast majority of people who seek some sort of housing assistance through the Ministry of Social Development get it, and we have seen an absolute reduction in the number of kids and whānau living in emergency housing to be in social housing, in private housing, or in transitional housing. I think that’s something that the Green Party and others should acknowledge us for.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Is he confident that in our biggest city in the country, most emergency housing applications are approved?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

As we know, emergency housing is a last resort for those with genuine need for short-term assistance and temporary accommodation in most towns and cities in New Zealand. It is not a first resort—what it was between 2017 and 2023. That’s why we’ve seen a huge decrease in the number of whānau who are living in the dark, dank, dingy conditions in places like Fenton Street in Rotorua and emergency hotels throughout the country. The vast majority of applicants for emergency housing get supported in some way, shape, or form—and for that, I am very thankful.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Will he, following the Auditor-General’s report into emergency housing, restore discretion to case managers so that they can consider whether declining an emergency housing application will worsen someone’s situation?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

The member opposite should take some time to actually read the eligibility criteria for emergency housing before such questions. What I will say again, and repeat for this House, is that the vast majority of people who seek emergency housing get supported, and I’m very proud to see the number of people on the social housing register decline massively, after quadrupling under the previous Government.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Is it accurate to say that the vast majority of people in Auckland are getting access to emergency housing when they apply for it?

Tama Potaka

National Party · Hamilton West

Associate Minister of Housing

Again, that is a matter very specific to a town—that I recommend the member sends a written parliamentary question for. What I will say is this: hundreds—nay, thousands—of Aucklanders in the central area of Auckland receive some sort of housing assistance, whether or not it’s emergency housing, social housing, living in places like Te Mātāwai and HomeGround. And, actually, we will continue to provide that level of support.

10. Prime Minister

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

· to the Prime Minister

Does he stand by all of the Government’s statements and actions?

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

on behalf of the Prime Minister: Yes, absolutely—particularly the stance that the Government is taking on education and school attendance as we approach a challenge around fuel supply. In the past when there’s been disruptions to normal life, Governments have been, in our view, far too quick to put education down the totem pole of priorities in our society. We are very clear that no matter what challenges we may face, we will aways put the education of our children at the top of our priorities—

Member

Not their lunch.

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

—because that is what we are investing in: the future. I just had someone say, “Not their lunch.” Well, actually, we are delivering a healthy school lunch programme at half the price that they did and we are having the same percentage of lunches sent back, which suggests the quality is the same for half the price. If they had thought like that a little bit more when they were in Government, maybe there’d be a bit more money to go around in New Zealand right now, but, sadly, they didn’t, and that’s why we’ve got to keep them over there and these good people over here—so it doesn’t happen to New Zealanders’ finances again.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

That is a perfect example of what happens when there is an interjection called so deliberately across the House.

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

How is the Government preparing for potential downstream impacts of the Middle East conflict?

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Doing nothing.

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

We’ve just heard from Willie Jackson that we’re “doing nothing”, and I can only imagine that he is relating what he did when he was in Government. As Shakespeare once said, “Measuring the minds of others by his own.”, and in Willie Jackson’s case you don’t need a very long ruler to make that measurement. This Government is taking the situation much more seriously than Willie Jackson has taken anything in his entire life. We start with the supply of fuel, and when it comes to the supply, what we are doing is ensuring that we are in touch with our friends around the world, we’re monitoring the shipments, and we’re looking at regulatory barriers. We’ve already seen Shane Jones change the regulations around fuel so we have more options and access, and we’re ensuring that New Zealanders will have a supply-side response. Then there is demand. There is a possibility that we will have to restrict the demand within New Zealand, but we are not catastrophising; we are talking to people behind the scenes.

Priyanca Radhakrishnan

Labour Party · List MP

Details.

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

We’re getting the details right, as we just heard one of the Labour members say—who I can’t remember the name of—and we are ensuring that we have a plan ready to go if we need it and that we’re prepared so we don’t need it. It is far better to do the work behind the scenes so you’ve got a plan than jump up to the podium without a plan, because we all saw how that ended, didn’t we?

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

What did the Government consider when making decisions on providing financial support for low to middle income working families?

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

On behalf of the Prime Minister, we considered a number of important factors. The number one factor is that we need to ensure that Government behaviour does not add to inflation that we may see through this oil shock, because we’ve seen what can happen when the Government indiscriminately splashes the cash, increases inflation, increases interest rates—it leads to a recession that costs people their jobs. When we saw the Fitch rating on the weekend, we recognised that the dashboard lights are flashing and we must make careful use of taxpayer money. That’s why the relief we are giving will come out of the Government’s Budget that we had already selected years ago. Second of all, we wanted to help people who are in the greatest need so we said that this is for people who are on the lower end of the income scale and who have children and who work, because those are the people that most often have to drive, that have the greatest need, and we linked it to petrol prices so that if petrol prices come back down, we stop spending the money. That’s how you do responsible policy-making. Listen and learn, guys.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

I’ll just remind the acting Prime Minister that—

Willie Jackson

Labour Party · List MP

Useless, useless, useless.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

I think I take offence at that. You’re obviously directing it at the Chair. I just remind the acting Prime Minister that it’s a Government question, so concise answers would be preferable.

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

Is the Prime Minister saying that the Government will stick to its present course of trying to bring the books back to health?

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

Thank you for that question. On behalf of the Prime Minister, that is absolutely the point. We have a Minister of Finance who is strongly supported by her Cabinet colleagues to repair the damage to this Government’s finances that was done in the years before we were elected. That means that we set a $2.4 billion a year operating allowance and then we keep to it, because we’ve seen the alternative—a Minister of Finance who set an operating allowance of, if I remember, $3.5 billion, but not only was it bigger, he couldn’t keep to it.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Good. Yep.

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

He was, as I remember at the time—

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Just bring it back to the Government.

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

—fiscally incontinent. Our new Minister of Finance does not have that problem.

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

Has the Prime Minister seen any comments from Government spokespeople about the impact that the Middle East conflict might have on education and school attendance?

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

Yes, I have. On behalf of the Prime Minister, from my Deputy Prime Minister, who is responsible for Government policy on school attendance, I saw him pointing out that, in recent days, attendance has been as high as 91 percent of students at school. That is a very good figure, and there’s a salutary lesson in this: there is always the temptation for people to take an event like somebody not showing up and to try and view it through the lens of a perceived crisis and then catastrophise it into a moral panic. This is how these things get going, especially if a Government lets them. We are sticking to the facts that New Zealanders have been prioritising getting their children to school, because the most important determinant of our country’s future is how educated the next generation is, and the most important determinant of that is how many children go to school each day.

Tākuta Ferris

Independent · Te Tai Tonga

Does he continue to have confidence in the Minister for Oceans and Fisheries given the significant public push-back over proposed fisheries reforms to remove minimum size limits on fish such as snapper, kingfish, and many others?

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

On behalf of the Prime Minister, I absolutely have confidence in the Minister for Oceans and Fisheries because he has listened to feedback and changed course. He’s listened to what people out there are saying and actually adapted his course to do the right thing. Now, I would say to that member that the Minister for Oceans and Fisheries is setting a very good example, because I suspect he gets a bit of feedback from the people of Te Tai Tokerau and he should listen, and when he changes course, he’ll be hearing them say, “Bye, bye, bye, bye.” [Interruption]

Tākuta Ferris

Independent · Te Tai Tonga

Supplementary from Te Tai Tonga—

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

Just wait for the House to calm itself down.

Tākuta Ferris

Independent · Te Tai Tonga

Will he rule out further supporting the fisheries reforms and commit to returning to open consultation, including customary and recreational fishers?

David Seymour

ACT Party · Epsom

Deputy Prime Minister

On behalf of the Prime Minister, it would be almost impossible for any Minister to rule out further supporting the fisheries reforms because that would amount to saying that the Government would never change any fishing policy at all in the future. Furthermore, that’s contradicted by the second part of the member’s question where he said we should consult on changing fisheries policy, which suggests he actually does want the fisheries reforms to be made. The good news is that the bill is before the House and will soon be before a select committee, which he may know is a form of open consultation where the public can have their say. It’s been a real honour to answer what’s probably his last ever question. Bye, bye, bye!

11. Pacific Peoples

Jenny Salesa

Labour Party · Panmure-Ōtāhuhu

· to the Minister for Pacific Peoples

Does he stand by his statement that “this Government is committed to improving the lives of all New Zealanders, including our Pacific communities”; if so, how many more Pasifika are now unemployed compared to December 2023?

Judith Collins

National Party · Papakura

Minister of Defence

on behalf of the Minister for Pacific Peoples: Yes, and in respect to the second part of the question, I’m advised by Stats NZ that the number of unemployed Pacific people in New Zealand rose by 13,000 compared with December 2023, but the positive news is that from December 2024 to December 2025, in Auckland alone, Pasifika employment rose by 7,000 people.

Jenny Salesa

Labour Party · Panmure-Ōtāhuhu

Is it improving the lives of Pasifika communities when an additional 5,300 Pasifika are unemployed in Auckland just in the last year alone?

Judith Collins

National Party · Papakura

Minister of Defence

I’m sorry, but that doesn’t concur with the figures I have been given by Stats NZ, which show there are now 7,000 more people of Pasifika ethnicity who are employed in Auckland, from December 2024 to December 2025.

Jenny Salesa

Labour Party · Panmure-Ōtāhuhu

Is it improving the lives of Pacific communities when, on his watch, 21 percent of young Pasifika—more than 17,000—are not in education, employment, or training?

Judith Collins

National Party · Papakura

Minister of Defence

What I think that people need to remember, of course, is that there was the same issue prior to this Government, except that it was worse because, under the extensive and overdone lockdowns in Auckland, the home of most Pasifika people in New Zealand, many young people were denied their education. In fact, I recall, as the member of Parliament for a particular area, an electorate where heavy Pacific numbers are, having a discussion with a school principal in December 2021, who told me that attendance rates were a mere 17 percent. I look at what I hear today about attendance rates and I can say that things are going to get a lot better.

Jenny Salesa

Labour Party · Panmure-Ōtāhuhu

Is it correct that the Game On programme will deliver a maximum of 57 employment opportunities instead of the 1,300 people helped a year by the programme he slashed $22 million from?

Judith Collins

National Party · Papakura

Minister of Defence

I think the member needs to get with the programme. The programme is about gaming, and many young people, including Pasifika people, are absolutely excited about the prospects, and not only the prospects but the real jobs and incredibly great pay that come with the gaming industry. New Zealand, as the member should know, is actually doing very well in this area. I am very excited about the $1 million over four years into the Game On initiative, with industry partners matching this funding, and I know this will mean the starting careers for these young people are between $65,000 and $80,000 to start. I actually reckon that’s pretty good to start.

Jenny Salesa

Labour Party · Panmure-Ōtāhuhu

Has he kept his promise that this Government would reduce the cost of living, given that beef mince is up by 23 percent and white bread is up by 57 percent since just last year?

Judith Collins

National Party · Papakura

Minister of Defence

My experience of the Minister is that he always keeps his promises. He’s a very a decent human being, and frankly, I only wish that everyone would recognise that instead of asking such stupidly loaded questions.

Jenny Salesa

Labour Party · Panmure-Ōtāhuhu

Does he consider it a failure that, on his watch, 13,000 more Pasifika are now unemployed, 10,000 more Pasifika children are in hardship, 17,000 young Pasifika are not in education, employment, or training, and more and more families are struggling to pay the bills each week?

Judith Collins

National Party · Papakura

Minister of Defence

Absolutely not. In fact, as we’ve just explained today, there is so much that is being done in terms of Pasifika employment, but also in training young people. What we do know is that we had a situation, that we inherited, of massive inflation, up to over 7 percent. Debt—that just the interest rates alone the Minister of Finance is having to find money for—of $11 billion a year extra every single year; basically, borrowed money paying for borrowed money. It shows what happened with the COVID overspend and the complete wastage of young people’s education, particularly in South Auckland. That member should know better, because I know the MP for Papakura knows what’s what on this.

12. Mental Health

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

· to the Minister for Mental Health

What recent progress has been made against the Government’s mental health targets?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

More good news for mental health. Our mental health plan is delivering faster access to support, more front-line workers, and a better crisis response. The latest quarterly data shows we’ve reduced wait times and are growing the mental health workforce. Eighty-three percent of people are being seen within one week for primary mental health and addiction support; nearly 82 percent are being seen within three weeks for specialist support—both exceeding the target of 80 percent. When someone takes the brave step of reaching out, we’re making sure that support is there.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

What is the Minister doing to address workforce shortages in mental health and addiction services?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

I’ve always been open that one of the biggest barriers to timely mental health and addiction support is too many workforce vacancies. The latest quarterly data shows we’ve exceeded our target for training 500 mental health and addiction workers a year, with 514 in training over the past year, up from 457 in the previous year. This result includes occupational therapists, social workers, registered nurses, clinical psychology interns, and registrar trainees for psychiatry. Workforce should never be a barrier to accessing timely mental health and addiction support. That’s why we’ve grown the front-line workforce by over 11 percent since coming to office.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

What progress has been made in growing the mental health and addiction workforce, particularly in psychology and psychiatry training?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

One of my top priorities is to grow the mental health and addiction workforce. We’ve increased the number entering training in clinical psychology and psychiatry, which will grow both workforces. We’ve funded 74 clinical psychology interns, exceeding the 2025 target of 60. We’ve also seen a record uptake in psychiatry, with 48 first-year registrars entering training last year, up from 33 in 2024. That’s a 50 percent increase. Growing the mental health workforce is a priority for this Government, and we are delivering that.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

How is the Government prioritising prevention and early intervention in mental health?

Matt Doocey

National Party · Waimakariri

Minister for Mental Health

One of my top priorities is strengthening prevention and early intervention. For the first time, the Government’s target of 25 percent of the ring-fenced mental health and addiction funding has been invested in prevention and early intervention. We know the difference prevention can make. By getting in early, we can help prevent issues from escalating. Mental health support has traditionally intervened at a crisis point and far too late. We’re changing that. We’re investing in early intervention to prevent mental crises, not just respond to them, and what great news for a Thursday afternoon.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

That concludes oral questions. We’ll take 30 seconds while people who have to go to other business leave the House quietly, without conversations on the way.

Bills

Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025–26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill

Legislative Statement

Chris Penk

National Party · Kaipara ki Mahurangi

Minister for Building and Construction

on behalf of the Minister of Revenue: I present a legislative statement on the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025–26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

Third Reading

Chris Penk

National Party · Kaipara ki Mahurangi

Minister for Building and Construction

on behalf of the Minister of Revenue: I move, That the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025–26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill be now read a third time.

This Government is moving quickly to support low to middle income working families impacted by rising fuel prices. An Amendment Paper to this bill was released yesterday to ensure that the in-work tax credit can be increased by 1 April. We are implementing a temporary $50 per week increase to the in-work tax credit for one year or until the price of 91 octane petrol drops below $3 a litre for four consecutive weeks. This temporary boost will deliver support to 143,000 working families who are under significant cost of living pressure without making inflation worse nor driving up Government debt.

The policy is carefully targeted to families in the squeezed middle. That’s parents who are working hard for a living, are not eligible for main benefits, and yet have modest household incomes with which to support their children.

Looking ahead further, the bill also includes changes that will make it easier for New Zealand businesses to access capital and talent. New Zealand’s thin capitalisation rules have been revised to ensure that they will not act as a barrier to attracting overseas investment into New Zealand’s infrastructure projects. The thin capitalisation rules are an integrity measure to guard against foreign investors allocating excessive debt to their New Zealand investments to reduce the amount of tax paid. However, the rules may be too restrictive in certain circumstances and could be deterring foreign investment into New Zealand infrastructure, which can sometimes support a higher level of commercial debt than is possible with other business activities. To address this issue, we are proposing changes to ensure that qualifying infrastructure projects and businesses can take on third-party debt beyond the general thin capitalisation thresholds without a thin capitalisation income adjustment, as long as certain criteria are met. This will help make investment in projects to build a new wind or solar farm or to upgrade the electricity distribution networks a more attractive prospect to foreign investors.

Stuart Smith

That’s great news.

Chris Penk

National Party · Kaipara ki Mahurangi

We will benefit from that. As my colleague and friend, Stuart Smith, says, “great news”, and, indeed very timely, I would note. It’s a worthy addition to the bill therefore, which already contains measures to promote growth by supporting companies trying to attract and retain talent.

We’re revising the foreign investment fund rules to include a new revenue account method. This will allow new migrants and returning New Zealanders to be able to use a new taxation method that taxes realised returns rather than estimated gains.

We’re helping start-ups and listed companies by improving the rules for employee scare schemes—share schemes; we don’t want scare schemes, not even by 31 October, being Halloween—by providing more flexibility on when tax must be paid.

We have changed the rules for digital nomads, allowing overseas visitors working in New Zealand to stay longer before being taxed—that was a subject of much discussion in the committee of the whole House stage last night and, I think, if I may say, an enjoyable discussion indeed.

This bill also has a strong focus on New Zealand households and businesses by simplifying and encouraging compliance with tax obligations—for example, it introduces an income tax exemption for income from a household sale of excess electricity back to the grid. From 1 April, individuals will not be required to file a return nor pay any tax in relation to this income. This is because, in many cases, the compliance costs of filing a return were likely to outweigh any tax revenue owing.

Many taxpayers make use of tax pooling as a way to meet their tax obligations. We want to see if an extension of time to use tax pooling for tax income debt can have positive outcomes for compliance. The bill includes a proposal to trial extending the period for using tax pooling to pay income tax debt for a defined group of taxpayers. This will test whether a tax pooling period improves income tax debt collection and, if successful, will inform whether this should become a permanent feature of the tax pooling regime.

Other measures focus on improving compliance. One area of concern is the low level of compliance among student loan borrowers who are based overseas. Borrowers living overseas have interest applied to their loans. Over time, this can drive significant debt accumulation. In some cases, interest owing has become so large that these borrowers disengage from Inland Revenue and their repayment obligations altogether. The bill grants the Commissioner of Inland Revenue a limited discretion to increase flexibility around negotiated settlements. This discretion would be exercised on a case by case basis—as the phrase “discretion” would imply—when it is equitable and its use will depend on the borrower’s situation. To qualify for any relief, the loan must be paid in full, either in a lump-sum payment or through a short-term instalment arrangement.

As is standard for a taxation bill, there are a number of remedial amendments to help ensure the tax system keeps pace with technological developments and changing business models. Collectively, these changes support the Government’s aspirations to lift the economic prospects for all New Zealanders. I am very pleased, therefore, to reach the end of this speech and commend the bill to the House.

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

Deborah Russell

Labour Party · List MP

When this bill was presented to the House—six months ago, I suppose—the Labour Party, at that stage, did not support this bill, and that position to not support the bill continued through the second reading of this bill. At the committee stage and at this reading, we have changed our position on this bill, and we will now be supporting it.

The reasons for opposing it are still there, and I do intend to traverse them, but they have been outweighed by the Amendment Paper that was presented to the House yesterday, which puts in place the Government’s package for giving some limited relief to working families in respect of the fuel crisis at the moment. While we think things could have been done better or done differently, we are not going to oppose getting those extra dollars into families’ pockets. That is our reason for changing our position on this bill.

We had a good discussion of this bill at the committee of the whole House stage. It was an interesting discussion, especially today when James Meager, who, as I understand it, is the Minister for hunting, shooting, fishing, and all those sorts of things, was in the chair, and the Hon Matt Doocey, who I understand is the Minister for Mental Health, was in the chair. These are not tax specialists, but they nevertheless attempted to grapple with the bill as well as they could. It did make the committee of the whole House stage a bit difficult this morning.

However, there were some interesting things to discuss. In terms of the fuel package, even though we support it, there is a question of who doesn’t get it. There are, I think, some real issues around people who are on benefits, and in work, who are supporting children who will not be eligible for this relief package. Now, that’s a common enough situation—we think there’s about 47,000 families who might be in that position. I think the Government needs to pay attention to that particular gap. If families are on benefits and also in work and supporting children, they are surely feeling the pinch right now. One of the most difficult examples of this will be grandparents raising grandchildren, and they won’t be eligible for this. That is a problem with this package, and I urge the Government to find some way of addressing that. That would be a very important thing to do at this time.

As I said, overall, we will support it, but we would like to see the Government do more and better there, especially for our very lowest-income families. Even beneficiaries who are not in work, many, many of them are obliged to attend appointments and obliged to be going into Work and Income or whatever it is these days—to be engaging with the commitments that they are supposed to meet thanks to receiving a benefit—but they will not be getting any extra assistance to get into those appointments. The Government has told us, well, they get an annual increase in their benefit on 1 April, but, of course, that is a backwards-looking increase, and it certainly is not going to help to deal with the real pressures of fuel prices at the moment.

There was a measure that arrived on the Table just this week, an Amendment Paper, that had two major items in it. One was a set of rules around thin capitalisation in infrastructure. We had discussed some of this at the Finance and Expenditure Committee, but only at a high policy level. What we had not discussed was what it was going to apply to. What this change does is it makes it easier for inbound investment into New Zealand—it makes it easier for overseas investors to invest in New Zealand infrastructure and get a tax deduction for their interest costs.

Let’s look at what kind of infrastructure investment is allowed there. New section FE 7C(8) lists the qualifying infrastructure—the things that we’re happy to have inwards-bound investment for and to give tax deductions for. If there is inward-bound investment, we expect that they are making a return on it. Energy infrastructure: that sounds like a good idea, provided it’s limited to renewables and non-fossil fuel energy. Water infrastructure: that’s a little bit worrying; we’ve always had water infrastructure publicly owned in this country, and it’s a bit worrying to find out that private investors might be involved in it. Telecommunications infrastructure: that’s all right. Waste infrastructure: yep, you can do that.

And then social infrastructure: this would enable private investment into public assets and people getting a tax deduction for private investment into hospitals, into schools, into libraries, into prisons. Since when have we wanted private investment in our prisons? Since when do we want people to be able to earn a profit out of our prisons? When we imprison someone, we take away their freedom; it is one of the most serious powers that a State has. One of the only ways that we can ensure we do that fairly and justly is by ensuring that those prisons are well run, but we know the history of private investment in prisons. I think that’s a shameful measure sitting in this bill.

The other shameful measure sitting in this bill, and the reason that we opposed it at first reading, is the provisions around information sharing. There’s about three sets of provisions here which all go to this issue around what information is collected and held by Inland Revenue and where it is shared. On the one hand, this Government has is repealing section 17GB of the Tax Administration Act, the section which allows Inland Revenue to collect information for policy purposes—that’s one change.

Another change is that it’s repealing the provisions that allow Inland Revenue to collect information about trusts. In both cases, the Minister in the chair during the committee of the whole House stage asserted that the reason for doing this was to do with the privacy of tax information, but, on the other hand, this bill gives Inland Revenue a whole new power to share the information it holds with other Government agencies—to share the information it holds with Government agencies such as the Ministry for Ethnic Communities, such as Police, such as the department of social welfare. Tax information is traditionally very tightly protected, and Inland Revenue holds it very tightly. There are guardrails around how that information may be accessed and used.

You could see in the report that was presented—I’m not sure if it was today or a previous day—in a public hearing with the Commissioner of Inland Revenue, the commissioner went through how they protect taxpayers’ information within Inland Revenue. He stressed that, over the past five years, there have been, I think, 107 investigations into allegations of misuse of information by Inland Revenue staff, and those allegations were investigated very seriously, and there were 75 dismissals because people had inappropriately accessed information. They take their role of protecting taxpayers’ information very, very seriously, but how do we know that this information, when it is sent out to other agencies, will be protected so tightly? This is a very risky change for the privacy of tax information.

On the one hand, they assert that it’s important not to collect information, because of the issues around the privacy of information, and, on the other hand—on the other hand—they don’t care about the privacy of information when it gets spread out to other Government departments. This is a worrying change. Something that really worries me about it is the extent to which it could be used for phishing investigations by other Government departments.

I’m disappointed that New Zealand First, who was, in previous years, so strong in protecting the privacy of taxpayers’ information, simply could not do it this time. I think they need to have a look at their history.

There were some really interesting changes around student loans; I, alas, don’t have time to talk about them. It’s a mixed measure. It’s probably a good enough situation, but a good enough solution in a space that is hard to find good solutions.

The rest of the bill—good tax measures; we’re happy to support them. We are deeply, deeply disappointed and upset by the information-sharing provisions and the way they go against each other; worried about that infrastructure provision around prisons; but, on the whole, because of the fuel package, we are supporting this bill.

Julie Anne Genter

Green Party · Rongotai

At the committee stage, we did support two Government Amendment Papers. One of them was a bit of a surprise, and that was the changes around student loan debts so that for overseas New Zealanders who have racked up huge amounts of interest, there can be some incentives for them to be able to pay back their loans without having to face that huge burden of interest debt. I think this is something that my colleague Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan and others in the Green Party have been campaigning for for a long time, so it was good to see that provision in one of the Amendment Papers earlier today.

The other Amendment Paper that we supported is the $50 a week payment. However, we do know, and my colleague Ricardo Menéndez March has been raising this quite a bit in the House, that more than half of the families in Aotearoa living in material hardship—this is people with children who cannot make ends meet, and some of them will be working—will not receive this payment, and they’re the ones who need it most. So I think it’s disingenuous of the Government to claim that they are looking after those who need the most help when, in fact, more than half of the families in material hardship are not eligible for this payment, and they will be suffering.

There was a story on RNZ, some of you may have heard, about a single mother who works part-time, who also receives the benefit, and who’s therefore not eligible to receive this payment and is struggling because of higher fuel costs. Of course, we haven’t yet seen those higher fuel costs flow into higher costs for food, which is very likely to happen in the short to medium term. So it’s not just about filling up your car or your diesel ute or whatever; the shortage of diesel and the impacts on diesel prices are going to flow through to higher prices for food and other goods in the next few weeks.

The Government has taken this extremely short-term, inadequate step to try to help people. This is after two years of policies that have demonstrably made our economy more reliant on fossil fuels and on diesel. We could have spent the last two years decarbonising transport, which also makes us more energy-independent and means we have a more energy-efficient transport system, which would mean we’d be in a better position to face this current fuel crisis, as well as having less pollution in our air, as well as helping meet our climate targets.

So because of the irresponsible and ideological approach of Luxon’s Government, which has, against all of the economic evidence, sought to make us more reliant on fossil fuels, our country is going to suffer more, and here they’ve just given us this very inadequate approach that’s only going to help about 150,000 families in New Zealand. So there’s a whole lot of families who are doing it tough who are going to be doing it even tougher.

The Green Party put on the table—our co-leaders, Marama Davidson and Chlöe Swarbrick—on Monday this week a proposal to the Government to offer our votes in support of some measures that would go much further and actually make a much bigger difference to the entire country, because if we fund free public transport, for example, that not only helps the people who can take public transport; it reduces the amount of fuel we’re consuming now, which puts us in a better position as the supplies dwindle, and they are dwindling. That offer is still on the table for a Government that would actually take some useful measures, but so far it seems that Luxon’s Government is going to completely fail to meet the moment—they’ve already demonstrated no comprehension of the benefits of—

Gerry Brownlee

Speaker

I just remind the member that we don’t just use surnames; we use the member’s full name or their title—one of the two.

Julie Anne Genter

Green Party · Rongotai

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s Government is failing to meet the moment, has demonstrated no real understanding of the benefits to Aotearoa New Zealand of decarbonising and making us more independent, less reliant on fossil fuels, and having a transport system that’s more energy efficient.

Also, not calling out the genocide in Gaza, not calling out the extremely chaotic and destructive actions of the United States and Israel—these unprovoked attacks that have now resulted in the fuel crisis that the whole world’s facing—and not seeing the opportunities to create a fair society by reforming the tax system, and so that’s another thing that’s in this bill, which is a deliberate change to repeal new section 17GB and the disclosures around trust.

Let’s be honest about what this is about: this is about secrecy for the ultra-wealthy. They know that if the public realise just how unbalanced our economy is, and that that wealth is being concentrated in the hands of a very tiny percentage—we’re talking 1 percent, or maybe less than the 1 percent: the 0.1 percent—who are, at this point, mathematically accumulating wealth at the expense of ordinary New Zealanders whose living standards are falling. Their standards are falling, because once people have a certain amount of accumulated wealth, all they can do is buy up assets, and that makes housing less affordable for ordinary working New Zealanders.

Living standards are falling. This is not just happening in Aotearoa New Zealand; it’s happening in the United Kingdom. That’s why a wealth tax is so popular now in the United Kingdom. It’s happening in the United States. It has accelerated from the 1980s, and it’s totally unsustainable. It’s not good for people, it’s not good for the economy, it’s not good even for the environment and climate change, because we see the ultra-wealthy are responsible for funding fascism, firstly, and politicians who are going to continually bring us into wars which cause more carbon emissions; but it’s also the ultra-wealthy who are creating far more carbon emissions than most people, and so we need to do something about inequality.

Members opposite may claim to care about equality of opportunity, but unless they address the structural inequities in our economy through progressive taxation, then there is no equality of opportunity. The ultra-wealthy will continue to accumulate wealth at the expense of ordinary working New Zealanders, and that is the reality. And, unfortunately, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and his coalition partners are totally ideologically opposed to doing anything practical about this because either they don’t understand it—which is entirely possible: so far, it’s pretty obvious that for a lot of people on the Government benches, you know, math is not their strong point; I’m being very diplomatic here. Not everybody is, you know, mathematically inclined in their reasoning, and it’s obvious that the members in the Government are not mathematically inclined. So maybe they don’t understand it or maybe they represent the interests of the ultra-rich.

You know, they own more properties than the average New Zealander, and they have, therefore, a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. And, of course, they get donations from the ultra-wealthy. So, you know, there are all these different reasons why the Christopher Luxon Government is failing to meet the moment, failing to take action on the things that would actually help New Zealanders in this incredibly challenging time.

So this is why the Green Party is not going to support this bill, because it does nothing to address the issues that—well, it does some very, very minor things to address issues. I, maybe, neglected to mention the changes around domestic solar. Of course we support that—of course. But overall, this bill is not taking action that we need to have a fair society. It’s not taking the action we need to make sure that children are not living in poverty, to make sure that a huge number of New Zealanders who are suffering because of the fuel crisis are going to be able to make ends meet. We continue to see an irresponsible Government who has taken irresponsible policy actions from the very beginning of taking power, which now puts us in a more difficult situation as a country.

We have enough—we have enough wealth and resources in Aotearoa to end child poverty. We could do that. It’s a political decision not to do that. It is true that we do not have enough petrol and diesel, and we are probably going to run out of diesel in the next few weeks. The Government has not demonstrated any awareness of this. We’ll see in the next coming few weeks if they actually take some action to conserve fuel, but we could be conserving a lot more fuel, and that would be beneficial for us economically, but obviously the last two years, with a failed policy, have set us up for a much more difficult time during this time of fuel crisis.

The Green Party has a suite of very practical, evidence-based solutions, but most of all, we have the values of most New Zealanders because we know we can end child poverty, we can reduce pollution, and we can have better lives.

Laura McClure

ACT Party · List MP

It’s quite ironic listening to the other side of the House talking about sensible spending. I have to laugh, because over on this side of the House, I support this bill, and I support this bill because we are giving targeted relief to families, to the middle class, the mums, the dads, that get up every day, drive to work to put food on the table, drop their kids off at school, and they, over the other side, are complaining because we are not borrowing any money to do this. In fact, we’re not borrowing a cent to provide this relief at all. The other side of the House would rather just absolutely waste away your taxpayer money and borrow money to put us into significant debt. It’s absolutely ironic. I support this bill and commend it to the House.

DAVID WILSON

NZ First

I rise to speak to this bill on behalf of New Zealand First. We welcome the solar amendments for the sale of excess energy back to the grid. We think this is very good. We also welcome making it easier for inward investors and digital nomads to enter New Zealand, and we welcome the Minister’s relief for working families, hard-working families, in the lower to middle income brackets during this energy crisis.

Now, I move to something that perhaps was a little more, shall we say, controversial through the debates, the repeal of section 17GB. I also take note of the comment about this side of the House not being so literate in terms of mathematics, so I’ll pull out a figure for you: the top 70 percent of income revenue in New Zealand comes from the 20 percent of those in the higher income brackets. I hope you can remember those numbers.

The other one that I brought out was the famous Thomas Sowell quote that in the 1920s in the US they taxed the rich people at 76 percent and wondered why they weren’t getting much income. When they reduced it to 24 percent, the income skyrocketed. There’s some interest in there. I’m not rising away from anything that the Hon Deborah Russell did not affirm in her debate around this when she quoted Mr Nixon. I was quite impressed with that. I wondered where this was going. There seems to be some kind of interesting debate there following that contribution—particularly in her ruminations on the widening of the tax base and how, sometimes, the inverse relationship between income and tax revenue is right there in front of us.

None the less, I thought the crowning moment of her contribution was when she started to ruminate on whether or not we should reduce the corporate tax rate. That’s very interesting, coming from the other side of the House. Thank you very much for that contribution. On that note, I commend this bill to the House.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

This is a split call—Francisco Hernandez.

Francisco Hernandez

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I thought I would have a little bit more time to draft my speech while the two previous speakers were speaking, but, unfortunately, that is not the case.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Think on your feet, young man!

Francisco Hernandez

Green Party · List MP

I’ll just have to “think on my feet, young man”, as Mr Meager said, even though I think we’re the exact same age.

I want to start with some positives about the bill. First, I want to echo the praise that my colleague the Hon Julie Anne Genter has already given around the limited relief around the overseas student loan borrowing. I want to commend, in particular, the efforts led by my colleague Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan and the campaign that the Global Greens ran around this issue. It shows that when you get together and when you work with people, you can make a difference, even in a limited form. The second thing that I want to praise—and it’s something that my colleague the Hon Julie Anne Genter rightfully praised—was the income exemption from the renewable energy generation. That is exactly the sort of thing we should be doing in this crisis. I acknowledge that this bill was drafted well before the crisis and that it wasn’t intended to attend to respond to this crisis, but it is exactly the sort of measure that the Government should have been doing more of on this bill.

The sorts of measures that stimulate renewable energy generation and lessen and break our dependence on fossil fuels are really necessary. We’ve heard from colleagues that keeping Marsden Point open would have affected the fuel crisis here, but, in fact, countries like the United States, that are net exporters of oil, are being affected by this crisis and are having their fuel prices increase as well, because fossil fuel is a global commodity in-traded in global markets, whereas local renewable energy generation, such as this bill is encouraging through the renewable energy income tax exemption, is traded locally and means it’s exempt from the global oil shocks that we are seeing, sadly, today.

I want to turn to another aspect of the bill, which is the fossil fuel relief package that the Government passed as part of this package. Look, it’s better than nothing. It’s a far cry from what the Greens called for at the start of the week on Monday when my co-leaders, the Hon Marama Davidson and Chlöe Swarbrick, called for universal public transport, which would have aided in fuel conservation and also really helped households quite a bit. The second aspect that they called for was for a universal payment for everyone who’s making under $70,000. It’s, unfortunately, a half measure because less than half of the children in households in material poverty are actually going to get this relief because more than half—52 percent—are in benefit households. We do know that 150,000 families that do get this are a drop in the bucket in terms of the 1.8 million households all around New Zealand. We know that the people who didn’t get this are some of the most vulnerable and the communities most affected by this crisis.

My colleague Ricardo Menéndez March called it the “crushed bottom” yesterday. The crushed bottom continues to be crushed even further by this Government. I was speaking to a student earlier in the week. She’s a PhD student at the University of Otago, and she’s a single mum. She has to commute to Otago to do her lessons. She’s not getting any cent of this relief package, and people like her are struggling. People like her students and people on the benefit aren’t getting this money, and this Government hasn’t done anything for them.

I want to conclude by talking about what could have been done better. I’ve already spoken about the need for the universal public transport that the Greens were offering and also making the universal payment to those earning under $70,000, but it could have been funded through a windfall profit tax according to a study done. Unfortunately, this bill removes the measures that would have allowed IRD to get the information so that they could charge a windfall profit tax. Thank you.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

Cameron Brewer—you were lucky you moved on time.

Cameron Brewer

National Party · Upper Harbour

Thank you, Madam Speaker. It’s with great pleasure to stand for this third reading of our annual administrative taxation bill. I want to put in highlights the piece in the legislative statement from the Hon Simon Watts that points to the in-work tax credit. As we know, this bill proposes and will seal the temporary increase of the rate of the in-work tax credit by $50 a week, paid by the IRD. It estimates that 143,000 New Zealand families will receive the full $50 a week increase. It’s timely, it’s temporary, and it’s targeted. It will be paid out from 7 April. Let’s get on with it, let’s pass this bill, and let’s get the relief to where it’s needed. I commend the bill.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

The Hon Dr Megan Woods—I’ll give you the same courtesy and ask that the other speakers are on alert for the rest of the afternoon.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Thank you. I was just expecting that the chair of the Finance and Expenditure Committee might give a more fulsome contribution to the House on such an important piece of legislation. I was deep in conversation with my colleague the Hon Dr Deborah Russell about tax, because there is nothing that the Hon Dr Deborah Russell likes to discuss more than tax. It’s the thing that she will talk ad infinitum about.

Labour finds itself in quite a unique situation with this piece of legislation. It is a piece of legislation that, at this reading, we are supporting, but that does not mean we support everything in the bill. The Minister’s Amendment Paper 560, which delivers relief to some families in New Zealand in terms of the current fuel crisis that we’re in, is our reason for supporting it. This does not mean that we don’t have questions about that specific measure in terms of the relief that is going. I do want to run through some of the other elements of this legislation and the changes and the way in which they were discussed at select committee.

Nothing says omnibus bill like a tax bill. It is free-ranging; there are a lot of non-intersecting parts and changes that are made when you do come to look at the taxation legislation. There are several things that are tidying up. Some of them, actually, are really positive, in terms of looking to the future and the way our tax system needs to sit: forward-facing and ready for an economy that is operating in the 21st century. We’ve got provisions in there on how we deal with taxation on income derived from people that sell electricity back into the grid, from generating it off solar panels on their homes. We’ve got taxation rules in this bill that deal with influencers coming to Queenstown to do promotions of particular areas; digital nomads are fulsomely discussed in terms of the changes that need to happen there.

But there are some other changes in there that led Labour to oppose this bill at earlier stages, and this largely revolves around the information sharing. So while there is a loosening of the ability of agencies to share information—for IRD to share with other Government entities that information, and as my colleague the Hon Dr Deborah Russell has gone through, the IRD has a long history of having very strong provisions around the protections of people’s personal income tax data and making sure that that is locked solid and can’t be used for nefarious purposes or used for any other purpose other than it was collected.

So it is quite a major change for this information sharing from Inland Revenue with other Crown agencies to happen. This is happening in the same piece of legislation in terms of the changes to trusts and the information that is collected around trusts. We heard from the Minister that the reason that these changes and the loosening of the information and the downgrading of the information that we will collect around trusts is because we need to protect privacy. Now, no such consideration was given to income and wage earners when it came to the information sharing between IRD and Government agencies, so that is a concern for us. Trusts need to have transparency. People need to be able to see inside trusts and see what is happening and I think that is something that makes us a stronger and a better country, when we can do that.

The other thing that this piece of legislation does is it gets rid of the work that IRD was doing: collecting tax data for the purposes of making policy; understanding from a real-world perspective how it was that some of our income earners needed to be treated. It wasn’t collecting it for the purposes of taking tax; that information was collected for the purposes of making tax policy. I would like to think that we have an Inland Revenue Department that is making evidence-based policy, that is using real-world New Zealand examples—not just theoretical models but understanding the tax system and the way it’s operating in New Zealand, in order to generate fit for purpose 21st century tax policy in this country.

These were the reasons that we were not supporting the bill, and then along came the committee stage and amendments. There were three major amendments. There were the changes to the student loan provisions, which we supported, then there were the changes that are around the thin capital markets. I think that my colleague Dr Deborah Russell raised some very important concerns in her speech on this around what this is actually creating: quite a fundamental change to be dropped in by a ministerial Amendment Paper, rather than something that is traversed through the normal course.

I think one of the things that the Finance and Expenditure Committee, when it comes to examine tax legislation—because it is so technical, it is so detailed. Not only do we have our departmental advisers but we also have the advisers that come in and advise us on the legislation. They produce fulsome commentary on the bill that I think goes above and beyond other legislation that we see coming through this House, because it is technicians that need to give advice on this, in order for people like myself who have not dedicated myself to tax—Deborah—to be able to understand what this means for New Zealanders; how it’s going to play out. I think the concerns that were raised there around how we may be setting ourselves up for the selling off of some of our social services is concerning. It is concerning that has come through in an eleventh-hour Amendment Paper.

That brings us to the reason we are supporting the bill, and that was the Minister’s Amendment Paper 560 which puts in place the provisions to help 147,000 New Zealanders. I think it’s 7 percent of New Zealand households that will receive support through these provisions, from rough calculations on that. We support it; we think it’s a start, but we think there are some really significant gaps that sit there, and they’re the other things that we traversed in the committee stage of the bill.

We heard in the House today, during question time—because the mechanism for transferring this money to households is an in-work tax credit. It means anyone who receives even some small amount of benefit is not eligible for that. So what we had Willow-Jean Prime asking in the House today was how many people are working but still receiving a small amount of benefit. This deems them ineligible for this tax credit. All the reasons that the Minister of Finance has given for why some people are getting this and some not, like people who are working have to get themselves to work; they’ve got that added expense. So do these, I think it was 47,000 New Zealanders—I think this was the number that was given in the House—have to get themselves to work. They’ve got their expense. We have concerns around that.

We also have concerns that, obviously, superannuitants are missing out on this. We know in this country there is a large number of grandparents raising grandchildren. These grandparents have those expenses of a working family, in many respects. They need to take the kids to school, they need to ferry them around, they’ve got all the to and fro. But they’re grandparents and they’re superannuitants; therefore, they’re ineligible. They’re on a very fixed income and they’re going to be doing it incredibly tough at the moment.

The other group that I’m concerned about—and I asked questions at committee stage and we didn’t get any numbers on it—is how many of our home care and support workers fall outside of the provisions. They might not have children, they might be receiving some form of benefit, they might not be working 30 hours. Home care and support workers, by definition, often are part-time workers and they are often women that have re-entered the workforce. So how many of our home care and support workers who are having to use their own vehicles, their own petrol, in order to do their jobs, looking after some of the country’s most vulnerable, are missing out?

So these are all questions that I think we need to continue to ask because we know for many people, they were doing it tough before this war broke out. They were struggling, they couldn’t pay the bills, and that is only getting worse. Things are getting worse, not better for people, and we need to make sure we’re supporting everybody who needs it.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

Thank you, Madam Speaker, and I’m very pleased to stand and talk to this bill in question, the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025–26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill. Not being part of the committee, one of the challenges for all other members when you’ve got a substantial bill is to come up to speed with many of the arrangements that are included within it. I think the complexity of it was evidenced by the lengthy committee of the whole House stage that occurred for this bill. We saw lots and lots of questions being asked of the Ministers in the chair, and it was good to hear those questions and learn a bit more about this.

Two areas that I am familiar with that I wish to talk to: first of all is the fact that anybody that has a residential house with solar on top is going to be excluded from tax for any of the income they derived from potentially selling some of that electricity out into the distribution network. I think a lot of people may not actually have known that they were due for that, but that sounds like a very practical outcome for it.

The second area I wanted to talk to, which has been traversed by a lot of speakers already, is the in-work tax credit. We talk about targeted, timely, temporary, and this particular clause in this bill is exactly that. The fact that it is timely—we just heard from the previous speaker, Dr Megan Woods, that there is a lot of hardship out there, particularly with the increase in petrol cost, fuel costs, and all that. So it is timely.

It is targeted because it is targeting working families with dependent children, and it is temporary; it ends on either 31 March 2027 or when 91 octane petrol prices fall below $3 a litre for four consecutive weeks. That sounds very practical to me. I’m pleased to commend this bill to the House.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Madam Speaker. It’s an absolute pleasure to be able to take a call on this bill. I’m disappointed that it’s only a five-minute one because, having spent some time over what has become a long day in the House, it’s been really good to go through it and get a better understanding of the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025-26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill.

I am, ultimately, standing to support this, and my colleagues have spoken, from this side of the House, about why it is that we are supporting this bill. A number of people have also acknowledged that we had in the chair Minister Doocey and Minister Meager, who took questions on the bill and provided some answers on the bill, and acknowledge that perhaps it’s not an area of expertise for either of them. We do appreciate them giving us those answers, and it’s not the first time we’ve seen someone who’s not in their area of expertise trying to provide answers; we saw that just yesterday from the Prime Minister speaking to the fuel plan and how stepping through the various stages of that may work. We are none the wiser for having listened to any of his so-called answers to the questions asked yesterday.

There are two points I wanted to focus on specifically in this bill. I did ask some questions, but I think it’s worth drawing attention to these as we move through this stage of the bill. The first is in Part 2, clause 15, where we’re talking about digital nomads. A few people have talked about digital nomads and the huge potential that initiative has to bring people into New Zealand and some of the benefits from that. But there was some confusion around this section not applying to the income of what was termed a public entertainer, and just a lack of clarity around what the definition of a public entertainer was. A number of the examples included in the material to provide the types of tax scenarios that digital nomads might be looking at in New Zealand included influencers, many of whom could also fall into the category of public entertainer by way of hosted events or appearances that they may make while they’re in New Zealand, therefore creating some confusion about which tax category they might fall into.

The other point was, really, in the share schemes components of this bill—once again, Part 2, but this time in clause 39. That was really concern for our innovation sector, to ensure that it’s very clear there that that’s a sector that has enormous potential and can achieve a huge amount. A lot of the time, the incentive for employees or people within those organisations or companies or start-ups is the ability to take shares as part of their income or their salary package. I just want to make sure that that’s absolutely in the best possible shape for that to be happening and for those people to be benefiting.

Most importantly, the reason that we are supporting this bill is that we know New Zealanders are doing it very tough at the moment. Our support enables the limited support that the Government have so far committed to offering. What we still have concerns around is some of the privacy and the information-sharing provisions. A number of colleagues have referred to concerns voiced by members of the public who would be concerned about the removal of those protections of people’s privacy through that information sharing and, very importantly, the potential for that privatisation push that’s coming in there. Once you see schools and hospitals and libraries in prisons listed in that category, all New Zealanders should be very concerned about that.

Most of all, I think what all New Zealanders should be concerned about is the fact that there are 47,000 New Zealanders who are receiving welfare, are in work, and have children, and are ineligible for any support from this Government. Not only that, 52 percent—that’s a majority, for those who don’t know—of children living in poverty will receive no support from this Government.

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

Thank you, Madam Speaker. There’s an amendment in this bill that enables the $50 targeted weekly increase to the in-work tax credit. It’s going to enable low and middle income working families in the wonderful Whanganui electorate—including South Taranaki, Stratford, Ruapehu soon as well—to get the support they need. It is timely, it is temporary, it is targeted, and therefore I commend this bill to the House.

Ginny Andersen

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. It’s a pleasure to take a call. There are some good parts of this bill and there are some not so good parts as well.

The parts that we do not like involve the ability for Government agencies to share information if Ministers agree it is needed to determine entitlement to Government assistance, or if it would help the detection and prosecution of crime. We think this is one of the issues that is problematic. My experience in working with approved information-sharing agreements (AISAs) was during the time I worked at New Zealand Police in the establishment of a gang intelligence centre. In that case, an AISA takes around 18 months to set up, and it sets up a clear, agreed way of information sharing between Government departments.

The reason for that is a very good one. The basic principle about privacy and people’s personal information is that if you provide information to a Government department, it’s only able to be used for the purpose for which it was provided. If that’s health information, it’s used for a health purpose; if that’s housing information, it’s used for a housing purpose. What this bill does, in fact, is it lists a whole lot of agencies where, instead of having an AISA in place, it means that, at the behest of Ministers, private information is able to be shared between different ministries. This is through the New Zealand Police, ACC, Kāinga Ora, private health information can be shared, New Zealand Transport Agency, National Emergency Management Agency, Ministry for Ethnic Communities, and the Office of the Privacy Commissioner. In other words, all of that information can be used for policing purposes.

The regulatory impact statement on the Table there shows that the only consultation undertaken with respect to this measure was with the Privacy Commissioner—none of the people and none of the communities impacted by this change. The only options examined were the status quo and the Minister’s option, and the new rules were created at the Minister’s direction. The ability for the commissioner to collect information for the purposes of informing tax policy will also be repealed. This was a rule that enabled there to be information collected for high-wealth individuals—and we all remember the coverage that got at the time. There were many people who were unhappy about this process. Officials suggested that instead of repealing the rule, it could be retained with strengthened protections around the information collected. They also have said that repealing the rule will reduce Inland Revenue’s ability to collect information solely for the purpose of policy development, which could affect the quality of future policy advice.

Two things have happened within this bill: the ability to share information between Government for those purposes, and then the removal of that right to check in on high-wealth individuals. In a nutshell, rich people get to hide their information, and poor people will be subject to information being disclosed at the whim of a Minister. That’s exactly what this bill does. On top of that, as if that wasn’t enough, the disclosure information about trusts will also be repealed by the changes made around trusts. Once again, this means trusts will be able to be a way of hiding. This hole means that a heap of information about who is settling assets on trusts, and who is getting assets and income from trusts, will no longer need to be disclosed—probably helpful for quite a few members on the opposite side with their pecuniary interests.

It means that trusts can be, again, used to shelter and hide income, rental properties—a whole range of things you could put in there. It can hide income and assets, and it will no longer be possible to trace who really benefits from those trusts. The information collected by this provision was really helpful in understanding how people use trusts and where, sometimes, they get things wrong.

This bill also makes changes—it’s a big mop-up—to the FamilyBoost and it will be able to be made through Order in Council. This will largely enable Ministers to fix the stuff-up that initially got caused because no one was able to claim it at all; there wasn’t able to be one single family who actually benefited from FamilyBoost. So it means that primary legislation will be able to be changed through Order in Council so they can, hopefully, find some more families who might be able to benefit from it.

One of the concerns that has been raised in and around the $50 in-work tax credit that this facilitates, as we’ve heard in question time today and by subsequent speakers, is that there are many, many New Zealanders who may receive a main benefit, even superannuation, and also who are working. Those people do not receive the benefit of the in-work tax credit, even if they’re working part-time. That is a real concern for us on this side of the House, because those people are even more marginalised than those who are able to receive the $50.

It is even more concerning, I think, that some of those people may recently have found themselves out of work due to the multiple closures we’ve seen, the high levels of liquidations, not only in the Wellington region but recently in Hastings and up that way as well, that people who will be finding themselves unemployed—more than ever, those people need assistance to go to a job interview. More than ever, those people need assistance to be able to feed their families and get groceries. It does seem a real concern that there is a large proportion of people who need assistance in this cost of living crisis who are not receiving it through this legislation.

We know that those fuel prices are soaring. The real view is that this Government has not prepared enough; that this Government’s choices have actually assisted to drive up prices. We’ve seen record lifts in things like basic staples like white bread, mince we’ve heard as well, butter we know—many of these basic items that used to be part of your weekly grocery shop are now unattainable for so many New Zealanders.

Now, on top of this, we’ve got higher petrol prices on top of all those things that were pushing people more and more into poverty. That is a real concern. Because diesel prices are a big factor and a big threat in the future, those are the ones that are going to push up food prices even more. So for people who have seen a 60-odd percent increase in white bread and a 23 percent increase in mince, how much further will those items be pushed out of people’s reach? And how much, even if you do get $50 a week, will that actually even help when people are struggling to be able to feed their families?

We believe that this Government has absolutely the wrong priorities for the past few years. The fact that we’ve seen tax breaks provided to tobacco companies—we know that half-price public transport has been axed at a time, instead of providing that funding in that space, when half-price public transport would have been a far better investment to make sure that people can get to work, that people can get access to what they’re doing.

Also, there’s a massive concern that there was no real help in terms of electric vehicles; the clean car subsidy being scrapped. Even this week in the House, we heard how there’s going to be all these great electric chargers around the country, but, unfortunately, no one’s purchased a car to be able to plug it in to. I think they may be for toothbrushes, I don’t know.

This annual taxation bill includes tax rates for the year as well as a number of other measures. We think the Government could have done better. We could have done a whole lot better for a country that is now facing so much uncertainty in terms of not just food prices, not just rent prices, not just the fact that wages aren’t keeping up with the price of food, but we now have uncertainty in terms of our energy supply. We felt that if there had been investment into areas that assisted that transition instead of just focusing on fossil fuel, New Zealand would’ve been far more equipped for the crisis that we are now seeing going on. That is a big worry.

What we’ve seen is that, time and time again, this Government has tried to say that they’ve steadied up the ship in a bleak time, but the reality is that jobs have gone down, their poor decisions on cutting key infrastructure projects right across the country have increased unemployment, they’ve driven down wages with damaging legislation that has undermined workers’ rights and wages, they have scrapped pay equity, and they have made life in New Zealand even worse than ever before.

We are not well prepared for the rainy day that is coming. We are well under-prepared. It is the hard-working people in New Zealand who can’t afford to buy food, who can’t afford to drive their cars. I hope that they look to this bill and say, “Thank you for the $50 but you could have done a heck of a lot better to help prepare New Zealand for the situation we face.” All we see is those opposite looking after their rich mates but not really giving a damn about the rest of the people who can’t afford to buy the basics for their children each week.

Carlos Cheung

National Party · Mt Roskill

The rise in petrol costs is putting pressure on the working families in Mt Roskill, and we understand that we need to support them. That’s why this Government is willing to provide a temporary increase in the rate of the in-work tax credit by $50 a week. This policy will help ease the pressure on hard-working families in Mt Roskill. I commend this bill to the House.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the Taxation (Annual Rates for 2025–26, Compliance Simplification, and Remedial Measures) Bill be now read a third time.

Ayes 102

Noes 19

PartyCount
Ayes102
New Zealand National49
New Zealand Labour34
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes19
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori4
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Bill read a third time.

Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill

Legislative Statement

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

The Hon Chris Penk. That was very prompt.

Chris Penk

National Party · Kaipara ki Mahurangi

Associate Minister of Immigration

on behalf of the Minister of Immigration: Thank you. I’m so keen, Madam Speaker. I present a legislative statement on the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

First Reading

Chris Penk

National Party · Kaipara ki Mahurangi

Associate Minister of Immigration

on behalf of the Minister of Immigration: I move, That the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill be now read a first time. I nominate the Education and Workforce Committee to consider the bill. At the appropriate time, I intend to move that the bill be reported to the House by 14 August 2026.

Immigration is critical to New Zealand’s and New Zealanders’ success. Put quite simply, without immigration, New Zealand cannot thrive, grow, or deliver the aspirations that we have for future generations. Smart, targeted, and fair immigration settings make New Zealand richer in every possible way. Since coming into Government, we have taken steps to change settings so that the immigration system is more fit for purpose, addresses migrant exploitation, prevents the erosion of the social licence for immigration, and rebalances our approach to risk and verification.

We are at the challenging intersection of needing to facilitate genuine migrants and employers, while adapting to new and innovative ways that some people use to try to get around the checks and balances that protect New Zealand. That is why, even as we have made the system smarter, faster, and fairer, producing processing times, refining the accredited employer work visa, improving investment settings like Active Investor Plus, and making the skilled migrant category more facilitative to help employers retain the skills our economy needs, we have also strengthened integrity and consequences where rules are abused.

Last year, we passed the Immigration (Fiscal Sustainability and System Integrity) Amendment Act to close gaps on exploitation, respond to the recommendations of independent reviews, and ensure the immigration system can’t operate flexibly and is fiscally sustainable. I am proud of the improvements that the Government has made—and, of course, these have been in the name of our colleague and friend the Hon Erica Stanford—but there is more to do to protect the integrity of the system and to maintain social licence.

The geopolitical context is changing, and immigration risks are increasing in scale and complexity. It is important that settings are tight to manage immigration risk, clamp down on exploitative behaviour, and ensure that our immigration settings are working for New Zealand. Nothing erodes public confidence faster than a sense that rules are being ignored or that serious offending goes without consequence. This bill provides practical, targeted improvements so that our immigration system can detect, deter, and respond to risk in a firm but fair way, welcoming those who contribute while being clear eyed about misuse and criminal behaviour.

The bill has three objectives: (1) to increase the effectiveness of immigration compliance and enforcement, (2) to improve the integrity of the refugee and protection system, and (3) to improve the operation of the wider immigration system. It complements the improvements already made through the Immigration (Fiscal Sustainability and System Integrity) Amendment Act by sharpening front-line tools, modernising processes, and having consequences that are fair and proportionate.

I’ll now talk through the key proposals briefly. Residence in New Zealand is a privilege, not a right, and it comes with responsibilities. These include respecting our laws and the safety of others. The bill extends the period during which a resident visa holder may become liable for deportation following criminal offending from 10 years to 20 years. This change retains the graduated framework, with deportation liability scaled to the seriousness of offending and the length of time the person has held residence. At the same time, it ensures that longer-term residents who commit very serious offences, such as murder or sexual assault, can no longer evade deportation liability.

The bill also makes minor changes to clarify existing deportation liability settings. It strengthens the consequences for migrants providing false or misleading information at any stage of the immigration process and makes clear that this can trigger deportation liability. Other clarifications include: that serious historic offending can give rise to deportation liability, when deportation liability resets after extended periods overseas, and that a person may be liable for deportation if a visa was granted unlawfully under the Act.

The bill also expands victims’ rights to submit on deportation liability proceedings, so that any victim of a migrant offender may provide submissions on that offender’s appeal against deportation, not just the victims of the specific offence that triggered deportation liability. Migrant exploitation causes significant harm to individuals, undermines fair competition, and damages the integrity of our immigration system. In short, it will not be tolerated.

The bill increases the maximum penalty for migrant exploitation to 10 years’ imprisonment, better reflecting the harm that exploitation causes. It also extends the practical time frame for the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) to issue employer infringement notices to six years after the offending occurred, recognising that exploitation is often reported only after an employment relationship has broken down and that complex investigations can take time.

The bill also establishes two new employer-focused infringement offences: first, for providing incorrect or incomplete information—for example, in an accreditation or job-check application—and second, for failing to provide wage and time record documents when requested. These changes strengthen the tools available to address non-compliant employer behaviour and enable timely action.

To improve the effectiveness of immigration compliance activity, the bill adjusts the threshold under which immigration officers can request basic identity information. This will enable immigration officers to request information when they have good cause to suspect a person may be liable for deportation or turn-around or may be in breach of their visa conditions. This change will make an existing power workable. It is not, and will not become, a general stopping power or a tool for random checks.

The bill removes humanitarian appeals rights to the Immigration and Protection Tribunal—known as the IPT—for all visitor visa holders and for temporary visa holders who have committed criminal offences. This recognises the different status and expectations of temporary versus resident migrants and reinforces the expectation that people who are here temporarily comply with their visa conditions and the law or face timely consequences.

The bill allows border staff to refuse entry to some people who are usually treated as having automatic permission to enter New Zealand such as air crew or maritime arrivals found to be smuggling goods or drugs. This enables swift and efficient action at the border.

To improve the integrity of the refugee and protection system, the bill removes the ability of an asylum claimant who withdraws their asylum claim from applying for other visas while they remain in New Zealand. This change is intended to prevent misuse of the system by individuals who make unmeritorious claims to access alternative immigration pathways.

The bill also shifts residence and reporting requirements agreements from being “absolute discretion” to “discretion” decisions, implementing the final legislative recommendation of Victoria Casey’s 2022 review into the detention of asylum seekers. This will ensure that these decisions are accompanied by reasons and subject to oversight.

The bill modernises information-sharing provisions in the Act to better support compliance and risk management, with appropriate transparency and privacy safeguards. It also clarifies MBIE’s ability to issue and contribute to digital credentials for identity and immigration status verification, enables in-progress resident applicants to opt into new policy settings without withdrawing and reapplying, and allows deportation liability notices to be served electronically where a person has no known physical address.

The bill was developed with input from a wide range of stakeholders. Their feedback has strengthened and improved the bill, and I know that the Minister of Immigration welcomes further robust scrutiny at the select committee stage.

In addition to the amendments already in the bill, the Minister of Immigration has also recently tabled a parliamentary paper outlining seven amendments to improve the integrity of the refugee protection—that is to say, asylum—system. New Zealand continues to experience a large number of asylum claims, consistent with global trends. There are some 4,000 claims on hand. At first glance, it would appear that many of these claims are manifestly unfounded, which puts pressure on the system, disadvantages genuine claimants, and risks the system’s social licence. The changes that are being proposed now will protect the integrity of the refugee and protection system and support efficient processing. To ensure appropriate scrutiny, the Hon Erica Stanford has written to the chair of the Education and Workforce Committee and requested that they seek public submissions on these additional proposals at the same time they call for submissions on the wider bill.

This is a practical and measured bill. It equips MBIE with modern, proportionate tools, protects migrants from exploitation, secures the integrity of the refugee and protection system, and ensures that New Zealand has an immigration system that is welcoming to those who contribute as well as being firm with those who abuse it. With that, Madam Speaker, thank you, and I commend the bill to the House.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

Phil Twyford

Labour Party · Te Atatū

Thank you. Labour is very open to supporting reforms that make our immigration system fairer, more transparent, more efficient, and run in the interests of New Zealand, and our voting record in this House shows that. This bill contains a couple of dozen mostly small changes to the immigration system—and be assured that we will carefully scrutinise the bill at select committee to see if any of these reforms will genuinely improve the system—but we will not be voting for this bill, and here is why.

This bill is a pretty naked exercise in election-year politicking at the expense of migrants and refugees. The Minister of Immigration wants to look tough. She came back from the Five Country Immigration Ministers’ meeting in London late last year, where all of the talk was about irregular migration pressures, visa abuse, and removals policy, and where, along with Erica Stanford, Ministers from Australia, Canada, the US, and the UK all agreed they needed to get tough, and get tough together.

This is not a bill that is based on fixing any particular real-world problem; what it is is performative election-year politics. I am pretty sure that it was after one of these Five Country Immigration Ministers’ meetings when Erica Stanford came back to her officials and said, “Look, we’ve only got a tiny fraction of the irregular migration of those countries, but let’s get tough anyway. Let’s crack down. Get me a list of the things that we can do to show that we’re not a soft touch.” That list of things that her officials came back to her with is now this bill. We will genuinely dig into it at select committee and here at committee of the whole House, and we will hold them up to the light.

This bill’s removal of the right to appeal deportation on humanitarian grounds by people who hold visitor visas will do damage to our immigration system. Remember, this is a right to appeal. It is the right to a fair process and an even-handed justice system. Last year, nearly 50 percent of successful humanitarian appeals—successful appeals, remember—were made by Pacific people dealing with exceptional humanitarian circumstances. That’s the description in the legislation: exceptional humanitarian circumstances—for instance, families needing support, raising children with disabilities.

Having been an Associate Minister of Immigration, and as an MP who does a lot of immigration advocacy, I can tell the House that there’s no shortage of cases where Immigration New Zealand has made a sequence of poor decisions, where the interests of the children have not been given the weight required under our international treaty obligations. Justice is, in a significant number of cases, only finally delivered through an appeal to the tribunal on exceptional humanitarian circumstances.

There’s Simon Graham from the New Zealand Law Society, who says, “Current policy balances individual rights and the public interest, but [this] proposed legislation would shift the goalposts against vulnerable people, especially children and families”. He goes on to say, “You could have a child born here, only ever gone through the New Zealand educational system … [now] being asked to return back to a country [where they’ve never lived], [facing] language barriers [and a] different educational system”.

I say to the Minister, think carefully before you shut down that avenue for appeal. Our social cohesion in New Zealand is too precious to be put at risk by this cheap politics. We cannot survive and we cannot thrive without immigrants coming to this country. They make us better and stronger, and in New Zealand we have a pretty decent track record of respecting the rights of refugees. Stunts like this bill put all that at risk.

Can I get 10 minutes?

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

It’s the first reading, so you only get five.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Madam Speaker. This is a Trump administration - inspired, MAGA-loving piece of legislation that deserves to be put in the bin. If you heard the Associate Minister of Immigration’s contribution, you would think that this is a completely different bill from the one I have in front of me. In the bill itself, it’s quite clear: this is a bill that seeks to demonise and target undocumented migrants by giving more powers to our immigration officials to target them if they suspect that they may be in breach of their visa conditions.

The scenes that we’ve seen in the United States with the United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement—the closest thing we have here is called Immigration Compliance and Investigations—where families are being separated, torn apart, and lives are being destroyed, did not happen overnight. The scenes from the United States were the product of successive Governments dismantling the rights of asylum seekers and migrants, and giving immigration officials more powers to target migrant communities.

I particularly want to focus on the provisions that give immigration officials more power to target migrant communities for just simply being “suspicious” or looking suspicious, because, in Erica Stanford’s own words, when she was trying to justify this provision, she said, “We have a big overstayer problem, tens of thousands more than we suspected”. Shortly after, she had to apologise for literally misleading people, trying to make them believe that there were tens of thousands more undocumented migrants in this country when that was not the case—exactly the types of tactics that the Trump administration uses, where people simply make up figures to justify punching down on migrant communities. She had to apologise to the media shortly after.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

I think we might want to be a little bit careful of accusing. People could make mistakes. I think you’d want to be careful—

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

And they should be careful, I agree, Madam Speaker—

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

Come on!

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

—of saying this was deliberate. Excuse me, I’m actually speaking. I’m just asking the House to be careful when making an accusation about somebody, whether it may have been a mistake or accusing someone of it being deliberate—and referring to politicians in other countries, as an example. I’ll just ask the member to just tone the language down, please.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

We deserve far better than a Minister scapegoating migrant communities to justify a bill that will target them. Madam Speaker, I make no apology for calling out the Minister for continuously punching down on migrant communities, particularly undocumented migrants, when it is politically convenient.

The bill itself, you would believe it’s about migrant exploitation and addressing criminal behaviour, but as the previous speaker, Phil Twyford, noted, this bill takes away the right of migrants to appeal on humanitarian grounds when they’re on visitor visas, which is actually one of the last precarious stages that migrants may find themselves in before becoming undocumented, often because they experience trafficking or they may have experienced exploitation themselves. As somebody who has fought both Chris Penk and Phil Twyford in the previous Government in trying to stop deportations, I do know, too, that many times the Immigration and Protection Tribunal does not consider the rights and the wellbeing of children when it comes to these appeals, and I know for a fact that Associate Ministers of Immigration often fail to do so themselves.

I am astounded, as well, by the examples we’ve been given to justify these additional provisions to grant immigration officials more power. To use examples like creating and conjuring scenarios where migrant sex workers may be found in a home where, for example, a compliance officer may be going into, just reeks of scapegoating—some of our migrant communities that are actually most vulnerable to exploitation because we have decided to criminalise their existence. This bill does very little to actually address migrant exploitation, and if the Government was serious about addressing migrant exploitation, they would have not cut the support that migrants who have been exploited can receive by cutting the duration of the migrant exploitation protection work visa in half.

This Government, as much as they want to claim that this is not about targeting migrants, received advice explicitly telling them, when it came to population impacts, that Pacific communities are more likely to be targeted by these provisions, because they are already targeted by deportations. We know that this bill will increase systemic discrimination that brown and black communities face here in Aotearoa, and we deserve a Minister that is upfront and clear about the intent. She can’t go on the media and talk about how overstayers and undocumented migrants are a big problem, then have her Associate Minister here tell us that this bill is just, basically, a boring piece of legislation.

The Green Party will be opposing this bill, and we make it clear that if the Government wants to lift working conditions of people, they can do so by lifting wages, by creating jobs, and by treating migrant communities with the dignity and respect that they deserve.

Andy Foster

NZ First Party · List MP

Fast track.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

This is the “Fast Track to Deportation Bill”—

Andy Foster

NZ First Party · List MP

Fast-track mining.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

—and mining has nothing to do with it.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

The member’s time has expired.

PARMJEET PARMAR

ACT New Zealand

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I’m taking this call on behalf of the ACT Party to support the first reading of the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill.

I’m not surprised that the Green Party is opposing this bill, because this bill is about strengthening our immigration system. We know that immigration is important for us. Immigration is an area that is evolving really fast. We are learning a lot of things as we go, and we want to make sure that our immigration system is able to respond to the kind of risks that we are seeing out there, the kind of exploitation cases we see, and all kinds of serious wrongdoing.

Immigration is important, as I said before, and, of course, there will be some people who will be looking at me and saying “Of course she’s going to say that immigration is important, because she’s an immigrant.”, but let them think what they want to think. I want to say this: it is the reality of our nation; we need people coming from other parts of the world to New Zealand to support our economy, to support our communities. This is actually our identity. We have people, those who have been there five years, 10 years, shorter than that; other people who have been here for 500 years, 700 years, as migrants and generations of migrants.

We need to ensure we have enough safeguards to ensure that people, those who are coming here, are able to deliver according to the expectations of New Zealanders and the standards that we apply here, especially those people who come on temporary visas, and including those who have a residence class visa. The trust in our immigration system is really important. That’s why this bill is really timely. This bill actually strengthens our immigration system.

There are a number of changes that this bill makes. There is just one change that I want to talk about in this bill, because I’m proposing an amendment to one of the provisions in this proposed legislation. This is regarding the extension of deportation liability for residence class visa holders. If they commit criminal offending which is punishable with a sentence of imprisonment of 10 years or more, there is deportation liability of 10 years. In this proposed legislation, it is being increased from 10 to 20 years. Now, the question here is: why should consequences expire after 10 years or 20 years if somebody is on a residence class visa? I am proposing an amendment that it should be an unlimited period—the extension of deportation liability should be for an unlimited period—and I’m talking about serious criminal offending. It’s a change that the ACT Party is proposing. After my contribution—my speech here in the House—I will be writing to the Minister for her consideration of my proposed amendment and I’ll be sending a letter to the select committee as well, so that this amendment can be explored in the select committee process too.

Overall, we want to make sure that there are enough safeguards in our immigration system to protect New Zealanders, to see that those who are coming here understand our laws, they understand that we have some expectations of those who have residence class visas and those who come on other visas as well. But this is particularly about residence class visa holders. With that, the ACT Party is supporting the first reading of this bill. Thank you.

Casey Costello

NZ First Party · List MP

Associate Minister of Immigration

I rise on behalf of New Zealand First to speak on the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill, and, hopefully. to bring some proportional response back to the emotive language we’ve heard already in the House. Our immigration system is robust. New Zealand First has always put New Zealand and New Zealanders first, and our immigration system should reflect the fact that we support and protect New Zealanders and those who call New Zealand home.

This immigration amendment bill is about bringing some proportional controls back to protect the integrity of the system, not just to protect the system but to protect those who are in the system. This is what has been lost in the narrative we’ve heard today. We need to ensure that abuse of the system is held accountable, that those who are here as refugees and migrants are respected because everyone knows that they have complied with the process and the rules, and those who do not abide by those rules and abuse New Zealand laws are held accountable for it. This is a long-held New Zealand First principle. That is why we are fully in support of this legislation.

In closing, because I think it is important we get this bill through the House today, we have to recognise, as the philosopher Russell Kirk said: “Every right is married to a duty; every freedom owes a corresponding responsibility”. This piece of legislation will ensure those duties and responsibilities are upheld. We commend the bill to the House.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

The Hon James Meager. We’re having some close calls this afternoon.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

I was waiting for another party to take a call. If this isn’t Pol Pot calling the kettle black. In 2015, the Labour Party has a policy whereby they blamed people with Chinese-sounding surnames for the housing crisis in Auckland. In 2017, the Green Party had an explicit immigration population cap as part of their policy, saying that it would be limited to 1 percent of population growth—once you hit the cap, no more immigration.

That is the quality of argument from the other side of the House. This is a sensible change to immigration laws, which is reflected in countries like, Canada, led by the Liberals; in countries like the United Kingdom, led by the Labour Party; and countries like Australia, also led by the Labor Party. It’s good policy. I commend it to the House.

Ginny Andersen

Labour Party · List MP

Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. This bill is really concerning in some areas. I think we’re right to highlight the concerns that we have. I’m really looking forward to the select committee process and to drilling down into some of the ways that this bill is actually going to operate. Many of the bill’s provisions seem petty and pretty punitive, with no clear evidence base or policy provided to justify them. But, nevertheless, we will give them serious scrutiny as a select committee. It’s always important, with our immigration system, to get that balance right between having risk to our general population, but also making sure that we have a fair immigration system. That’s what the select committee is for: to make sure that this bill does get that balance right.

The Minister’s rhetoric alone in announcing this bill has been quite concerning. She says that New Zealand is currently a soft touch, which we do not agree on. She talked about refugees and asylum seekers in the same breath as mentioning murderers and sex offenders. The number of such offenders are so tiny, and our criminal justice system and immigration system can adequately deal with them. She did promise a hard-line crackdown right off her overseas trip. The Minister is really quite fond of going overseas and importing some other ideas, not only in our immigration system but also in our education system.

Our social cohesion in New Zealand is too precious to be put at risk with this kind of cheap politics. What this bill actually does is it doubles how long someone on a residence class visa is liable for deportation following criminal offending from 10 to 20 years. It expands who can be deported based on false and misleading submissions, historic crimes committed overseas, and also administrative errors. This bill also removes the ability for visitor visa and temporary visa holders to appeal deportation to the Immigration and Protection Tribunal on humanitarian grounds. As a previous Associate Minister of Immigration who had to consider those individual cases of people that come before you, it is really important that there is a humanitarian focus to our immigration system. We know that when things are put through the machine of immigration, they don’t always get it right. There are instances where families, where children, where seniors are put in absolutely unacceptable conditions. We believe that we should preserve that human element within our immigration system and not remove it.

This bill also ensures that victims of serious offences committed by migrants will have the right to be heard during their offender’s deportation proceedings, whether or not the offence against them is the basis of the offender’s liability for deportation. In terms of migrant exploitation, it extends the maximum prison sentence for migrant exploitation offending from seven to 10 years, and it creates new employer infringement offences relating to providing incorrect or incomplete information to the Ministry of Business, Innovation, and Employment (MBIE). This extends the time frame that MBIE has to issue infringement notices and also to serve employer infringement notices.

It’s really important that we say that Labour is open to supporting reforms that do make our system fairer, that are more efficient, and run in the interests of New Zealand. On a first read of this bill, we’re not sure whether that balance is struck. We will carefully scrutinise the bill to see if any of these reforms do genuinely improve our immigration system. But, on the face of it, this bill’s removal of the right to appeal deportation on humanitarian grounds by people who commit serious crimes will do damage to our immigration system, for it removes that ability to have a human face to understand it.

This bill is going to be one where I’m sure we’ll get a wide range of submissions from different parts of New Zealand, and we really encourage everybody who has a view, who is impacted, and has advice to make sure those submissions come to select committee. I’m looking forward to hearing them and we’ll wait and see exactly what the detail is on this bill.

Carl Bates

National Party · Whanganui

The first half of Phil Twyford’s speech was more fictional than the children’s book I’m going to read to my kids when I get home this evening. It didn’t even reflect the reality of the journey that this policy has been on in order to get to this House. You see, work started on this bill in March last year; Cabinet decisions were taken mid-year, in June and July; and key policy decisions were released in October.

People on temporary visas can still appeal to the Associate Minister of Immigration. Phil Twyford needs to read the bill, get with the programme, and support the bill. Therefore, I commend it to the House.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

Thank you, Madam Speaker. Look, it’s just a little troubling to hear the kind of—I don’t know—vitriol coming from the other side, because—

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

Well, it’s come from both sides, but I’m not going to say it’s come from the Labour Party team, because it hasn’t—OK?

Tim Costley

Oh yes, it has.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

Not vitriol—no.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

Who’s doing this debate?

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

You are.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

Ha, ha—OK! This is actually a really important issue. Here we are, talking about new New Zealanders of a number of classes, and when their right to be in New Zealand can be taken from them, and, obviously, asylum seekers and refugees are a really important class. New Zealand has a proud history of accepting people who are from conflict zones or who are oppressed in their home country and giving them refuge here, including people who arrive and claim asylum, and so I think that we need to be really cautious when we start amending those frameworks.

For example, I’m looking at one change where individuals won’t be allowed to apply for a visa if they’ve claimed asylum and have then withdrawn that claim for asylum. Now, it strikes me that that may have some perverse outcomes. A really good example would be where someone comes to New Zealand and claims asylum, and then, by dint of being in New Zealand for some time, qualifies for another visa class. They might be going through the asylum process—which can take many, many years—and at the same time they might marry a New Zealand citizen, but they couldn’t apply for a partnership visa if they were to withdraw their asylum application, which seems madness, because it’s much more sensible to say that they don’t need asylum any more because they are in a relationship with a New Zealand citizen, and the law would recognise an alternative pathway for them to reside here rather than the arduous asylum pathway, which requires a lot of investigation.

The other thing that I was troubled to hear was Parmjeet Parmar talking about having an unlimited period of time for which a criminal conviction would result in deportation. I have actually worked in this space—not a great deal, but I’ve done a number of cases in this area, both as a lawyer and as an MP—and I just wanted to point out that this is where we get to with the 20-year rule, right? If we have someone who arrived in New Zealand as a six-year-old who has a student visa through to university and who has a residence class visa from leaving university young, at 20, then, until they are 39, that person will have held a residence class visa for 19 years whilst having been in New Zealand since they were six. And if that person commits an offence, don’t get me wrong: I agree that we should deport serious criminals who are new to New Zealand and who have abused that. But for someone who arrived at six and who is now 39, that is a 501 situation—the 501 situation that we have vilified our Australian cousins for, and I’m not sure we’d want to put ourselves in the same situation of then reducing appeal rights.

We’ve had debates in this House about what’s going on in the world and the need for a rules-based order and the importance of the rule of law. The ability to challenge, not at the behest of a Minister’s discretion, but on the basis of established principles of what is a humanitarian ground and how to balance the family—because these humanitarian grounds are often, in fact, about the interests of the wider family. An offender may be a caregiver for young children. They may have a network of relationships and they may be the only earner, and so if that person is deported, their family is left parentless and incomeless.

Those are the kinds of things that that Government doesn’t want to be under consideration, and so, as my friends have said, we will look at this closely. We’re not opposed to any change, but we do think that real care is needed to be taken.

Vanessa Weenink

National Party · Banks Peninsula

Thank you, Madam Speaker. It’s a pleasure to take a call on the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill in its first reading. This will be coming to the Education and Workforce Committee, on which I sit. One of the changes that I’m looking forward to seeing—which I think is very sensible—is that if there are new changes to the immigration instructions that happen while somebody is having their application for residence looked at that would be beneficial to them, then that is automatically applied to their application. I think that that is a very sensible change, and I commend the bill to the House.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill be now read a first time.

Ayes 68

Noes 53

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes53
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori4
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Bill read a first time.

Referral to Select Committee

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

The question is, That the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill be considered by the Education and Workforce Committee.

Motion agreed to.

Bill referred to the Education and Workforce Committee.

Instruction to Select Committee

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Minister for Hunting and Fishing

on behalf of the Minister of Immigration: I move, That the Immigration (Enhanced Risk Management) Amendment Bill be reported to the House by 14 August 2026.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the motion be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 53

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes53
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori4
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill

Legislative Statement

Scott Simpson

National Party · Coromandel

Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs

I present a legislative statement on the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

First Reading

Scott Simpson

National Party · Coromandel

Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs

I move, That the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill be now read a first time. In doing so, I nominate the Finance and Expenditure Committee to consider the bill. At the appropriate time, I intend to move that the bill be reported back to the House by 27 July 2026.

This review of the Commerce Commission was prompted by a thorough and very timely review led by Dame Paula Rebstock in association with Professor Allan Fels and David Hunt, and I thank them for their work. The Commerce Commission is New Zealand’s competition and consumer protection agency. This Government is committed to growing the economy and improving outcomes for New Zealand businesses and consumers.

The competitive and well-performing markets that we aspire to provide one of the foundations for achieving this goal. To do this, we need world-class competition laws and competition institutions. In December 2025, I introduced the Commerce (Promoting Competition and Other Matters) Amendment Bill to strengthen and enhance New Zealand’s economy-wide competition law. Today, we are considering a bill which reforms the Commerce Commission’s governance and decision-making arrangements to further lift its performance.

This bill gives effect to the Government’s response to the independent review of the Commerce Commission that was led by Dame Paula Rebstock, which I’ve already mentioned. The commission is a quality regulatory enforcement agency, which has a high degree of public trust and confidence. However, the external environment in which the commission operates increasingly raises significant challenges for regulators and the New Zealand economy. These include significant technological change, disruptions to trade and supply chains, structural shifts as we move to a low-emissions and increasingly service-based economy, and, of course, our primary producers and others exporting to the world. These significant challenges make it critical to have a knowledge-based regulator that invests in capacity.

The growth of the commission’s regulatory responsibility has put its traditional commission governance model under strain. The dual role of commissioners as both governors and regulatory decision makers is not easily scalable. With the expanded mandate, commissioners are being drawn deeper into complex and time-intensive decision-making in their respective areas, often compartmentalised and in organisational silos. The review found that this compromised commissioners’ abilities to focus on the commission’s strategy and governance issues and to hold each other to account. Given the full-time nature of the commissioner’s expanded role, there is no strong outside-in perspective at the governance table, nor is there a flexible means to draw on additional external expertise and commercial experience in regulatory decision-making. This has the propensity to compromise the quality of the commission’s engagements with its stakeholders and the commission’s effectiveness overall. Ultimately, this can draw out decision-making processes and undermine a whole-of-commission approach. The commission is working to address some of those issues identified in the review. However, legislation is required to improve the pace and direction of change.

To the bill: this bill makes structural changes to the commission’s governance and decision-making arrangements while retaining the commission’s statutory independence. A board will be established as the governance body for the commission, consistent with Crown entities and their framework. Board members will be mainly part-time and able to bring an outside perspective, including commercial nous and savvy, to the commission’s strategy and performance.

In addition, the sector-specific named commissioner mechanism will be phased out to promote a whole-of-commission cohesive focus at board level. Regulatory decision-making will primarily be performed by expert regulatory committees under delegation from the board. These regulatory committees must comply with a charter and all relevant policies and procedures set by the board to promote timely and action-orientated decision-making. A new panel of commissioners will be established—people with relevant expertise and experience to perform the commission’s regulatory functions. These commissioners will be the core of the membership of the regulatory committees. These regulatory decision-making arrangements will ensure that decisions are made by persons with the relevant expertise and experience based on best information. Regulatory decision-making will also be aligned to the commission’s overall strategy and organisational plans and subject to appropriate board and judicial oversight.

I want to spend a moment talking about the transitional arrangements for this new structure. It’s intended that this new structure will come into effect on 1 July 2027. As a transitional measure, the current chair, Dr John Small, will be the inaugural chair of the new board and chief commissioner. The current deputy chair of the commission will also be a member of the new board and the inaugural deputy chief commissioner. Other existing commissioners, including the telecommunications and groceries commissioners, will be transitioned to the new panel for the remainder of their terms.

As members may be aware, the commission routinely publishes guidance material that sets out how it interprets and applies the Commerce Act in its investigations and decisions. This guidance provides clarity and predictability for businesses, consumers, and the market. However, courts are not required to have regard to the commission’s guidance. To support greater certainty over time, I’ve asked the select committee to consider options for elevating the status of the commission’s guidance for Parts 2 and 3 so that guidance plays a more formal role in promoting certainty and predictability across the Act. This could involve, for instance, amending the Act to provide that courts must or may have regard to the guidance when interpreting or applying the Act.

In conclusion, I consider that these new governance and decision-making arrangements will lift the overall performance of the commission, moving it from good to great. I want to thank John Small and the commission for their cooperation with these reforms and all staff for their dedication and thorough diligence. I also, again, want to thank Dame Paula Rebstock, Professor Allan Fels, and David Hunt for their hard work on the independent review of the commission. Colleagues, I commend parties with an interest in the commission to participate in the select committee process and to consider the bill at select committee. I commend this bill to the House.

Greg O'Connor

Assistant Speaker

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

Arena Williams

Labour Party · Manurewa

An affordable New Zealand depends on an economy that is delivering for everyone, and competition is a key ingredient in that. What do we have here from the Government? An opportunity to make a once-in-a-generation reorganisation of our regulator, which should be tooled up with not only the regulatory tool box that it needs to take swift and decisive action against anti-competitive behaviour and the funding it needs to do so clearly, with good information. This is a missed opportunity, though. We had a panel here that the Minister has ably described as well equipped to undertake the review—Dame Paula Rebstock and Professor Allan Fels, who is something of a hero of mine, a titan of the council of trade unions in Australia and the author of an excellent report on price gouging.

Instead, what we’ve got is a Minister that has made decisions to step back what could have been an excellent piece of reform that would have given us the regulator that we need—tough but fair—and that small businesses can look to and say, “We don’t like every decision that they make, but they are making decisions in the interests of New Zealanders.” But, no, we’ve got this outside-in perspective where New Zealanders will be left wondering whether there is more and more politicisation of the regulator going on and more and more decisions which see the grocery commissioner being walked right back; and the telecommunications commissioner, who was introduced into a market that was not working for Kiwis and has made significant contributions while their position has existed, walked right back. Now, what are we left with? A body that is being appointed by Ministers directly making decisions that New Zealanders will struggle to have faith in. I will get to that more—about why that really matters for our economy.

At this point, Labour cannot support this. We will go to select committee, and we will listen to these matters, and, hopefully, we can make change that means that more New Zealanders are able to have faith in their regulator, because we need it. We need an economy where everybody feels like they are getting a fair go and where people don’t think that lobbyists have a back door into Government and the regulator to get exactly what they want to the detriment of small businesses and mums and dads who are out there competing on price and quality, because larger corporates can command high prices over time by keeping others out. That is not the economy that we need. It is an economy where there is a significant drag not only on productivity but also on the consumers who Labour is on the side of. This is not a reform that is on the side of consumers.

This is a missed opportunity for the consumers who need us most when we are facing prices continually rising at the pump, when fuel is a huge source of anxiety for every person in our country right now, and when there are no pricing mechanisms being introduced by this Government. We’ve asked the commission nicely to look at any price gouging while, in fact, taking away their funding and taking away the specific tool that makes the commissioners the powerful operators they are in the economy. Whether you like it or not and whether you think the telecommunications commissioner or the grocery commissioner roles are working as they should at the moment, shouldn’t we all be able to agree that these are industries that are not working and where the regulator needs special enforcement powers and a way of taking a good look under the hood about whether New Zealanders are getting a good deal? I think so, but this bill does the opposite of that.

Let me tell you about what Labour will be looking for when we work through this bill at select committee: we’ll be looking at whether the removal of the dedicated sector commissioners is in line with any evidence that those roles have not been working as intended in the markets where persistent consumer harm has already been identified. You might remember that the introduction of the telecommunication commissioner came on the back of real persistent consumer harm in the telecommunications industry, and the break-up of that industry did occur. A third market entrant has made huge gains for consumers, and, now, telecommunications prices, particularly the prices of phone contracts for New Zealanders, are within reach, and there is sharp competition in that market. Is that because we have a tooled-up regulator? Is that because the rules were fair? Is that because there was more competition? Yes. Over time that has been the case, and more and more we see corporate margins being taken on other products within that. But the things that are regulated by the telcos commissioner are sharply priced, and that’s something to be proud of. Why would we walk that back? Why would we not continue a regime that is working?

The groceries commissioner was also created in a market that was not working well. Are we now hearing from the Government, after tough, tough talk about the supermarkets, that they don’t want to see the grocery commissioner actually making a difference? This is a big back-down from the Government, and we want them to explain why. This will lead to higher prices in grocery, in telco, and in the markets which will not be properly regulated. This is a bad step in the wrong direction.

Julie Anne Genter

Green Party · Rongotai

Tēnā koe, Mr Speaker. New Zealand is a very small market. It’s a small country far away from other parts of the world, and what we see over and over again is that we have a tendency to form oligopolies. It’s either oligopolies or monopolies, and that means that New Zealanders are paying higher prices for things, and it’s part of our productivity problem. We can see it with fuel. We can see it with supermarkets—a duopoly. We can see it with banks—only four banks; four big banks, mainly, sucking profits out of the country and into Australia. We see it in construction supplies and vertically integrated construction companies having a monopoly on importing certain things, and then people pay more for it. It’s actually quite ironic, because while the parties on the right claim to be for competition, the truth is that we see over and over again that they generally implement policy that is in the interest of the status quo, the big players, not the small businesses, and that is a big part of our productivity problem in New Zealand.

But I think one of the things we have to realise is that naturally because we’re a small country and because we’re so far from things, and because we’ve had all these ridiculous neo-liberal reforms in the 1980s and 1990s that enriched a very small percentage of people and made child poverty worse, that has dragged our productivity for quite a long time. In that circumstance, if we’re going to not be able to get true competition, we would be better off to have either a regulated sector or have the Government as a big player, and that’s one of the reasons why the Green Party has proposed a green Ministry of Works again—because we’ve seen with infrastructure that the costs have massively increased.

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

Now, that sounds efficient!

Julie Anne Genter

Green Party · Rongotai

Well, look at what’s happened with infrastructure costs over the last two decades, starting under Steven Joyce when Steven Joyce was transport Minister. We’ve seen massive inflation in—

James Meager

National Party · Rangitata

He released the letter.

Julie Anne Genter

Green Party · Rongotai

Yeah. It’s been out for years. What are you talking about? It’s like, update your negs, man. God, you’re so out of date.

So we’ve seen infrastructure costs increase significantly. This is partly because we can’t increase capacity and just have different consulting and contracting firms supposedly competing with each other. They’re actually just bidding each other up and poaching staff off each other. Actually, New Zealand could have better-value infrastructure if we had a more coordinated approach and we didn’t chase this dream of having massive competition when we are 5 million people far away from everywhere else. I mean, that’s just, like, basic economics. Oligopolies are not good for productivity and they’re not good for consumers. And our Commerce Commission, I will admit, has not really had the tools that it needs to address this.

I have a friend who worked for the equivalent of the Commerce Commission in Scotland, in the UK, and the powers they had there were far greater to actually investigate than what we have here in New Zealand. It’s this light-handed regulation—we never resource proper enforcement—and who does that benefit? It benefits the big players who are milking it and who are making tonnes of money at the expense of ordinary New Zealanders.

Look, I think the jury’s absolutely out. The Green Party had long, long recommended something like what we have—this commissioner on supermarket competition. I think 20 years ago, Sue Kedgley was announcing the Green Party policy of an ombudsman on supermarkets, and we saw some version of that finally get implemented. I think it is unfortunate that we’re losing our named grocery commissioner and telecommunications commissioner. I have a deep distrust of this Government for understandable reasons, and while the Green Party, based on the review, will be listening carefully to the submissions and determining what our position is following the select committee, needless to say, we need more enforcement of the laws that we do have, more and better enforcement, and we actually need a bigger role. There’s a bigger role for the public sector to play in ensuring that New Zealanders, Kiwis, have the basics and that those are affordable and sustainable in the long term and for public good, not for private profit.

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

This bill is about fixing what matters, and that is the cost of living. Too many markets in New Zealand aren’t working properly. When competition is weak, prices rise, choice shrinks, and Kiwi families pay the price. These changes strengthen the Commerce Commission’s ability to promote competition and hold dominant players to account. That matters because competition drives lower prices, better choice, and, of course, innovation and the type of services that are available to Kiwis. This bill improves enforcement tools, provides clearer rules, and creates more certainty for business. It means those who compete fairly can succeed and those who try to block competition can’t get away with it. ACT has been clear that if we want to lower the cost of living, we must promote more competition. We’ve seen it in groceries, in building materials, and in banking—where barriers are high, prices stay high. That’s why stronger enforcement is part of the answer, but so is removing the red tape and the regulation that stopped new players entering markets. This bill moves us in the right direction. It backs free markets, clear rules, and personal responsibility because when markets work properly, Kiwis get a fair deal. That’s what ACT is all about. This is fixing what matters.

DAVID WILSON

NZ First

I rise to speak on the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill. I’ll start off by saying that the Commerce Commission do a very good job. Structural change in the Commerce Commission’s governance and operational mandate primarily seeks to transition the organisation from a model where commissioners handle both day-to-day governance and regulatory decision-making and from siloed divisions to a more robust board-led governance structure. This we fully understand.

Good governance is really very important in this context, and that kind of separation from governance, strategic policy-making, and operations, and so on is absolutely vital in this context also. We also appreciate the transitional arrangements that the Minister has talked about. However, I also hear the concerns of the member Arena Williams around the potency of such an organisation and what we need it to do in the public interest in New Zealand, but governance is none the less extremely important in that respect.

Along those lines, though, what we’ve heard is that there are challenges confronting New Zealand at the moment in artificial intelligence, blockchain, organised crime, sophisticated fraud, monopolies, duopolies, and oligopolies that are currently confronting us. The member from the ACT Party was talking about how markets will take care of this; sometimes markets are not enough. Sometimes there is market failure, which is why we absolutely need a strong Commerce Commission and we absolutely need good governance in that respect as well.

We expect the private sector to be held in high standards in their governance standards, and so we can expect the same in the public sector. I commend this bill to the House, and on some of those notes, I look forward to the select committee process where we can address some of these challenging things for New Zealand as a whole. Thank you, Mr Speaker.

Cameron Brewer

National Party · Upper Harbour

It’s great to talk on this Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill, and as our Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs, the Hon Scott Simpson, has said, this has directly come out of an independent review led by Dame Paula Rebstock. The Finance and Expenditure Committee is looking forward to handling this bill and is grateful that it’s been directed towards us. We have a good relationship with the Commerce Commission, led by its chair, Dr John Small, and it’s very good that he is going to be a big part of this transition, as the Minister said. We will give this full consideration, and we are grateful that this Government is following up from the review that was led by Dame Paula. We look forward to hearing more from submitters and coming back to the House at the next stage. Thank you.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I’m standing to take a call on the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill. This is a bill that we oppose on this side of the House. I’ll start by echoing the words of one of my colleagues Arena Williams, who spoke at the beginning and said, “An affordable New Zealand needs an economy that delivers for everyone.” I’m repeating her words because they’re very important, and I think they’re lost on the other side of the House, because the other side of the House believe in progressing an agenda that continues to leave people behind—but not as an unintended consequence of the agenda they’re pushing; it is, in fact, on purpose. That is the very worst kind of politics.

Now, on the topic of leaving people behind, I can’t let this opportunity pass without giving a shout-out to Pam from Aranui, who’s run a campaign to bring the bus back to Aranui. She’s taken her plea to the regional council this week, and the regional council have committed to bringing a bus back to Aranui. Now, that’s fantastic for Aranui, but it flies in the face of what this Government have done by walking away from committing to vital public transport that New Zealanders need, especially during a fuel crisis. [Interruption] But this Government want me to get back to the bill—or those members left here on a Thursday afternoon do. That’s what I’ll get back to, but these are the same members who campaigned around the country saying that they were going to fix the cost of living but have gone on to make it a whole lot worse.

Now, they’ve also talked big about supermarket competition, but this bill—this very bill—removes one of the key institutional reforms that was designed to keep pressure, and was successfully keeping pressure, on the sector. The grocery commissioner was created because the supermarket duopoly was failing consumers, suppliers, and competitors. Even this Government’s own material acknowledges that named commissioners provide visibility and prioritisation in sectors with significant consumer harm. But, instead, this Government is stripping out the parts of the system that are working already and doing nothing—absolutely nothing—to improve the rules in favour of competition.

Now, let’s have a look at another market where this is particularly essential: the telecommunications sector in New Zealand—a clear example of where strong regulation has been essential to opening the market and improving prices and service. Instead, this Government wants to remove the telecommunications commissioner, weakening the specialist oversight in another concentrated sector. This is another market where strong and expert regulation is necessary to prevent firms with market power from extracting excessive profits. The new governance model adds layers of board control and process around regulatory committee. This is a slower, less focused, and less visible enforcement of competition rules. Repealing restrictions on delegation also makes it easier for important decisions to move further away from identifiable specialist regulators and move further away from the affordable New Zealand that New Zealanders need from the economy that will deliver for everybody. Instead, this Government continues to push this through, and it continues to wilfully leave people behind.

This week, Kiwis are worried about putting fuel in their car and they’re worried about putting lunch in their kids’ lunch boxes and they’re worried about putting groceries in their supermarket trolleys, and the other side of the House are worried about putting Robbie Williams into a stadium. That’s all you’ve got: Robbie Williams into a stadium. Newsflash: even the promoter couldn’t say that Robbie Williams wouldn’t have come here without the millions of dollars paid out by this Government to bring him to New Zealand after seven dates in Australia—desperate, desperate.

At the time they’re doing this, the pain that people are experiencing is the National Government’s fault. Christopher Luxon continues to make it worse.

Greg O'Connor

Assistant Speaker

This is just to say that the member’s got quite a few behind him in the pecking order now. He’s probably ready to start not reading his speeches quite so much and setting an example for his colleagues.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I’m very pleased to speak to this Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill. Competition in New Zealand drives economic growth and innovation, as well as productivity, but it’s not always been the case, as we’ve experienced here in New Zealand. This bill is going to be forwarded to the Finance and Expenditure Committee. I look forward to seeing whether they come back with an even stronger bill, because it is essential for our economy here in New Zealand. I’m very happy to commend this bill to the House.

Dan Rosewarne

Labour Party · List MP

It’s a pleasure to be back in this House. I must admit it’s taken me two attempts to get here—a bit like School Certificate. I had two cracks at that as well. But, fortunately—fortunately—I’m getting the opportunity to sit the exam again, and, hopefully, with a better result this time.

Some people, especially on the other side of the House, get through life with straight As; some of us take more of the scenic route—

Jan Tinetti

Labour Party · List MP

Hang on. You know, some of us got straight As, thank you.

Dan Rosewarne

Labour Party · List MP

Absolutely, but in my case, it means crawling through a bit more barbed wire than most, but it teaches resilience and it teaches endurance, and that is important when we embark on a career in this House.

But anyway, let’s get back to this bill, because if this was an exam, the Government would be failing miserably. New Zealanders are doing it tough right now at the supermarket, at the petrol pump, and when bills come in at the end of the month. The cost of living is biting hard, and families are making difficult choices about what they can afford and what they can go without and how much they must stretch their pay just a little bit further each week. Instead of stepping up to ease that pressure, the Government is actually making it worse. This bill is a perfect example of that failure because, at its heart, it’s not just a technical reform of the Commerce Commission; it’s a political choice. It’s a deliberate choice to weaken every watchdog that helps keep prices down for Kiwi families, and that matters because we already know that the system isn’t working as it should.

We know that a handful of supermarket giants dominate around 80 percent of the grocery market. We know that this level of concentration limits competition and keeps prices higher than they need to be, and we know that suppliers are often afraid to speak up for fear of being squeezed out. We know that when competition is weak, prices go up, and families pay the price. That’s exactly why Labour acted, and that is why we created the Grocery Commission—to shine a light on that anti-competitive behaviour, to give suppliers a voice, and to hold those big players to account, and, ultimately, to drive down prices for everyday New Zealanders.

Sunlight matters, accountability matters, and strong regulation matters when markets fail. What does this Government do? They scrap that role, they remove that focus, and they water down enforcement. They expect New Zealanders to believe that, somehow, magically, prices will fall as a result. That’s not credible. In fact, it defies both logic and experience. Weakening oversight in a concentrated market does not lead to better outcomes; it leads to higher prices, less transparency, and more power in the hands of the few.

It’s happening at the worst possible time, because, right now, the global situation is getting harder, not easier. The war in Iran is already driving up oil prices, disrupting supply chains, and pushing inflationary pressures across the world. Energy prices are rising, and we all know what that means here at home. It flows directly into transport costs, the costs of getting goods on to shelves, and, ultimately, into the weekly shop. We’re already seeing fuel prices spike internationally, putting pressure on households and businesses alike, and when prices face high import costs, those costs don’t just disappear; they are passed on to the consumer. It doesn’t stop at the pump. That same conflict, right now, is pushing up the cost of fertiliser, freight, and food production. It is making it more expensive to grow food, to move food, and to sell food. That means higher grocery bills are coming next, whether this Government acknowledges that or not.

Let’s be very clear about this: New Zealanders are being hit hard by global pressures—pressures that they cannot control. They cannot control war overseas. They cannot control global oil prices. They cannot control supply chain disruption. But what they should be able to rely on is a Government that is actually firmly on their side, a Government that strengthens competition and doesn’t weaken it, and a Government that actually cracks down on excessive profits, not turns a blind eye. It’s a pleasure to take my first call on this bill, because it’s absolutely important that Kiwis get a fair go.

Rima Nakhle

National Party · Takanini

As most of us in this House know, one of the main aims of the Commerce Commission is to promote competition and protect consumers. One of the aims of this bill is to make the Commerce Commission more efficient and more effective so that eventually it can reach that role. The other side of the House had six years to do something about competition so that they could bring grocery prices down. It didn’t happen in six years. At least on this side of the House, we’re moving. I commend this bill to the House.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill be now read a first time.

Ayes 82

Noes 39

PartyCount
Ayes82
New Zealand National49
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes39
New Zealand Labour34
Te Pāti Māori4
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Bill read a first time.

Referral to Select Committee

Greg O'Connor

Assistant Speaker

The question is, That the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill be considered by the Finance and Expenditure Committee.

Motion agreed to.

Bill referred to the Finance and Expenditure Committee.

Instruction to Select Committee

Scott Simpson

National Party · Coromandel

Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs

I move, That the Commerce (Commerce Commission Reform) Amendment Bill be reported to the House by 27 July 2026.

Party vote

A party vote was called for on the question, That the motion be agreed to.

Ayes 68

Noes 53

PartyCount
Ayes68
New Zealand National49
ACT New Zealand11
New Zealand First8
Noes53
New Zealand Labour34
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand14
Te Pāti Māori4
Named members
Ferris
1

Motion agreed to.

Public Finance Amendment Bill

Third Reading

Debate resumed from 12 March.

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Speaker. This is a simple bill that treats taxpayers’ money with respect, because for every dollar that Government spends, that’s a dollar that a family doesn’t get to keep. ACT believes this bill is fixing what matters, it’s cutting waste, and respecting the taxpayer.

Right now, too much of public finance just runs on autopilot. There’s not enough accountability for each dollar spent. Kiwis are feeling it in the cost of living, and they expect better discipline and greater transparency from their Government. In line with what this coalition Government was voted in to do, there’s going to be a far sharper focus on value for money and it’s going to be clear who’s responsible for spending that money when this Public Finance Amendment Bill passes. I commend it to the House.

DAVID WILSON

NZ First

I rise to speak on behalf of New Zealand First on the Public Finance Amendment Bill. I noticed through the earlier parts of this reading that some people were saying—or at least one member in particular said—that GDP and GDP per capita were deeply contested measures.

Julie Anne Genter

Green Party · Rongotai

That’s true.

Dr DAVID WILSON

That’s not true. They’re consistent and able to be measured universally across OECD countries, and yet we wanted to have the wellbeing measures there put in place.

The wellbeing measures—can I say?—the only way that they’re vaguely consistent is in New Zealand. The comparators with other countries are missing and they’re using proxies, which makes the whole thing internally inconsistent. I think we need to take that distraction away from Treasury and allow them to do their job, so that we can have a public finance Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Update, Budget Economic and Fiscal Update, and all the rest of them, coming through where they’ve basically focused on what matters to New Zealanders, and that is running the country.

I would remind those people that think that GDP is not consistent that, actually, the public sector has a multiplicity of agencies who are quite adept and will be able to address those wellbeing measures particularly with the Public Service Amendment Bill, which is looking towards outcome performance and will perform this function amicably well.

For too long, the previous Government cluttered our public finance reports with wellbeing measures that often served more as an ideological exercise than a practical, economic tool. This bill fixes that by repealing those requirements and returning our focus to the core fiscal variables. We commend this bill to the House.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Thank you, Mr Speaker. There are some inconsequential bits of this bill that we are more than happy to support, but, on the whole, I think what this Government fails to genuinely do is take into account the genuine and actually quite big risks that exist, for example, to our liability for not taking action on climate change, and the money that we would have to pay offshore in relationship to that.

Simon Court

ACT Party · List MP

No one’s paying the money.

Ricardo Menéndez March

Green Party · List MP

Well, that is a choice that maybe the Government would choose to make, but we would be none the less liable for it. I think this is part of the challenge that we have: that the Government can either choose to be responsible and represent that liability accurately, whether they choose to pay it later down the track or not or, simply, ignore it. We do think that when it comes to the way that we represent risk, we should be accurate in putting forward those risks and having them reflected. Then the Government can choose to be upfront with the public as to whether they intend to pay them or not.

I think one of the challenges that we have, and the previous speaker, Dr David Wilson, talked about it, is the GDP per capita measurements that we have. They are a blunt instrument for measuring the state and the wellbeing of a society and an economy. We can have GDP go up, and sometimes even GDP per capita goes up, at the same time as the country is experiencing growing household debt, increased material hardship for children, and longer delays for people to access things like basic healthcare. I will be the first one to admit that some of these wellbeing objectives could have been implemented and reflected better in Government policies, but I do think, at the end of the day, that there was an attempt in recognising that the state of our economy and our society cannot simply be measured by these blunt instruments that do not reflect, for example, the state of inequality and how our most marginalised and structurally left behind communities may be feeling.

Again, we do think that the inconsequential changes around the rules for departmental and multicategory appropriations for Estimates documents—the requirement for a tax expenditure statement, and clearing up the rules in relationship to multicategory appropriations and strategic intention requirements—are all well and fine. But at the core, this is about returning us to more blunt instruments to measure the state of our economy.

Ultimately, the economy is all of us: it’s the state of our poorest, it’s the state of our rivers, it’s the state of our children growing up, and the state of those children within the first 2,000 days of their lives. These need to be better represented in our Government objectives, the way that we put them in the Budget Policy Statements, and how we guide decisions made by Ministers as a result of this.

For example, I see Budget Policy Statements from this Government that talk about reducing unemployment but then mostly focus on business confidence, for example, and the Finance and Expenditure Committee report, which has, in my view, very little to do with actual job creation. We don’t have a set of measurements that allows us to genuinely reflect how well people in our community, particularly those that have the least, are genuinely doing. Instruments like GDP, including GDP per capita, don’t necessarily tell us a full picture of our country. This is why we’re not voting for the bill.

I think what the Government could have instead done is refined and committed to a broader set of measurement tools, beyond the wellbeing objectives, but, none the less, ones that actually tell us a more fulsome picture that can be accurately represented in the Budget Policy Statement. Again, I do not have faith that even extending the sort of risks that get covered will lead to a Government that takes issues like climate change seriously, that takes issues like poverty seriously. I do not see that reflected, for example, in even the current Budget Policy Statement, and I don’t think this bill will do much to change the direction that we’re seeing from this Government, where more people are being left behind.

The Green Party is not supportive of this bill. We acknowledge the more inconsequential changes that are happening as part of this bill, which we can commend and put aside, but, on the whole, I think this bill, and the principles of this bill, do take us backwards and ignore some of the biggest liabilities we’re facing—that this Government claims they’re refusing to pay anyway.

Cameron Brewer

National Party · Upper Harbour

It’s great to stand up for the third reading of the Public Finance Amendment Bill. We are legislating to make it harder to hide unfunded fiscal cliffs, and we remember them well. The incoming Minister of Finance, the Hon Nicola Willis, had a long list, and we remember having to find money for Pharmac, and we remember having to find money for the school lunch programme. We’re also repealing the wellbeing statements, the necessity for Budget Policy Statements, and the Treasury to deliver on wellbeing reports and wellbeing statements. We remember those Wellbeing Budgets and their huge operating allowances. I commend the bill.

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I am pleased to take a call on this and reiterate that Labour opposes this bill. We oppose this bill for several reasons, which I’ll go through. There were some changes, and we think there could have been more changes, that were made at select committee and at the committee of the whole House.

One of the fundamental things that has come up in this debate is the removal of the wellbeing objectives. This is a Government that came in with the intent to remove them because they were something that Labour had put in place—or so they told us. But what this belied was that, actually, the wellbeing approach to budgeting, for us looking at something broader than just the simple traditional economic measures, was work that had begun when Bill English was the Minister of Finance. This is the work that Treasury had begun as far back as 2011, because around the world, economists understand that if we’re going to understand how Governments need to prioritise spending, then we need to understand it in a broader context. This is the work of the Living Standards Framework that economists at Treasury started under Bill English in 2011.

But this is not the National Party of Bill English. This is not the party that is making considered decisions in the best interests of New Zealanders; this is a National Party that came in and was just intent on rolling back anything because Labour had done it, and that is a big part of what is being done in this bill that we are debating today: to remove that wellbeing framework.

Around the world, the wellbeing framework that New Zealand had put in place—and bear in mind this is work that had been going on for a substantial period of time within Treasury—was not just something that Labour dreamt up and put in place; this was continuing and accelerating work that was going on around the world and held up to be a gold standard.

Budgets are where Governments make decisions about their priorities. It is important that Governments spell out what their priorities are to New Zealanders. Having wellbeing objectives makes it plain and clear, and needing to report against those objectives makes it plain and clear to New Zealanders what a Government prioritises, what it thinks is important, and what it doesn’t think is important. So when I read through Budget Policy Statements and I don’t see the words “climate change” come up once in a Budget Policy Statement from Nicola Willis, I know that’s not a priority. But let’s have a framework we can compare across Governments. Let’s have a way of actually having that transparency and measuring that across Governments.

I think one of the things that we were looking at—if we look at the Labour Government’s last Budget Policy Statement and the things that we were looking to say we were prioritising—was transitioning New Zealand to a low-emissions economy and making sure people’s jobs were protected as we went through that. Physical and mental wellbeing, the future of work, equipping New Zealanders for the future, Māori and Pacific peoples, and child wellbeing—they were a priority. These are the kinds of things that Governments do need to lay bare. Look, voters can make decisions about the kind of Government they want and the kind of wellness objectives they will have. We live in a democracy, but Governments should at least be upfront enough to put those down on paper and say, “These are our priorities for how we are spending our money.”

But it didn’t just scrap the wellbeing objectives and take those out of the way in which we report; it did some other things too, and a couple that we agree with and that we think are useful. One of the things that it does do is it increases the publication window for the Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Update—the PREFU—and increases the time that commentators and the public have with the information that is in the PREFU. Now, the PREFU is an important part of an election campaign; it is an opening of the books, where it is laid bare how much money there is.

It’s incredibly important for Oppositions who don’t have access, under normal circumstances, beyond the half-yearly fiscal update. It’s going into an election saying, “This is how much money there is. Parties need to campaign and make their promises based on this fact.” We think opening up that window and getting that information out there for a longer time is good for our democracy and we can support that.

One of the things that it did that I thought was interesting comes under the banner of “supporting fiscal transparency”. On the face of it, it sounds like a really good measure. I like a bit of transparency—I’d like to see more of it from this Government, in fact. But what these were, essentially, were changes needed to help Nicola Willis read a Budget. Nicola Willis came in and claimed that her Government was set up with all these fiscal cliffs—these fiscal cliffs that had been hidden from them—that they had no way of knowing about. They were so hidden and so covert that the Labour Government had put out press releases about them, saying it was time-limited funding.

When it came to housing, where she claimed that it was unfair that her Government might have to make some commitments about funding social housing in this country and that she didn’t know it had been, she could have picked up a press release and read that was exactly the case. There was time-limited funding, because elections are times for Governments and parties to nail their colours to the mast and say what they are going to do. This Government made a decision not to fund public housing. We haven’t seen serious amounts of new funding going into public housing since they’ve been in power. The houses they claim to have built were all funded in Budgets put under a wellbeing framework from a Labour Government. So let’s actually know what that fiscal transparency is. If it helps people who can’t read a Budget, then fine. It’s not something we’re necessarily opposed to.

One of the other changes that is in here are the changes to the ways in which we can express the surplus. These are the provisions in here and changes to the way we can report on the Government’s books. The changes in the Public Finance Act are what allow the invention of the operating balance before gains and losses, excluding ACC revenue and expenses (OBEGALx), which is a new measure of the health of the Government books, brought in in 2024 by this Government. Operating balance before gains and losses (OBEGAL) is a way in which the state of the New Zealand economy has been measured across Governments for decades. It is a measure where you can look and you can see the OBEGAL figure over a number of years, and you can compare them as apples with apples with apples. It was an accounting standard, if you like, that meant there was consistency.

What happened in these changes and in 2024 is that Nicola Willis invented a new way to express this: Begala. Essentially, it’s a new measure that is creative accounting to make the surplus look closer, because, essentially, what Nicola Willis didn’t do was fix the books; she simply went and crossed out ACC.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

Oh, is that the “x”?

Megan Woods

Labour Party · Wigram

Yep, that’s the “x”. It’s crossing out ACC. So while every other Government for decades before had carried the ACC liability in terms of the way that they calculated the health of the Government books, Nicola Willis decided, “I know. I’ve got a cunning plan. I’ll make surplus look closer. I’ll just put a big ‘x’ through the ACC transactions and discount that from the way that we report on the economy.” That does not do us well as a nation. We need to be able to have those transparent and clear measures to be able to compare the economy over a period of time to look at the health of it.

While she’s saying she needs help reading a Budget by putting fiscal transparency measures into this because she can’t pick up a press release and see what time-limited funding looks like, what she has done is create a new way of expressing the health of the Government books that makes it look like surplus is closer than it would have been for any other Government before this Government. I think that’s something that it’s incredibly important to remember.

Labour cannot support this. This is a bill that takes New Zealand backwards. It doesn’t measure whether or not our economy is working for our people.

TIM COSTLEY

National Party · Ōtaki

Virtue signalling over wellbeing doesn’t help pay the bills. I have visited the schools that were told they were going to get new classrooms, except there was never any money put aside for it. The Freudian slip from Megan Woods, when she said, “Oh, but we put out lots of press releases.”—that’s the problem. Putting out a press release saying something’s happening, but not allocating money, doesn’t deliver anything. It’s all talk, it’s a fiscal cliff, and that’s what we’ve got to fix. I commend it.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

Reuben Davidson—it’s a split call, by the way.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Thank you, Madam Speaker. This is a split call. That, by my calculations, means that I have five minutes to speak on this. Unlike the previous member, who wasn’t able to fill his 10, I’m more than happy to go through and make full use of the five minutes that I have to speak in opposition to the Public Finance Amendment Bill. And not just simple opposition, but strong opposition—

Tim Costley

At least look up once!

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

—because what this could be called, Mr Costley—I’ll look you in the eye and say this. What this could be called is the “We Don’t Care Bill”, because that’s what it is. This is the bill that says, “We simply do not care.”

Now, other members have spoken to this bill and they’ve talked about what this bill does. What this bill does is it makes some of the measures—[Interruption] Madam Speaker, I realise I’m speaking to you.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

I can’t hear a word any of these people are saying, because they’re all talking at once, but I can hear you.

Reuben Davidson

Labour Party · Christchurch East

Well, you are in a far more enviable position than I, Madam Speaker, because whether it’s in barracking or in speeches they deliver in this House, not much of it is worth listening to, I can assure you of that.

What this bill does is it puts in place some greater transparency, so that the current Minister of Finance can read the Budget more easily—something she claims not to have been able to do prior to the election. As other members have pointed out there were a large number of media releases and there was a large number of Budgets available to be read. It’s all in the skill applied to the reading of the Budget that enables the reader to get a good understanding of exactly what that Budget is committing to.

Now, there was a member who shouted out before: “Show us the press release.” He’s still in the House. I’m very happy to, at some stage, show that member exactly how you can access press releases, going back in time, that made very clear what was funded and those funding commitments. The reality is that members on the other side of the House know what was committed to, because they celebrate the cutting of ribbons at the social housing, at the public housing, at the hospital wards, at all of the schools and the classrooms, all of the commitments that were made and funded under the last Labour Government.

But the important thing to focus on here is not what this bill does, but what it removes—that is the five wellbeings. Let’s just go through those. I’m going to read the headings for the wellbeing, and then I’m going to make some comments about them, because this week, of all weeks, the just transition and supporting New Zealanders to transition to a climate resilient, sustainable, and low-emissions economy seems more relevant than ever, in a time where we’re seeing fuel prices really spiral out of control and out of the cost and affordability for a lot of New Zealanders. That is not something that this Government wants to see considered in the Budget.

The physical and mental wellbeing—supporting improved health outcomes for all New Zealanders, with a specific focus on the mental wellbeing of our young people; yet they don’t want to see this factored into Budget decisions any more. You don’t have to go very far to see stories in your own electorates or across Aotearoa of the challenges and difficulties we’re seeing in the mental health space, but you don’t want to factor that into the Budget. At a time when AI is presenting all manner of opportunities, but also disruption to the workforce, there’s no interest in looking at the future of work any more. You only have to go back to question time today to see the staggering statistics around unemployment and how negatively it’s impacting our Māori and Pasifika communities, but let’s not look at that in any of our Budgets going forward.

Perhaps, most staggeringly, child wellbeing: child wellbeing should no longer be considered when you are putting together your Budgets. That’s the message from this bill. That’s the message from those members on the other side of the House. I believe, as it says in our wellbeing Budgets, that New Zealanders want us to measure our success in line with their values: the importance of fairness, the protection of the environment, and the strength of our community. This bill steps us away from being able to do just that.

David MacLeod

National Party · New Plymouth

Thank you, Madam Speaker. I’m pleased to stand in this third reading of the Public Finance Amendment Bill. One of the surprises for this Government when we came into the Treasury benches was opening the books and seeing fiscal cliffs from time-limited funding. We had unfunded promises left, right, and centre, and it’s got to be better than that for any Government that comes into the Treasury benches. These amendments here, there are a lot of technical amendments, but there are a lot of improvements in gaining greater transparency, improving the fiscal responsibility, and improving the practical outcomes of the Act itself.

I see that there have been a couple of amendments made by the Finance and Expenditure Committee. That tells me that the committee has done a great job of returning the bill in a stronger position than it was actually received in. I’m happy to commend this bill to the House.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

The members on the other side who talk about fiscal cliffs, it really just shows their own ignorance, because anyone who reads the actual Budget—not just some press release on it but that Budget—will see that it tells you year by year how much is allocated. If it doesn’t say out-years, then those further years aren’t funded. The fact that Nicola Willis and her peers can’t open a Budget and say, “This funding ends in 2023 or 2024 or 2025.” is a reflection not on the budgeting of the Labour Government but on the innumeracy of the National Party.

What’s really concerning about this bill is the fact that it is throwing out the wellbeing objectives. I can see why they want to get rid of them, because the wellbeing of New Zealand has gone backwards. It’s not just GDP that has gone backwards under this Government, but the wellbeing of New Zealanders has as well.

We know, for example, that this Government should have a greater focus on jobs—and the Labour Party absolutely will—because when people are in jobs, not only is their income better but their mental health is better, their social connectedness is better, their self-esteem is better. But they are not the kind of things that that Government wants to measure. They want to stop measuring how well we are doing. All they want to measure is cold, hard cash, and they can’t even do a good job at running an economy.

If we think about social housing and the fact that that Government defunded—stopped building—3,500 social houses, one of the reasons they can pretend or they can turn a blind eye to the misery they’re causing is that they don’t want to measure the misery, because that’s what a wellbeing approach does. We need to measure—in our wellbeing Budget, in our wellbeing report, Treasury needs to measure how many of our people are living in damp, cold homes; how many of our people are homeless. That Government doesn’t want to measure that because it doesn’t want to face up to the fact that under that Government, the wellbeing of New Zealanders is going backwards.

If we think of where to spend money, if we think of the health system, if we think of how hard it is to go to a GP—and we know that one of the best ways to keep New Zealanders healthy is to go to see a GP, but they don’t care that the cost of going to see a GP is approaching $100 and sometimes exceeding it. That’s why we think three free GP visits is a good idea: because we know how to measure wellbeing.

That Government wants to get rid of wellbeing measures because they know that escalating primary healthcare costs are undermining not just people’s tertiary health needs but people being able to lead a good life. If you need a little bit of medical assistance to get over the flu or to address some pain issues so that you can go for a walk, so that you can interact with your family, that’s actually what wellbeing is about.

Let’s talk about another wellbeing measure: social cohesion—social capital. How are we doing as a nation? Well, under that Government, we are the most polarised we have ever been. I was on the forecourt with 50,000 others when that Government was tearing the country apart over the Treaty principles bill. Now, they don’t want to measure social cohesion. They don’t want to know how you are getting on with each other. They don’t want to know how much racism there is in our community, because under Christopher Luxon it’s got worse.

The fact of the matter is that the Wellbeing Budget was a world-leading idea. It was well established. The OECD absolutely was watching what was going on in New Zealand because they wanted to know: how do you measure things that really count? Let’s not just measure how big the surplus is or how big the GDP is, because one of the questions is where it goes. Is it being spread equitably across the country or is it going to fat cats? Is it going to insurance companies, banks, and grocery stores? Well, under that Government, that’s what’s happening. We want to measure not just GDP; we want to measure how the wealth is distributed in our country and how well everybody is doing.

The OECD was looking with great interest, saying, “How do you measure things like social cohesion?” Let’s be clear: it wasn’t a straightforward process. The Treasury was working very hard on exactly how to look at things like how do you compare how you get on in a community, the welcoming nature of your community, with the health needs of children in Northland or clean water in Geraldine. All of those things are trade-offs. If you don’t measure it, if you don’t try and compare those things, you can’t make good Budget choices, and that’s what the Wellbeing Budget was about.

Now, that Government is left with a cold and brutal measure of how we’re doing. It will look at jobless figures, but it doesn’t ask what the wellbeing effect of joblessness is. It will look at declining house prices, but it won’t ask what the effect of declining house prices is on homeowners. It will look at high GP costs, but it won’t ask the real question: how does that affect the wellbeing of New Zealand?

They just don’t want to report on it. I mean, I’m surprised they didn’t get rid of the Child Poverty Reduction Act as well while they’re at it, because child poverty has got worse under this Government as well. It got worse and is getting worse, because this is not a Government that cares.

We agree that fiscal responsibility is important. We agree that transparency is important, but that’s the fringes of this bill. The centre of this bill is the gutting of the most innovative economic measures that have been seen not only in New Zealand but around the world. We should be hanging our heads in shame as a country that where we were leading the world in a wellbeing approach, with a living standards framework which was measuring what was good about New Zealand and being a New Zealander and what was bad about what was going on in New Zealand—

Ayesha Verrall

Labour Party · List MP

The enshittification.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

I can’t say that, Ayesha Verrall. Absolutely, we have made New Zealand worse. We’ve made the reporting standards worse. Whilst there are some technical amendments, the fact of the matter is that that Government is not interested in measuring what really matters. It’s interested in measuring GDP. We know, as Robert Kennedy said, GDP goes up when there’s a war. GDP goes up when there’s an earthquake. GDP goes up when there’s a car accident and the car has to be repaired. Those are not good outcomes. We should be measuring essentially how healthy, how happy, and how much we get on with each other, and they should be our budgetary objectives, not simply growing fat cats and watching monopoly profits go.

It is with considerable sadness that I look at this bill and I see that the work of Grant Robertson and the many scholars who assisted in Treasury and came to the Finance and Expenditure Committee—as Megan Woods said, the Key-English Government actually started this work. The Key-English Government had some faults, but they were genuinely interested in improving the lives of New Zealanders in their conservative, traditional way. They wanted to measure what could be done and what was good, but this Government wants to see no evil, and it’s certainly evil that it’s doing as it undermines social cohesion, the health of New Zealanders, the equity of New Zealanders, and really what’s going on in New Zealand. They’re turning a blind eye. They don’t want to measure it. They don’t want to report on it. [Interruption] You can sit down—I’ve got a full 12 seconds; I wouldn’t want you to get worn out standing up. Here we are: a sad day for New Zealand as we see this Government trying to force through yet another retrograde step.

Rima Nakhle

National Party · Takanini

Thank you, Madam Speaker. Actions speak louder—

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

Point of order, Madam Speaker. Madam Speaker, it’s 6.01 p.m. and under the Standing Orders, the House rises at 6 p.m. unless it’s necessary to extend it under Standing Order 53 for the purpose of not interrupting a member. Now, you’re not interrupting a member by adjourning the House at this point.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

No, I’m not interrupting a member by adjourning, but also, I have some discretion between five to and five past—

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

No, well, Madam Speaker, Standing Orders say—[Interruption] To speak to the point of order, Standing Order 46 is very clear that the House on a Thursday rises at 6 p.m., except when Standing Order 53 applies when you may interrupt the business up to five minutes before to avoid interrupting a speaker. To allow the speeches to continue now would be to not be consistent with Standing Orders.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

Well, technically Mr Webb, you are correct in that that’s what the Standing Order says. I do have sole discretion, and one of the things that I struggle with is: would we come back and debate, for a very small portion of time, on another given day—the House time—on a very small piece of legislation that’s left? I struggle with that and I’m happy for the member to speak again to that point of order.

Duncan Webb

Labour Party · Christchurch Central

I’m not going to defy the Speaker, obviously. If you think you have that discretion, that’s for you. I note, however, though, that there is not only a National Party call but also an additional call to be had because the Māori Party didn’t take their call, so you’ve now got two additional speakers to be heard.

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

Yeah. On that basis—and given that we’ve just had a point of order, and given that there is another call after the Te Pāti Māori call, I’m going to make the decision to close the House for the weekend.

Tim Costley

That’s terrible!

Barbara Kuriger

Deputy Speaker

No, it’s a relevant point because we have another full call we could have. On that basis, the House stands adjourned until 2 p.m. on Tuesday, 31 March.

Debate interrupted.

The House adjourned at 6.04 p.m.