Parliamentary debates: Thursday, 30 January 2025

Almighty God, we give thanks for the blessings which have been bestowed on us. Laying aside all personal interests, we acknowledge the King and pray for guidance in our deliberations, that we may conduct the affairs of this House with wisdom, justice, mercy, and humility for the welfare and peace of New Zealand. Amen.

I call the Hon Chris Hipkins—sorry, Chris Bishop. That’s the second day in a row. I withdraw and apologise. I must have Hipkins on the brain or something! I call the Hon Chris Bishop.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Welcome back to all members. Today, the House will adjourn until 11 February. In that week, we will complete the debate on the Prime Minister’s statement. We will also have the second readings of the Customer and Product Data Bill and the District Court (District Court Judges) Amendment Bill.

No petitions have been delivered to the Clerk for presentation. A paper has been delivered for presentation.

2023-24 annual report for the Teaching Council of Aotearoa New Zealand.

That paper is published under the authority of the House. No select committee reports have been delivered for presentation. No bills have been introduced.

to the Associate Minister of Health

Does she stand by her statement that “Nicotine is incredibly addictive”; if so, what evidence-based actions, if any, has she taken to support people to quit nicotine?

Nicotine is incredibly addictive; there’s not a single person in this House who would dispute that. Unfortunately, yet again, the members opposite continue to conflate two different issues, so I will try again to clarify. Smoking kills. It harms nearly every organ of the body, causing cancer, heart disease, stroke, lung disease—the list goes on. But let’s be clear. Nicotine is what keeps people smoking; it is not what makes it deadly. That’s why this Government is focused on supporting smokers to manage their addiction to nicotine by accessing lower-harm nicotine products as alternatives to cigarettes. This has been standard practice for a considerable period of time. Once smokers have successfully quit, stop smoking services are able to support individuals to shift their focus to quitting vaping.

Why is her Government funding RELX vapes as smoking cessation devices when unlike all other smoking cessation tools, they have not been approved by Medsafe and have not been through a robust procurement process?

The procurement process has been complied with. The product is completely compliant and safe. It is supplied by a company with no affiliations to the tobacco industry and it is a completely compliant product and is New Zealand - owned. The issue that we are talking about is that this product is being funded by the innovation fund as a tool to apply to alternative products that will help smokers quit smoking. It is only provided through quit smoking services and only to adult smokers and only to those who have committed to a programme of quitting smoking.

Does she acknowledge that RELX determined an unusually high nicotine content for these vapes compared to approved smoking cessation tools, making them more addictive, and therefore maximising RELX’s financial gain?

Yet again we are conflating the issues. We are talking about a product that is less harmful than smoking and therefore will allow long-term addicted smokers to quit smoking.

What is her response to leaked recordings of RELX employees stating, “We’ve made effing bribes in New Zealand and Australia.” and “That’s the thing, right? Especially in difficult markets or markets with heavy strict regulations, all you have to do to circumnavigate them is to go into the grey channels.”?

Mr Speaker, could she repeat the question? I’m not sure what the question was.

What is your response to the quote? [Interruption]

We’ll hear the question again in silence, but I think that some care needs to be taken over the question.

What is her response to the leaked recordings of RELX employees stating, “We’ve made effing bribes in New Zealand and Australia.” and “That’s the thing, right? Especially in difficult markets or markets with heavy strict regulations, all you have to do to circumnavigate them is to go into the grey channels.”?

My response to that summation of quotes is the fact that she’s missed out the section where the people in the recording are saying “No, no, no. That’s not what we do.” and also that this is a 2023 recording in Singapore, which has no connection to New Zealand markets or New Zealanders.

What is her response to leaked recordings of—[Interruption]

Hang on. Wait on.

What is her response to leaked recordings of RELX employees stating, “I’m talking about making, like, Government payments.” and in response, “We don’t do that visibly in Australia and New Zealand, but Government payments are not a problem for us because these are extremely—how do I put it—subtle.”?

The inference that this New Zealand Government has received bribes is abhorrent and I reject the premise of that question.

Will she ensure the procurement process for RELX vapes undergoes independent investigation in light of these comments from RELX employees, and if not, how will she address the concerns from New Zealanders about the procurement of these devices?

I have met with officials today. I’m confident in the procurement processes. We have produced a product that will allow smokers to quit smoking, and we stand by that programme of work.

to the Minister of Customs

What updates can she provide about the New Zealand Customs Service’s efforts to improve services using technology?

I am pleased to announce that the New Zealand Customs Service, who are an exemplary Government department, recently announced that more travellers are now using the digital traveller declaration than the paper version. Everyone entering New Zealand must complete a declaration, and Customs and its border partners have worked tirelessly to encourage Kiwis and overseas visitors to use the declaration, which can be done 24 hours in advance of travel, rather than on board a flight, and makes it easy to fill out multiple declarations before getting off a plane. Downloading the New Zealand Traveller Declaration app has additional benefits for families and frequent travellers. The digital declaration delivers better public services by supporting efficient processing by border agencies, and streamlining passengers’ experience entering New Zealand. I would encourage everyone to give the digital declaration a go the next time they return to New Zealand.

What other technology improvements are delivering better services for passengers arriving to or departing New Zealand?

From September last year, e-passport holders from all 27 EU member States became able to use e-gates on arrival to and departure from New Zealand. This expansion means that travellers from 37 countries have access to automatic border processing in New Zealand. This represents over 85 percent of all arriving and departing travellers. I’m also advised that Customs is finalising plans to progressively open e-gates’ access to remaining visa-waiver countries. Seamless and efficient border processing not only improves traveller experiences, it also frees up front-line customer staff to increase their focus on critical tasks, like assessing high-risk travellers.

Are technology improvements also supporting New Zealand businesses?

In the environment of saying “yes” and committing to economic growth, Customs has made significant progress in making it easier for businesses to spend less time on paperwork, and more time focused on their business. Last year, Customs launched the alcohol Excise Duty Estimator on its website, and updated duty alcohol application forms and permits. Both of these updates aim to support businesses to make excise-related information easier to understand and more readily available. In addition, the launch of the MyCustoms account platform in June last year delivered improved accessibility, with deferred payment account holders given the ability to view their balance and transactions, download statements, and immediately access the information that they need online. Customs’ deferred payments scheme allows importers to defer payments on their Customs’ charges, consolidating them into a monthly invoice. This frees up cash flow, and means low-risk imports can move across the border faster. I’m advised that further options for online services are being developed, with the aim of being rolled out for clients later this year.

That answer was excessively long. So I’m sure the next one will compensate.

What feedback related to technology improvements has been received by Customs that she’s aware of?

I’ve been advised that the digital advances made by Customs are being positively received and providing improved efficiencies for both Customs’ operational needs, as well as the public using their services. Further stakeholders that Customs work with, such as airlines and fast freight and Custom brokers, are all enthusiastic about the agency’s development of digital services.

to the Prime Minister

Does he stand by all his Government’s statements and actions?

on behalf of the Prime Minister: Yes.

Why did the Government approve the purchase of $575,000 worth of vaping products from RELX, a company accused of bribing the New Zealand Government?

As that member was just told, the date of that so-called phone call was to a Government that she was a member of with the help of the Greens in 2023. So any implication of a bribery comes straight back to her own back door. Now, having dismissed that because I don’t believe it did happen in that way—I think it’s a typical Green fiction—the reality is that the product works and all evidence says so. It says so in other countries, and we’re in the first three in the world in reducing cigarette smoking and we should salute that because we’re ahead of our target now.

Point of order, Mr Speaker. Thank you, Mr Speaker. I think it is important, as I’ve raised a number of times, that when the Deputy Prime Minister is answering on behalf of the Prime Minister, he makes that clear. It makes it difficult for the Opposition subsequently to hold the Prime Minister to account on comments that were made on his behalf when it’s so easily dismissed as “I didn’t say that.” There is a requirement in Speakers’ rulings that Ministers answering on behalf of others make that clear before they answer.

Thank you. Another supplementary?

Can he confirm whether any Minister or official was aware of the bribery allegations against RELX before the procurement of these vaping products?

We most definitely cannot confirm that because we weren’t in Government at the time; she was.

Was a formal tender process followed for selecting a vaping supplier at Health New Zealand?

Could you say that again.

Ask the question again.

Was a formal tender process followed for selecting a vaping supplier at Health New Zealand?

The Minister in charge has had a review today and she’s given that answer to a prior question in this House already.

Does he believe it is appropriate for Health New Zealand to use taxpayer money to purchase products from a company with a documented history of regulatory breaches?

Well, again, if that is the case, then that Minister and her colleagues owe us an explanation as to how they began the process in the first place.

Can he confirm whether any Minister, official, or Government agency has had undisclosed meetings, correspondence, or lobbying interactions with RELX or it’s representatives?

I have to tell that member that many of us on this side have never heard of that company before today, and for such an inquiry to be answered we would need to have it on notice so we can go and find out and give you an honest answer in this House. Bear this in mind, though: the survey that began this process was done when she was in Government in 2021, and it said that the evidence says that smoking goes down as the less harmful vaping goes up. She got that information and she was acting on it then. Why the change in policy from the Opposition now?

Can the Prime Minister rule out that any Government officials, Ministers, or parties in this Government received direct or indirect benefits from RELX or its affiliates in relation to that purchase; if not, why not?

I am very grateful, as it turns out, for the Greens’ disclosure today, because the year 2023 says that everything about this question relates to their time in office. So we can’t account just for our side without finding out about her side. So perhaps we can come back next week and answer the question, having made full inquiries of the Labour Party and the Green Party.

Does he have confidence in Associate Minister of Health Casey Costello’s handling of this procurement process, given the lack of transparency and due diligence?

Sometimes, you know, you can give an answer; you take a horse to water, but you can’t make it drink. The answer is profoundly in her own court. This began in 2023 when they were responsible. They started the process and all of a sudden, now, all sorts of allegations are falsely made and probably taken up by a very compliant media as part and parcel of the future history of this matter, but none of it will be true. Yes, I do have confidence in the Minister, total confidence in the Minister, because she’s got an impeccable record on matters like that, as a former policewoman.

Will he commit to an independent public inquiry into the influence of the tobacco and vaping industry on its smoke-free policies; if not, why not?

I’d barely be able to explain why they’re going to have an inquiry when the tobacco companies are screaming blue murder that they’re being treated unfairly. Can’t that member get through her head what’s actually happened here? You’ve got the insinuation, and the facts are a thousand miles away from them.

to the Minister of Transport

What reaction has he seen to the announcement yesterday that the previous Government’s speed limit reductions are being reversed by 1 July 2025?

There’s been a fantastic response due to yesterday’s announcement around the reversal of the untargeted blanket speed limit reductions. For example, Transporting New Zealand saying they are “pleased to see the programme of speed limit reversals getting underway” and “changes will reduce journey times and help avoid dangerous behaviour by frustrated drivers.” It was good to see that Masterton Mayor Gary Caffell, His Worship, told Morning Report “the three-minute saving journey [time] meant a lot for transport firms, ambulances and emergency services like the fire brigade.”

What feedback has he seen regarding the economic growth potential of this announcement?

Well, we are very focused in this Government on speeding up economic growth and these measures will make a difference. Time savings make a difference across the country when it comes to making it easier to get from A to B. Transporting New Zealand said their members have been frustrated by blanket speed restrictions; the impact of increased journey times and increased freight costs were not adequately considered. New Zealand Couriers said that speed limits are an issue for couriers. The answer to unlocking growth in this economy is not one silver bullet policy; it’s hundreds of different actions like this one taken across Government to speed New Zealand’s economy up.

Has he seen any feedback from Wairarapa locals about the speed limit reversal on State Highway 2?

It was interesting on Wednesday, in Featherston. We stopped in for a quick cup of coffee on the way back over the hill, to a claim from locals about the reversal of State Highway 2. I quote Pat Fairhall, who told media he travels in it a lot: “the previous reduction … had made the journey very slow, … with a central barrier in place, it was possible to drive safely at higher speeds.” Angus Stokes, in Wairarapa, said “It was a good change. It’ll help speed things up with traffic and stuff like that.” The Mayor of South Wairarapa: “about time”—very concise and very correct. And I have seen the views of another Wairarapa resident, who told media yesterday he was pleased to see the speed limits go up and had, in fact, tried himself to get the limits changed and he was very annoyed at the New Zealand Transport Agency (NZTA). But a change of Government has put that situation right and I’m pleased to make sure that Kieran McAnulty’s day was made on Wednesday.

Point of order. That was—[Interruption]

Let me just call you, for a start. Point of order, Duncan Webb—to be heard in silence.

I did pause because I was hoping you’d intervene, but that was a wholly gratuitous attack on a member, using a patsy question.

One of the things that’s been very interesting in the last few days is the heightened sensitivity that some people have to various—[Interruption]

That’s right.

—excuse me—comments that have been made in the House. I’ve looked through the Standing Orders, I’ve looked through the Speaker’s rulings, I’ve found 10 that could touch on this, but none of them anticipate the degree of sensitivity that appears to be there at the present time. So I will be inviting the Standing Orders Committee to look at that in due course, but I think it’s very hard to say that if someone stands to congratulate another member on something they’ve said, that somehow that’s having a go at them. The public simply would not understand that. I think it also makes this Parliament less than the place of free speech and expression that it should be. Thank you for your concern, but we’ll move on.

What are the next steps in the reversal of the last Government’s blanket speed limit reductions?

The Land Transport Rule: Setting of Speed Limits 2024 requires NZTA and councils to reverse the speed limits lowered since January 2020 on several categories of road by 1 July 2025. Thirty-eight speed limits on State highways are being reversed to their previous higher speed limit, and there’s further consultation on a further 49. I encourage New Zealanders participate in this consultation.

to the Minister of Internal Affairs

What recent reports has she seen about the processing of citizenship applications?

The Department of Internal Affairs processed 54 percent more citizenship applications in December 2024 than were completed in December the year prior: 5,661 individual citizenship applications were completed last month—more than any other month in 2024. I have asked the department to focus on improving outcomes for new New Zealanders and I’m pleased to see progress being made.

What does this mean for the backlog of citizenship applications?

The number of work-in-progress applications is consistently decreasing, from 28,544 when I took office in November 2023, to 18,749 as of last month—a drop of 34 percent. The oldest applications being picked up for processing are now from late March 2024.

How has this improvement been made?

Increasing the efficiency of the Department of Internal Affairs and improving the delivery of core services is one of my key priorities as Minister. The department has been working to cross-skill their staff across citizenship, passport, and digital identity or RealMe applications to better respond to the fluctuations in demand.

What communication have you had from the public about citizenship wait-times?

I have heard from many people who are applying for citizenship about the impact that long wait times have on them and their families. I know this can be tough on those who have lived and worked in New Zealand for many years and want to take that next step of becoming a New Zealand citizen. I’m pleased to see progress in reducing the backlog of citizenship applications, and I will remain focused on improving outcomes in this area. Congratulations to all new New Zealanders.

to the Minister of Finance

When did she ask for advice on the purpose and performance of State-owned enterprises, and what does she intend to do with any assets she deems to be underperforming?

on behalf of the Minister of Finance: Ministers in this Government regularly seek information on the performance of Government entities. This is so we can drive better performance, meaning better services for New Zealanders and, potentially, higher dividends. When the Government took office in November 2023, Treasury proactively advised in its briefing to incoming shareholding and responsible Ministers (BIM) that Ministers should consider being clearer about the purpose of the Crown’s ownership of several Government-owned companies. Treasury noted that “OECD guidelines recommend that countries also set out an ‘ownership policy statement’, and many OECD countries do so,”. That BIM has been released publicly. Shareholding Ministers accepted Treasury’s suggestion and agreed to receive advice on the issue. In answer to the second part of the question, if an entity is underperforming, then Ministers would look to improve its performance.

Did she inform the wider Cabinet that she had initiated this work?

We don’t talk about what happens in Cabinet, but it is certainly true that other Ministers in addition to the Minister of Finance, such as the Minister for State Owned Enterprises (Minister for SOEs) and other Associate Ministers of Finance, have been, in some cases, receiving advice on that.

Were all her Associate Ministers of Finance receiving this advice?

On behalf of the Minister of Finance, I couldn’t honestly give the member an answer that I was sure was accurate, because I’m not the Minister of Finance. But on behalf of the Minister, what I can say is that the Minister for SOEs has received advice, alongside the Minister of Finance, because in most cases the Minister for SOEs is a shareholding Minister in some Government companies—as the member will know from her own time—and Associate Ministers of Finance have received papers.

Does she agree with Treasury, which said yesterday that Crown entities account for half the Government’s deficit, and does she consider the sale of those entities could improve the deficit?

Well, it is definitely true to say that improving the performance of Crown entities would make a material difference to the Government books, and that is one of the reasons why Ministers have agreed to receive advice, as advised by the Treasury, on ownership policy statements. In relation to Crown entities and the Crown books, ACC, for example, is a large driver. However, it is not Government policy to sell ACC. It is Government policy to improve its performance.

Does the contribution to the deficit play a role in her consideration of whether the Government is doing a good job in managing them?

No. What drives the Government’s interest is improving the financial situation of the country and improving the living standards for all New Zealanders. The Crown owns a significant number of assets and companies. Ministers are keen to drive improved financial performance of those companies and those assets. That is one of the reasons why Ministers have received advice on ownership policy statements, and I note that those countries well-known as Friedmanite, monetarist bastions like France, Germany, Korea, Norway, and Sweden have ownership policy statements for their Government assets.

Does she consider it is good value for money to run down State assets, sell them to the private sector, and then repurchase them at a later date at an inflated price?

Well, there are about three or four hypothetical statements within that, and none of those things are Government policy.

to the Minister for Māori Crown Relations

Te Arawhiti: Does he agree with the Prime Minister that Crown-Māori relations are “probably worse” under the coalition Government?

I te ao, i te pō, e tika ana te kōrero a te Pirīmia. Tēnei āhuatanga, te Kāwanatanga, pērā i ngā pāti o tēnei Whare me ngā mema Pāremata: he wā ka tae mai, he wā ka hoki ki te kāinga. Engari me toitū te Tiriti ki te āke āke.

Tēnei āhuatanga, te hononga i waenganui i te Karauna me ngā iwi Māori, ngā hapū Māori, he wā ka piki, he wā ka heke. I ēnei rā tata nei, kua kite hoki i te pāheketanga e pā ana ki te pire mātāpono Tiriti, engari ā te rā nei ka kitea hoki tōna whakarewanga i ngā mahi e pā ana ki Te Pire Whakatupua, arā tae atu ki te whakahoutanga o te Māori Purposes Bill.

[At all times, the Prime Minister’s statements are true. This characteristic of the Government, similar to the parties of this House and the members of Parliament: there is a time to come here, and a time to go home. But the Treaty must remain for ever and ever.

This characteristic, the relationship between the Crown and the Māori peoples, the hapū of the Māori, there are times when it rises and times that it falls. In recent days, a slide has been observed related to the Treaty principles bill, but today its rise will be seen with the actions related to the Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill—i.e., including the amendment of the Māori Purposes Bill.]

Does he agree with his statement that “te iwi Māori and Te Tiriti are fundamental to the country’s past, present, and future”; if so, why is he supporting the Regulatory Standards Bill, which would limit the role of Te Tiriti o Waitangi in future legislation?

Ae, e tino tautoko ana au i tāku kōrero ai, me te mea nei, tāria te wā ka rongo hoki ki ngā kōrero a te Pirīmia; tāria te wā, mō tērā pire, ka kitea hoki tōna whakatinanatanga.

[Yes, I absolutely support what I said, and, similarly, in time we will hear the statements of the Prime Minister; in time, with respect to that bill, we will see its enactment.]

Did he advocate for the inclusion of Māori issues in the Prime Minister’s statement, considering that the Prime Minister has admitted what the Māori-Crown relationship is worth under his Government?

The content of the Prime Minister’s speeches is for the Prime Minister, not for Tama Potaka.

to the Associate Minister of Housing

Does he stand by his answer to oral question No. 9 yesterday that “those people who have a genuine need for a short-term stay in temporary accommodation known as emergency housing have a pathway to do that”; if not, why not?

Ki te arero o ōku tūpuna, āna, i te nuinga o ngā tāone o Aotearoa.

[In the language of my ancestors, yes, in the majority of the towns and cities of Aotearoa.]

How does he reconcile that with numerous front-line providers telling him at the Community Housing Aotearoa Conference 2024 that the policy changes he brought in are stopping those with genuine need getting into emergency housing?

We have been very clear about the process through which the assessment of genuine need is undertaken, and we’re very confident that the officials are undertaking that process in a pono and tika manner.

How does the young mother and her four-month-old in Tauranga, who was told she can’t apply for emergency housing and is now living in a tent, not have genuine need?

In relation to that particular example, without further information, it’s very hard to respond fully, and I’m sure that is a matter that should be dealt with at an operational end, and I encourage that to be followed up.

How does the man in Christchurch who was discharged from hospital, denied emergency housing, and readmitted to hospital after complications from sleeping in his car not have genuine need?

Again, that’s a very specific example, and without further context, it’s very difficult to respond to that. But those with genuine need for short-term stay in temporary accommodation in most cities and towns have a pathway to do that. And with that, as this House knows, as this House understands, there is a responsibilities framework in place. [Interruption]

Sorry—stop, Minister. Let me make it very clear that the complaints that have been around about various comments made in the House have all come from interjections across the House and then responses to them. Interjections should be rare and reasonable. It’s the one thing Standing Orders and Speakers’ rulings are quite firm on, and so I’m reaffirming that. Please refrain from the sort of barrage that was coming from one sector of the Opposition during that last question.

How do the mother and her children in the Wellington region, who, despite having fled domestic violence, are now sleeping rough and were still prevented from applying for emergency housing, not have genuine need?

Again, what I want to reiterate is that there are a lot of New Zealanders doing it really tough, particularly with the cost of living and the economic recession that we’ve inherited. But our teams and our officials will continue to work very hard and closely with people in difficult situations to ensure that they have the appropriate support, whether or not that’s in emergency housing or transitional housing or elsewhere. [Interruption]

Supplementary?

Yep, but I just want to state again that I’m not going to listen to that sort of general attempt to drown out anybody answering a question. Questions are asked in silence. They should be listened to respectfully.

Thank you, sir. How many examples will it take for the Minister to admit that there are fewer people in emergency housing, not because the need has reduced but because he has stopped those in genuine need accessing emergency housing?

As we are all aware, we are very proud of the steps that we’ve taken to ensure that there’s a reduction in the numbers of people living in emergency housing from over 7,000—7,000—people in December 2023 to 1,131 at the end of December 2024. Now, we understand that there are some people doing it very tough, and we have ensured that there is a reset to deliver better public services and emergency housing. Those examples that the member has given—we encourage him to work with those people to encourage them to work with our officials to ensure the appropriate support.

They tried. You shut them out. What a disgrace. You should be ashamed, Tama—absolutely ashamed. They’re on the street, man.

Excuse me. You might be wanting to say those things, and you’re entitled to say them, but at the right time and in the right context. I would ask, once again, that people refrain from what, effectively, is a form of heckling. I’ve been very liberal on it. But quite clearly, the reaction to the last two days means that can no longer continue. So I’m just giving fair warning that that sort of response is not going to be permitted moving forward.

to the Minister for Social Development and Employment

What reports has she seen on employment in New Zealand?

Stats NZ’s monthly employment indicator released this week showed the number of filled jobs increased on a seasonally adjusted basis in December. This was the second month in a row of job growth, with more than 7,000 jobs added to the New Zealand economy during November and December. And it was encouraging to see the jobs picking up again were in areas linked to international tourism, such as transport, hospitality, and recreational services. This followed the Ministry of Social Development’s (MSD) latest quarterly benefit stats, which shows more than 33,000 people cancelled their jobseeker benefit because they found work in the second half of 2024, which is a 22 percent increase on the same six months in 2023.

How many more people on benefit is the question.

When the House is quiet, the question can be asked.

What does the Government take from these numbers?

While it’s a difficult time for those who are looking for work, we are cautiously optimistic that the labour market is on the verge of a revival, following years of low growth and rising unemployment that began in 2022. It is encouraging that our unemployment rate is sitting around the OECD average, at about 5 percent. It is clear that New Zealanders are still feeling the effects of years of wasteful Government spending that fuelled high interest rates, but they can take comfort that our Government’s efforts to grow the economy, create more jobs, and reduce the number of people relying on jobseeker benefits is having a positive impact.

More people on benefit; more people leaving the country.

We’re waiting for the member to be quiet.

Why is reducing the number of people on jobseeker benefits important?

Because our Government understands that we cannot afford to have 12 percent of our working-age population relying on welfare. If we want to live in a country with rising incomes and more job opportunities, we need to get back to valuing work and self-responsibility. Under the last Government, the forecast for how long someone under the age of 25 would be on a benefit over their lifetime blew out to more than 20 years. If we don’t act now, too many of our children will spend the bulk of their working lives on welfare, while the rest grow up contributing more and more of their earnings to support them.

Question No. 10—Kahurangi Carter

Supplementary?

Well, you’ve got to be fast out of the blocks, but OK, I’ll allow it, but we’ll get a short answer, I hope, because the last one was quite long.

What are the Government’s plans to support more people on welfare into work?

Our Welfare that Works reforms have already reset the benefit system, putting a greater focus on accountability and supporting people with the steps they need. This year, we will introduce even more changes designed to keep beneficiaries seeking employment, including new non-financial sanctions to keep beneficiaries taking reasonable steps to enter the workforce, and granting jobseeker support for six months at a time. We’re gearing up the welfare system to make the most of the forecast improvement in economic growth by providing MSD with the tools and focus to reduce benefit dependency and support more people into work.

to the Minister for Disability Issues

Does she accept that she has ministerial responsibility for advocating on disability issues?

Yes. That is why we’ve provided a record $1.1 billion funding boost to Disability Support Services in Budget 2024. It’s also why we took immediate action to stabilise the disability support system. Our Government is determined to build a fair, sustainable, high-quality disability support system that delivers better outcomes for disabled people and their families.

Has she advocated for disability issues to ensure that our core democratic processes, such as select committees, are accessible to all New Zealanders; if not, why not?

I recognise that for disabled New Zealanders there are significant challenges across accessing places of work or visits, including our Parliament, and I know that Speakers in previous years have provided greater access for New Zealanders with disabilities to participate in our democratic process.

Has she advocated for disability issues to ensure that the Government’s no-cause eviction policy coming into effect today does not harm disabled people; if not, why not?

There are a number of issues that are brought to the attention of Whaikaha, and we are building a work programme at the moment to ensure that disabled New Zealanders have greater access to employment, transport, housing, and a wide range of other areas.

Did she advocate for disability issues when she brought in new benefit sanctions that will push more disabled people into unsuitable work and require disabled people on job seeker to reapply for their benefit twice as often; if not, why not?

I can absolutely say that the Minister for Disability Issues proudly advocates with the Minister for Social Development and Employment advocates, and they very much share the overwhelming desire to see more New Zealanders in employment, including disabled New Zealanders. I don’t have any lower expectation that disabled people shouldn’t be in work.

Did she advocate for the 80 percent of young people who will be eligible for being sent to a boot camp who have a mental illness or disability; if not, why not?

As I said, our Government is really proud about the fact that we want to see disabled New Zealanders participate and live fulfilling lives in employment, in education, in housing, and in moving about New Zealand in the way they should. Where there are challenges, we see that we will provide equal opportunities for them to get ahead and overcome the challenges they face.

Can she tell the House what she has done to meaningfully engage with the disabled communities, such as responding to correspondence and attending events in her ministerial capacity?

Absolutely. I have met with so many disabled people, families, and carers over the period of time I’ve been the Minister, as well as with their organisations, the Disabled People’s Organisations Coalition, and right now, just on Monday this week, new consultation has opened on the next recommendations of the review into Disability Support Services, so that we can improve access for disabled people. It opened on Monday. A consultation document is available. I’d encourage that member, through her networks, to ensure that people who are accessing Disability Support Services participate in that consultation process.

to the Associate Minister of Housing

What recent announcements has he made about emergency housing?

Large-scale, long-term use of emergency housing was a social, moral, and fiscal catastrophe. We campaigned on ending this cataclysmic situation. When we came into office, we set Target 8 to reduce the number of households in emergency housing motels by 75 percent by 2030; blue shoots, but this was achieved in 12 months. Furthermore, what this meant in reality is a reduction in people living in emergency housing from over 7,000 under the previous Government, to 1,130 today.

How have you achieved this target?

It’s amazing what can be achieved by doing the basics well: first, identify a target, Target 8; second, focus on policy primarily ensuring that children aren’t growing up in emergency housing, Priority One; third, invest funding in Budget 2024 to support the target being delivered and to keep households out of emergency housing and support those in emergency housing to get out into more secure housing.

To save money—that’s all this is about: saving money.

Just a moment. For the balance of this question, the answers will be heard in silence.

Where are the people who have left emergency housing going?

When we came into Government, we knew where there were around five out of 10 households—where they were going; we now know where over eight out of 10 households are going once they exit emergency housing. We also know that over 900 households, with nearly 2,000 tamariki, have gone into social housing as a result of Priority One. They are no longer contained in dark, dank emergency housing on places like Ulster Street in Hamilton and Fenton Street in Rotorua.

Now they’re in cars.

Officials are continuing to improve their insights on this matter.

Was there some aspect of what I had previously said that the member on the end of the front row did not understand?

What are your plans now that you’ve achieved this target?

Blue shoots—this mahi’s just started, and there’s a lot more to do. We will continue to focus on maintaining performance against the target, keep actively monitoring and reporting on the target to ensure that these gains are sustainable. I’m proud of the start that we’ve made to get people out of emergency housing, but there’s a lot more mahi to do, particularly with those who are continuing to live in very difficult situations. Kia ora.

to the Minister of Immigration

Did she direct her officials to ensure Pacific labour-sending countries were consulted before the changes to the Recognised Seasonal Employer scheme were announced in August last year?

on behalf of the Minister of Immigration: From my recollection of conversations at the time, I directed my officials to ensure that the Pacific Recognised Seasonal Employer (RSE) countries were advised of the changes before they were publicly announced. Due to a miscommunication between officials, this did not happen. An apology for this was communicated to representatives of the relevant countries. Our relationship with our Pacific partners is a significant and important one and it was not acceptable that they found out about the changes through the media. I have been clear with my immigration officials that we need to ensure this does not occur with regard to any future changes to the scheme.

How is informing Pacific Governments of a decision that is already made consultation and not just a heads-up?

It’s a good question.

Well, it is a good question, but here’s a good answer.

Is this on behalf of the Minister?

On behalf of the Minister, I am advised that in 2023 the previous Government advised Pacific RSE countries one hour before the announcement was made. I am further advised that in 2021 the previous Government did not consult Pacific countries at all before the announcements were made.

Point of order, Mr Speaker. Taking into account your guidance to the House previously, that was a straight question, and the answer had nothing to do with what this Government has done—not mentioned once. The answer was simply about what that Minister viewed the previous Government do to. Now, I’m not coming at this, as you may see, as a sensitive position. This isn’t compliant with what’s required. [Interruption]

Excuse me. Someone will leave the House if there’s an outburst during a point of order.

My point in its most basic form is that question was not addressed.

Well, I think if you were to have a look at Speakers’ ruling 180/4, you might find that it is not unreasonable for someone to answer a question in relation to previous Government actions, particularly if it’s relating to a question about their action in the same area. Is there another supplementary?

There is. Does she accept that the failure to consult on policies that reduce the benefits Pacific countries get from the Recognised Seasonal Employer scheme risks damaging our relationship with our Pacific partners?

I don’t think it risks damaging the relationship, but, on behalf of the Minister, it is definitely true that Pacific RSE countries should have been informed of Cabinet’s decision. That did not take place and apology for this has been communicated to representatives of the relevant countries. As I said in my primary answer, our relationship with the Pacific is very important.

In terms of consultation, can the Minister confirm that despite that, foreign affairs was in constant contact with the relevant Pacific Island countries in 2024, and on the issue of the Recognised Seasonal Employment scheme—something started by you know who in 2007—and so in that context they were being brought up to date all the time—oh, and one thing: having never heard from anybody from foreign affairs in the three years before that?

On behalf of the Minister, I think the member asking the question knows more about foreign affairs than I do, so I will take his word for it. But it is definitely true to say that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has been an extremely active foreign Minister in the Pacific, rebuilding those very important international relationships.

Was the failure to consult Pacific Governments before the announcement the fault of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, as she told the select committee yesterday?

On behalf of the Minister, collectively, ministry officials across Government did not do as the Minister made clear. However, I would contrast the regrettable situation that happened in relation to 2024 with the actions of the previous Government on two occasions when once they were never told at all and the other time they found out an hour before.

On what date did she direct her officials to ensure that there was consultation with Pacific Governments on cutting the pay of RSE workers?

On behalf of the Minister, I don’t have the specific day and time. If the member wants to know that, he can put it down in a written question. The decision was announced in August last year. So interpolating from the facts as I understand it, it would have been around that time.

Point of order, Mr Speaker. Thank you, Mr Speaker. I took your advice and looked up the Speaker’s ruling that you mentioned. I think there might be a misunderstanding. That’s about questions to chairpersons of select committee. Could you clarify which one you’d like me to look at, please?

No, that is the one. The distinction between chairperson of a select committee and—well, the actual point is there are Speakers’ rulings from both Speaker Smith and Speaker Mallard and they are the rulings. A Government cannot be constrained from mentioning matters to do with a previous Government if it relates to questioning that they are currently undertaking. And if that’s a new ruling, it’s a new ruling, but that’s the way I see it.

I just wanted to know which one you were referring to—that’s all.

That brings to an end oral questions, and we move now to Government orders of the day. I might just take a short pause while those who have to leave the House are able to do so rapidly, quietly, and without discussion.

Tēnā tātau e hui nei me ngā tātarakihi o tō tātau atanga kōhatu. Maunga Taranaki, Taranaki Maunga, tēnā koutou te kake mai mō tēnei rā whakahirahira. Te hunga ngaro, haere atu rā, kāpiti ki a tātou e hui tahi nei.

[Greetings to us gathered here with the offspring of the glorious rock, Mount Taranaki, Taranaki Maunga, greetings to you who have come here on this great day. To the departed, farewell, together with those of us who are assembled here.]

Twelve months ago, the Prime Minister delivered his first state of the nation speech and asserted Aotearoa New Zealand as the best country on this side of Papatūānuku—planet Earth—and any other planet, for that matter. When he wakes in the morning, he’s thinking about the country we are going to create for our own tamariki and mokomoko to live in. We won’t shy away from the challenges that have arisen like rain clouds hung over a storm that hung over our incoming Government: rampant inflation; out-of-control interest rates, with the highest level in more than a decade putting more pressure on whānau throughout the country.

The Prime Minister made it clear that we will be making tough choices. Tough choices would be made to set us on a path of economic growth to improve the lives of Māori and, indeed, all New Zealanders. We won’t wait 16 years and we’ve started to deliver some progress well within 16 months: growth, forecast to reach over 2 percent in 2025; business and consumer confidence rising, with average mortgage interest rates falling for the first time in over three years; and whānau seeing key reforms in housing, infrastructure, health and safety laws, and planning rules that will drive productivity and empower local businesses.

It’s primarily through strong economic growth that we will need to lift incomes, deliver quality public services, and improve equality of opportunity and equal citizenship for Māori. Many cohorts of Māori have disproportionate challenges with health, housing, and education.

National-led Governments in the past have worked very hard to deliver better outcomes for Māori and all New Zealanders. And on Treaty issues, we started the process 30 years ago with the historic Tainui settlement in Waikato and have negotiated many, many settlements since then. We need to crack on and deliver more of those. In the last year, we have advanced eight Treaty settlements with the stewardship of Minister Metekōura Goldsmith and I look forward soon to delivering the Ō-Rākau bill, which will return the land to the tīpuna and iwi at Ō-Rākau and those that fought there.

Completing Treaty settlements is a priority for this Kāwanatanga. They’re critical to help facilitate the future prosperity of iwi, hapū, and all New Zealanders. You can see, in Waikato, in particular, Kirikiriroa, the amazing work that Waikato-Tainui have been doing not only to support the growth, health, wealth, and wellbeing of their own people but also of the entire region and the entire country—amazing potential.

Think about this: it is reported that the economic delta, the difference of the Māori dimensions of the New Zealand economy compared to the rest of the New Zealand economy is around 60 percent on both a revenue per capita indicator and an asset per capita indicator. If we get to equality of opportunity, that amounts to a nearly $40 billion gap in revenue and a nearly $140 billion asset gap. Narrowing this delta, this economic delta, in our view will contribute significantly to Māori household incomes and the productivity of iwi and Māori assets and to tax revenue, and reduce spending on welfare and social services.

We aim to facilitate better conditions for Māori economic growth using levers that align with improving GDP per capita and reducing legislative and regulatory burdens; in places like Māori land, improving the legislation, facilitating change there and helping with better productivity; effectively engaging with more iwi and Māori organisations and businesses who seek to make a massive contribution to the infrastructure re-imagination in New Zealand; and, of course, the productivity of iwi- and Māori-owned businesses, particularly in high-export markets.

We are on the right path to supporting growth. As we know, over 20 significant iwi- or Māori-led partner projects are in the fast-track process, spanning a variety of industries that will help rebuild the economy, boost renewable energy, grow infrastructure, develop aquaculture and mining, and build homes to fix the housing crisis—like the Beachlands South development, which many of our whanaunga iwi who are here today are invested in out on the coast from Clevedon; the Muriwhenua aquaculture project up in Te Tai Tokerau, involving many of the Te Hiku area iwi; the Ngāti Waewae housing project in Arahura; and the Ngāi Tahu industrial land development in Christchurch—all part of the fast-track process.

We seek to facilitate better conditions for boosting that economic growth and will fire up Aotearoa New Zealand to be a small leading advanced nation with greater equality of opportunity. We will not achieve that if we don’t support Māori economic growth in a prudent, reasonable, and absolutely passionate manner.

We’re going to cut through red tape, make it easier to hire, expand, or launch new ventures, and I’ve got Minister Bayly who’s really focused on doing that in the Companies Act. We’re also seeking to grow partnerships in the housing space and recently announced $82 million in addition for housing projects across the motu, some of which are led by very close whanaunga of ours—for example, the whanaunga brother of the member for Te Tairāwhiti, Patrick Tangaere, and George Reedy on the East Coast doing some housing down at Kaiti. Kia ora. Thank you. Our Going for Housing Growth plan will see affordable homes to be built, planning rules simplified, and major projects fast-tracked.

We also know that a lot of whānau continue to do it very tough under the cost of living crisis we’ve inherited, and Māori are disproportionately affected by that. It’s our responsibility as the Government, as representatives of regions and people throughout this country to grow equality of opportunity and equal citizenship for whānau and for Māori. This year, we’ll continue to implement the social investment approach under the wise guidance of Minita Willis, Manu Pūtea, to drive better results for Government’s investment in social services and improving outcomes for whānau.

Growing equality of opportunity means working harder to break cycles of disadvantage, more hard evidence, more power in the hands of communities, and a much clearer focus on outcomes for money spent. It means taking a harder look at education and employment and committing ourselves to ambitious targets to do better. For example, we know that many, many of our young people, our tamariki, find it hard to go to school. The attendance rate—40 percent of tamariki Māori didn’t make it to school regularly last year. But we do know that in some instances and some examples, like Te Wharekura o Kirikiriroa in Hamilton, they have an amazing attendance rate—over 80 percent regular. This is in a decile 1 school over on Enderley near Five Cross Roads. Phenomenal.

We also know when we came to office, thousands of whānau members were living in dank, dark emergency housing, and we’ve worked very hard to ensure that tamariki and mokopuna come out of that housing, particularly those that have been there for 12 weeks or more. We’ve seen, after making decisions and really focusing ourselves on action, that nearly 3,000 tamariki have come out of emergency housing in the last 12 months. I think that’s progress. That’s what I think. Others, they just like to make catcalls and criticisms, but I think that’s progress.

Growing equality of opportunity—we need to support our māhita, our kaiako, and kura, and we’ve done that by helping with introducing a clearer curriculum, a better approach to structured literacy and numeracy under the Manu Mātauranga Erica Stanford, a smarter assessment in reporting, and improved teacher training. This has been rolled out in phases, of course. Starting in term 1 this year, schools and kura will teach the updated English and te reo rangatira curriculum grounded in evidence-based structured literacy. These are our future rangatira and we are here to tautoko them.

I look forward to the reopening, reimagination, and restart of Tipene, St Stephen’s, in Bombay on 6 February next week, and the mahi that Nathan Durie and Yvette McCausland-Durie have been undertaking over many years with the stewardship of Joe Harawira and others—Awi Riddell; haere atu rā—to ensure that that kura comes back into action.

Growing equality of opportunity means that when our tamariki and mokopuna graduate, we’ve created the right economic conditions for them to gain employment, own a business, earn a decent income, and set the course for their lives.

The challenge, or one of the challenges, we face when we talk about the equality of opportunities to equal citizenship is the social delta that exists between—

What does that mean?

—our communities and the rest of New Zealand. What that means, for the member from—oh, no; I don’t think he actually represents the region, but what that means is that there is a difference of around $2.5 million to $5 million per annum if we move the income of Māori from here to the average income of the rest of New Zealand.

Now, that is worth fighting for, because that enables our whānau to make careful choices about their health and wellbeing, their enterprise, their education, and a whole range of other matters. But ensuring that our whānau, our tamariki, our mokopuna are engaged in education, whether it be mātauranga Māori or some other mātauranga, is very important to narrow that delta.

We have potential. Actually, we’ve delivered on potential. We only have to go to places like Hamilton—Willie, you’re allowed to come here sometimes. We’re right in the middle of the Asia-Pacific, a liberal democracy with well-established institutions. We’re a vibrant, multicultural, multi-iwi nation, actually, and we will build strong on our bicultural foundations.

As I said earlier on, toitū Te Tiriti, ehara i te mea toitū te reo o tō tātau hoa a Willie. [maintain Te Tiriti, but I do not mean to say maintain the language of our mate, Willie.]

The Government can’t do this alone, and it’s actually not just for us. It’s actually for everyone to work together in that kotahitanga moment to bring the success of our mahi tahi and our kotahitanga under the Treaty together. Ngā mihi ki a tātou katoa. Kia ora.

Oh, he got a clap—he got a clap. Mihi ana ki ngā whanaunga kua tae mai nei i tēnei wā, tēnā anō tātau katoa. [I acknowledge the many kinspeople who have arrived here today, greetings to us all.]

I suppose a lot of people will be wondering what we’re talking about here. We’re talking about a response to the Prime Minister’s speech, and that was all lovely stuff from the Minister for Māori Development. The question I’ve got from us is: why didn’t the Prime Minister say one thing about Māori? Like, just one thing—one thing! He didn’t even mention the word “Māori”.

Here we had this charismatic, exciting Minister for Māori Development trotting out his boring speech that has been written by his researchers. Couldn’t get off his notes. I was thinking about it, and I thought I’m not going to read my speech today—I’m not going to read my speech today—because after hearing that boring speech, I was thinking “Why didn’t the Prime Minister mention Māori?” Well, there you go, his Māori MPs. I mean, as everyone knows, I’m not a person to get too personal in the House here! But I need to take a little bit of time here, because a lot of our people are here and they want to know who’s representing them, who their representatives in Government are, so I thought I might just introduce them, Mr Speaker.

We have MacLeod over there—and I’ve got to take it easy. I know he’s got a few aunties up in the audience there. I want to congratulate him because he’s just been promoted to the chair of the Māori Affairs Committee. Well done, and if you can remember to clear your campaign expenses at the next election, you might actually become a Minister. He’s a promising individual—$186,000 in debt, but never mind. He replaced my friend—

No, I’m going to stop the member there and remind him of the comment he made earlier in his speech that he doesn’t get involved in this sort of personal politics that so many others do—so I’ll hold him to that. We are debating, as he said, for this House to understand the Prime Minister’s statement and I want to hear his response to that.

Well, my response to the statement is this. Why didn’t the Prime Minister talk about Māori things?

What I’m saying today is: look at who his Māori MPs are. Now, we’re looking over there at Mr MacLeod, and he replaced my good friend Dan Bidois. I mean, he’s so promising and I think he’s one of the best young Māori MPs around. I want to apologise to Mr Bidois today, because I think I called him an Italian once and he was a Frenchman. But I know he’s got a big future—I know he’s got a big future.

Shane Reti is not here, though. He is the most principled of the Māori MPs—of that there is no doubt—because he didn’t want to deliver this Government’s terrible Health budget: underfunding, under-resourcing this country. Shane Reti is one of the best—one of the best—and I want to mihi to him today. I haven’t had a chance to wish him all the very best.

But hey, there’s help on the way, because we have a young brown hope and he’s the new Minister for the South Island. He might be able to help you out, Mr Speaker. His name is—what is his name? James Meager. He’s a good man, James. I congratulated him. I was really proud of James, you know.

Hēmi—James.

Eh? No, I interviewed him and I think there’s a lot of hope for Māori. I think there’s a lot of hope for Māori in the National Party, because when he was interviewed, James was interviewed by a real young, brilliant interviewer. I think his name was Hikurangi Jackson or something! Anyway, he was interviewed by this brilliant young interviewer. And when James was asked what—

Matt Doocey’s the best Māori over there!

No, Rawiri, listen. When James was asked, “What’s it like to be Māori?”—you know, what’s being Māori to you, what does that mean—James’ response was, “Well, I don’t know but I’ll check in my diary later on and, and I’ll work that into my schedule.” He’s going to go right to the top. That boy could be the Prime Minister of the National Party. With that sort of response, there’s no doubt he’s got a big future in the National Party! I do wish James Meager—I’m serious. I told him to have a listen in today. He’s a good young man. All the best to him.

Without doubt the shining star of this National Party is the one and only Tama Potaka; there’s no doubt about it. Minister Potaka—you know, he’s trying his best, but, as you heard today, he’s about as exciting as a rock, and one day he’s going to have to learn to come off those notes. I see my old friend Mahara Okeroa here; he knows about this sort of stuff. He needs to talk to Mahara. He’s got a bit of charisma, a bit of excitement. I think the Minister’s problem is some of his mates—I was thinking Jamie Tuuta, Julian Wilcox, Che Wilson—maybe that’s the problem, Minister, in terms of what you’re doing at the moment. But I just want to wish all these people, all these Māori, all the best. That’s what our people are looking at today. No wonder the Prime Minister didn’t mention Māori in his speech.

From a serious perspective, there’s one Māori who deserves a mention today, and that is, of course, Mr Potaka’s very good friend David Seymour. It is a shame on this Prime Minister and a disgrace in terms of this Government that they haven’t put him in line. He deserves to be straightened out. I am so proud of our people and all New Zealanders who are coming forward in terms of these Treaty submissions. And we have a Prime Minister who doesn’t mention the Treaty principles in his speech; all he can say is, “We’re the ‘yes’ Government—we’re the ‘yes’ Government.” Why doesn’t he just put David Seymour in line? We think that Seymour’s either wilfully blind or wilfully deaf because he consistently says “I don’t know what they’re talking about. Can someone explain it to me?” Hundreds, thousands of people are explaining it to him. They are saying very clearly “You are trying to break the special relationship that Māori had with the Crown. You are trying to break article 2 rights.” It’s as simple as that.

Those are not special rights. Those are not privileged rights—our people are not privileged. If we were privileged, we wouldn’t die seven years earlier than everyone else. If we were privileged, we wouldn’t be 50 percent of the prison population. If we were privileged, we wouldn’t be three times more unemployed than Pākehā people. This rubbish—this lie—about us being a special privileged people must stop, and it’s the Prime Minister’s job to get this ACT Party in line.

It’s the Prime Minister’s job to support our people. When 60,000-plus people—it might be 80,000—turn up at this Parliament, what is the response from the Prime Minister in his speech? Nothing. Not a word in terms of Māori—not a word in terms of Māori. Nothing about what Seymour is doing. He is not managing a coalition. That is his responsibility, that is his obligation, and Seymour is causing mayhem out there. I’m proud—

Remember that there are rules about—you use the member’s full name, not just the—

David Seymour, Mr Speaker—David Seymour. Tama Potaka’s a good friend and relation! There is an obligation—[Interruption] I’m sure you’d concur with me, Mr Speaker—a bit of decorum, please.

Point of order, Mr Speaker.

Oh, now he’s getting all touchy and sensitive—oh my, e noho.

Whoa! Before I take the point of order from the Hon Tama Potaka, can I just explain to the gallery that the rules are that the gallery can’t participate in the debate. I understand that people will involuntarily laugh at something that’s found to be humorous, but please don’t comment back.

The allegation of a relationship that is completely fallacious should be rescinded.

Yeah, I think that’s a fair comment.

OK, OK. I don’t want to really upset the Minister, but can I say there is an obligation on—

Just—

I’m coming back to the Prime Minister’s speech—

Hang on—whoa, whoa! Just withdraw, and then we’ve got it all tight—yeah.

Oh, withdraw, and apologise too—do you want me to? I apologise to my good friend the Minister; I know he’s a sensitive soul.

I really need just to come back in my last couple of minutes to this Prime Minister’s speech being so important, so crucial. We want some leadership here. We want him to manage the coalition. We want him to manage the ACT Party, who are causing mayhem out there in terms of New Zealanders at the moment. I’m so proud of all our people who are rolling up—wonderful submissions from people like Ani Mikaere; Kiritapu Allan this morning did a great submission, really, really good; Chris Finlayson—you know, right across the spectrum, we’re getting these wonderful submissions. Get them in line, and get your New Zealand First mates in line, Mr Speaker. They’re causing mayhem right now. They’re running a—

No, hang on—whoa, whoa, whoa.

They’re not causing mayhem? OK.

You know that I don’t take a political position. I even consider you a friend, so for goodness’ sake, don’t start.

But we want a Prime Minister to manage and to organise. He calls them the “yes”—“We are the ‘yes’ party.” Well, we know this. It’s yes to the tobacco companies, right? It’s yes to the lobbyists. Who else is it a yes to? It’s yes to anything that ACT and the New Zealand First Party—

Landlords.

—to landlords—but, most of all, what we’ve heard lately is that it’s yes to privatisation. That’s what this Prime Minister’s said, and he’s saying “Oh no, not in this term.” We know more than anyone how bad that can go.

We will never go down that track, and we need a Prime Minister who will stand up and say no to privatisation, who will support New Zealanders, and who will support hard-working Kiwis right across the spectrum, who are in fear of that type of policy. We have seen Rogernomics in Hāwera, we’ve seen it in Pātea, we’ve seen it in Porirua, and we’ve seen it in Māngere—New Zealanders struggling.

We ask the Prime Minister on this day to stand up, not just for Māori, but for all New Zealanders. Now’s the time. Labour absolutely opposes this Government. Kia ora, Mr Speaker.

I move, That this debate be now adjourned.

I move, That, under section 28(3)(b) of the Electoral Act 1993, for the purpose of determining the boundaries of the Māori electoral districts, this House nominate Derek Tinia Fox of Opoutama to be appointed as a member of the Representation Commission representing the Opposition.

I move, That the Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill be now read a second time.

Point of order, Mr Speaker. I seek leave of the House, despite the determination of the Business Committee, for it to form a committee of the whole House immediately to consider the tabled amendment in my name, which addresses some technical cross-reference changes, and to debate the bill as one question.

Leave is sought for that course of action. Is there any objection? There is none. I declare the House in committee for consideration of the bill.

Members, the House is in committee on Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill. The House has resolved to form a committee of the whole House to consider a tabled amendment in the Minister’s name and to debate the bill as one question. The question is that Parts 1 to 9, Schedules 1 to 5, and clauses 1 and 2 stand part.

The Parliamentary Council Office, through quality assurance processes, identified seven incorrect cross references within Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill—for example, where a reference to section 86(3) was intended to be section 87(3). The tabled amendment corrects these minor and technical drafting errors.

The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendments be agreed to.

Mr Speaker, the committee has considered Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill and reports it with amendment.

In accordance with a determination of the Business Committee, the bill is set down for third reading immediately.

I present a legislative statement on Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill.

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the parliamentary website.

I move, That Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill be now read a third time.

Taranaki Maunga, Taranaki whenua, Taranaki tāngata, ngā iwi o Taranaki, nau mai, haere mai. He rā tino nui tēnei mō koutou, he rā tino nui hoki mō Aotearoa. Nā koutou te kaha me te manawanui, nō reira, rau rangatira mā, tēnei taku mihi atu ki a koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātau katoa.

[Taranaki Mountain, Taranaki lands, Taranaki people, Taranaki tribes, welcome. This is a big day for you, this is also a big day for New Zealand. You have shown strength and perseverance, so, to the assembled chiefs, this is my acknowledgment to you, greetings, greetings to us all.]

I begin by acknowledging Ngā Iwi o Taranaki today. Tēnā koutou. Today is a historic day for Ngā Iwi o Taranaki and Te Kāhui Tupua and for the people and the communities of the Taranaki region. Taranaki Maunga will have its name restored, and the park will be called Te Papa-Kura-o-Taranaki. I offer a warm welcome to Ngā Iwi o Taranaki, who are here to mark the passing of this bill into law. It was great to spend time with you this morning, on what I thought was a wonderful occasion. I want to start by thanking the many speakers, who spoke so eloquently and passionately. Without you, these arrangements would not have been possible. I thank you for the fortitude and patience in reaching this significant milestone, and we join you in remembering the leaders and loved ones who have passed on before they were able to witness today’s milestone.

Today’s remarks mark the final stage in the progression of the Taranaki Maunga arrangements with the Crown. It’s an immense pleasure and a privilege to be standing before you today, supporting the bill’s enactment. Today, it’s appropriate to pay special tribute to the tūpuna of the eight iwi of Taranaki for the grievances they have suffered. Ngā Iwi o Taranaki negotiators brought the wairua of their tūpuna to the negotiating table, and I want to thank the leader negotiator, Jamie Tuuta, for his wisdom and leadership in advocating for justice for Te Kāhui Tupua. I also acknowledge Liana Poutu, Hemi Sundgren, Marty Davis, and Haimona Maruera for the enormous responsibility of negotiating these arrangements with integrity. I also need to acknowledge the tireless work of Tihi Anne Daisy Noble, who was part of the negotiating team. While Daisy is no longer with us, I have no doubt that her contribution will never be forgotten.

I want to thank Ngā Iwi o Taranaki for your kindness towards officials throughout this process. Given your history with the Crown, officials were honoured to have your trust and understanding these past nine years. I acknowledge Katherine Gordon for her significant contribution and leadership as Chief Crown Negotiator. I thank my ministerial colleagues for their work and support, and in particular the Minister of Conservation, Tama Potaka, who jointly oversaw the Taranaki Maunga arrangements alongside me. I acknowledge the previous Ministers of Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations and Conservation who have been part of this work. I see Andrew Little in the House. I also want to thank Te Arawhiti and the Department of Conservation officials who worked long hours to develop and finalise arrangements.

The bill gives effect to Te Ruruku Pūtakerongo, the Taranaki Maunga collective redress deed, to recognise the collective cultural redress over tūpuna maunga o Ngā Iwi o Taranaki and the national park currently known as Egmont National Park. As kaitiaki for ngā maunga, the arrangements in the bill are designed to enable Ngā Iwi o Taranaki to fulfil their intergenerational responsibilities in relation to their tūpuna maunga. The mountains of Taranaki are central to the identity of Ngā Iwi o Taranaki and are special to all New Zealanders, especially to those living in the Taranaki region. The national park will be renamed Te Papa-Kura-o-Taranaki, and it will remain within the national parks system. A firm condition for the Crown is that all New Zealanders will be able to continue to visit and enjoy this most magnificent place for generations to come. It has been agreed that access to the mountain will not change. This is the land of Sir Edmund Hillary, and many New Zealanders love climbing mountains and enjoying the nurtured beauty of the park.

Through the eight individual settlements for the iwi of Taranaki, the Crown promised that it would return to negotiate collective redress over the maunga. Today, the Crown fulfils this agreement. For generations, Taranaki Maunga and its surrounding ranges have been a central pillar for the iwi, hapū, and whānau of Taranaki. The mountain has long been an honoured ancestor, a source of physical, cultural, and spiritual sustenance and a final resting place. In 1770, Captain Cook sighted Taranaki Maunga while sailing down the western coast of the North Island. Cook decided to name the mountain Mt Egmont after the Earl of Egmont, who had a been a key supporter of Cook’s voyages. Neither Cook nor Egmont ever made landfall in Taranaki.

Since the signing of the Treaty, in 1840, Crown acts and omissions have caused Ngā Iwi o Taranaki significant grievance. Following the establishment of European settlements in the 1840s, the Crown began to purchase land in the Taranaki region, but Māori in Taranaki became concerned when the Crown became acquiring land from individuals and groups, often without the consent or knowledge of key leaders in the wider community. In 1860, the Crown used military forces to complete its purchase of the land in Waitara, which was the spark that led to wars between the Crown and Māori. In 1865, the Crown unfairly punished Māori by confiscating 1.2 million acres of Taranaki land, including the mountain. The Crown’s breaches of Te Tiriti mean that an immense and compounding harm has been inflicted upon whānau, hapū, and iwi of Taranaki, causing immeasurable harm over many decades.

During the century that followed, the Crown repeatedly ignored the rights and interests of tangata whenua of Taranaki in relation to their ancestral mountain. Following the confiscation, the Crown failed to create most of the reserves it promised. After further protest by Māori in Taranaki, the Crown returned some reserves but refused to include most of the mountains, instead proclaiming them as a forest reserve and, later, a national park. The Crown then established management regimes which ensured that trampers, skiers, and hunters were involved in the park management but made no such provision for tangata whenua. Traditional Māori practices associated with the mountains were banned, while tourism was promoted. Pests such as possums were introduced and led to destruction of the native forest in some parts.

In the early 1970s, Taranaki Māori sought to become involved in the park management, to have the mountain’s traditional name reinstated, and to have ownership of the mountains returned. Some of the proposals were initially supported by Government, then abandoned. Provisions for Māori involvement in the management of the Egmont National Park were eventually enacted in 1977, and in 1978 the Crown promoted legislation that returned Taranaki Maunga to the Taranaki Māori Trust Board but immediately returned it to the Crown ownership for the purposes of a national park. The gift and the vest-back arrangements that were put in place by the Act were a source of grievance to many Taranaki Māori ever since. To address this, on the effective date of the bill, the Mount Egmont Vesting Act 1978 will also be repealed.

Today brings a close to Treaty negotiations between the Crown and iwi of Taranaki. I look forward to the future of Ngā Iwi o Taranaki and the Crown in their roles of upholding and protecting the health and wellbeing of Te Kāhui Tupua. Ngā Iwi o Taranaki, as you entered Parliament today and are sitting here in the gallery now, embody your ancestors, the many generations who have passed on, your people now and into the future, and I thank you for being here today. When enacted, this bill will further empower the efforts of Ngā Iwi o Taranaki and will mark a new beginning in the relationship between the Crown and the proud and resilient uri of Taranaki. I look forward very much to visiting Taranaki to deliver the Crown apology in the near future.

This is a special day, and it is an opportunity to right the wrongs going back, as I said in this speech, 250 years to the renaming of the mountain and many, many events in between. This is a special day, and I want to thank everybody for taking the opportunity to be here. I commend this bill to the House.

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

Tēnā koe e te Māngai o te Whare. Tuia te mana tūpuna i Nukuroa, tuia te rangi ki runga o Taranaki maunga, paiheretia te muka tāngata ki ngā uri o rātau mā kua tahuri atu ki te pō, ka ao, ka ao, ka ao ki a tātau katoa e pae nei. Ko te mihi tuatahi ki te Atua nāna nei ngā mea katoa, ko te mihi tuarua ki te Whare e tū nei. Āpiti hono, tātai hono te hunga mate ki te hunga mate. Āpiti hono, tātai hono, te hunga ora ki te hunga ora. Tēnā koutou katoa ki ngā iwi o Taranaki: Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Maru, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngāti Tama, Taranaki Iwi, Te Āti Awa. Ko tēnei te mihi mahana ki a koutou katoa, nō reira tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātau katoa. Ko Taranaki he pou herenga waka, he pou herenga iwi, he pou herenga kaupapa, ko ia hoki te puna i heke mai ai te tangata, e kore e mimiti te puna hōpurupuru. Tēnā koutou.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker. Bind the ancestral authority at Nukuroa, bind the sky above Mount Taranaki, tie together the thread of humanity to the descendants of those who have passed into the night. It is dawn and it comes to us gathered here. The first greeting is to God the creator of all things, the second greeting is to the House standing here. We join together the connections to the deceased. We join together the connections to the living. Greetings to the tribes of Taranaki: Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Maru, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngāti Tama, Taranaki Iwi, Te Āti Awa. This is my warm greeting to you, thus greetings, greetings, greetings to us all. Taranaki is the pillar that anchors the canoes, that connects the tribes and connects our missions. It is also the wellspring from which people descend, a wellspring that will never run dry. Greetings.]

I’d like to pay some acknowledgments first, and I know that I won’t capture everybody, but I’ll do my best to recall those I know personally. Jamie Tuuta and Liana Poutu, how hard you have worked throughout your lives to bring us to this day, and I know that all of those people around you who have supported you and done all of those hours and weeks and months and years of work to bring Taranaki iwi to this point in time. I’d like to acknowledge all of those people here who have come on that journey and those who have passed along the way.

I would like to acknowledge the former Ministers for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations. When I first worked for Margaret Wilson, she was the Minister when Taranaki iwi were first entering into negotiations. Mark Burton was then the Minister; Christopher Finlayson, when National took Government; Andrew Little; and then it was Paul Goldsmith. We’ve also had Ministers of Conservation from the Green Party—Eugenie Sage—and also Willow-Jean Prime, who was the Minister of Conservation who signed the agreement at Aotearoa Marae and Ōwae Marae. They are all part of this journey, as well.

When I first came to Wellington back in 2002 and got my first job here, it was right in the middle of the multiple negotiations happening with Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi and with Ngāti Tama. I was a new policy analyst, and I was so amazed to learn about your history and to sit in meetings and understand some of the wrongs that had gone on in Taranaki—raupatu, in particular. So I’m very proud to be able to be part of this journey and to speak today. It’s an important day for us.

Taranaki Maunga has always been more than just a mountain. It is an ancestor, a protector, and a source of strength for the iwi hapū in Taranaki. It has shaped the identity, the culture, and the spiritual wellbeing of generations before and for generations to come. Personally, I’m always amazed at the striking form of Taranaki. It rises so sharply, so close to the ocean—I think that’s what takes your breath away—and often the clouds sit on its shoulders like a korowai itself. It’s a beautiful mountain, and it’s a proud part of New Zealand. But its history tells of a deep injustice, and that is what brings us here today.

From the 1840s, as European settlement grew in Taranaki, so did the pressure on Māori land. Māori initially engaged with the settler economy, but concerns quickly arose as the Crown began acquiring land in a way that ignored collective decision-making, ignored local leaders, and ignored the local communities. It often went against the wishes of those who spoke so loudly against what was happening. These tensions came to a head in 1850, when the Crown used military force to seize Waitara, sparking war, and in 1865, the Crown compounded this injustice by confiscating 1.2 million acres of Māori land, including Taranaki Maunga itself.

For over a century, the rights of the people of Taranaki were disregarded. Promises were broken, reserves that were meant to be for Māori were not delivered, and when those reserves were provided, they did not include Taranaki Maunga itself. Instead, the mountain was declared a forest reserve and, later, a national park, without any recognition of tangata whenua who had always cared for it. Māori were locked out of decision making, traditional practices were banned, and tourism activities that harmed the environment were encouraged.

Despite these injustices, the people of Taranaki never gave up. From the 1970s onwards, there was a strong push to restore the mountain’s traditional name, and to regain ownership and play a role in its management. Personally, I loved that bumper sticker that said “Who was Egmont, anyway?”—I had one of those.

While some progress was made in 1977, with legislation allowing Māori involvement in the national park, and then, in 1978, the return of the mountain to the Taranaki Māori Trust Board, these steps fell well short of partnership. What this bill does is it creates a legal personality for Taranaki Maunga. Te Kāhui Tupua will be formally recognised in law as a living, indivisible, whole entity that encompasses Taranaki Maunga and its neighbouring peaks, Pouākai and Kaitake, from summit to surrounding lands, including both their physical and spiritual elements, as well. In doing so, Te Kāhui Tupua will also be granted a legal personhood, a recognition that reflects the deep connection iwi have always held with their tupuna maunga. This means Te Kāhui Tupua will have its own legal identity with rights, responsibilities, and protections, and that is acknowledging its status as more than just a landscape. It is an ancestor, a source of life, and a guiding presence for the people of Taranaki.

While this new legal status is centred on the national park, it extends well beyond its borders, in keeping with the iwi perspective of their mountain. Importantly, this recognises that it does not impact on private land or exchange existing laws outside the park. Instead, it ensures that the mountain and all it represents are safeguarded with the respect and authority it deserves for generations to come.

There is an irony here, and I hear the voice of Uncle Willie in my head—I always try to quieten it, but it’s quite loud. This is a bill that takes real steps to acknowledge the status of Taranaki iwi as tangata whenua, while we on the Justice Committee sit for hours and hours to hear submissions on the Treaty principles bill, which takes active steps in an attempt to remove the tangata whenua status of Māori. Some of those ACT Party submitters are going to be real cross when they find out their coalition Government just gave Taranaki Maunga a legal personality.

Ngā Iwi o Taranaki, you continue to lead the way in reconnecting with your mountain. Through environmental restoration, pest control, revival of indigenous flora and fauna, and the integration of mātauranga Māori, you are ensuring that Taranaki Maunga is protected for future generations, and I thank you for that. Your resilience and determination remind us all that true justice requires more than recognition; it requires action, partnership, and an unwavering commitment to honouring who you are.

I believe that the Taranaki Maunga collective redress will have benefits wider than just for Taranaki iwi. I believe it will build a better future for all New Zealanders for generations to come. Nō reira, he mihi mahana ki a koutou katoa. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

This is a split call.

Tēnā koe e te Pika. Otirā tēnā koutou taku rahi o Taranaki. Taranaki, he puna wai e kore e mimiti, ka koropupū tonu, ka koropupū tonu. Koia mātau, ngā mema Pāremata, ka tūohu ki mua i a koutou i tēnei wā.

E taku iwi o Taranaki, aroha mai ki tēnei Kāwanatanga, aroha mai ki ngā tūkinotanga ki runga i a koutou, ki runga i nga uri mō ēnei o ngā rau tau tonu. Te rongo i te kō atu i te kotahi miriona eka te rahi o ngā whenua kua raupatu i a Taranaki, ka aroha. Tangi ana te ngakau mō te whakaaro e pā ana ki tēnei maunga tapu, maunga whakahirahira, he mea nā te Kāwanatanga i tāhae, i raupatu i a koutou. I tēnei rangi kua whakaturengia kia hoki mai ki a koutou. Nō reira, kia aroha mai ki tēnei Whare Paremata nei, ki ēnei o ngā ture, pōhēhē Kāwanatanga nei, engari kua tae ki te wā kia whakatikangia.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker. Greetings to my people of Taranaki. Taranaki is a wellspring that will never run dry, but will continue to bubble forth. Here we are, as members of Parliament, we bow our heads to you at this time.

To my people of Taranaki, I am sorry on behalf of this Government, sorry for the abuses visited upon you and upon generations across these centuries. Experiencing the loss of over 1 million acres of land that was confiscated, it is tragic. My heart cries when reflecting on this sacred mountain, this majestic mountain, that was stolen by the Government, confiscated from you. On this day, it is legislated to return to you. Thus, this Parliament House is sorry for this piece of legislation, this misguided Government, but the time has come to correct it.]

I stand before the House and I am heavy in considering the way with which to address this bill. It’s a feat to get to this point, āe? Nine years of negotiations to see the return of the maunga, but I think even greater is the raupatu or the tāhae of our name. Our place names are so important, so when we’ve had Egmont and now ināianei haere atu rā Egmont, ināianei hoki mai rā Taranaki Maunga [now, depart Egmont, now welcome back Mount Taranaki], what is in a name? We need to consider that as this House, because when we think of Pito-one, we think of Kororāreka, we think of Te Kamo—places of significance for iwi Māori.

A name matters, so this ture honours the people of Taranaki Maunga, ngā iwi e waru, kia whakahokia te ingoa, kia motuhake te ingoa ki roto i te ture, ki mua i te Kāwanatanga, mō te kaunihera, engari mō koutou tonu. [the eight tribes, so the name is returned, the name is enshrined in legislation, before the Government, for the council, but also for you as well.] I pay tribute to those who have negotiated and demonstrated such tolerance for the Crown—such tolerance in that you have been patient in negotiating this settlement for the people. And to the Ministers—āe, Matua Anaru Iti, tēnā koe, koutou o te Kāwanatanga o tēnei wā, tēnā koutou [yes, Andrew Little, greetings to you, and the Government of the day, greetings]—te iwi Māori has been very gracious. Te iwi Māori has been very patient with this Whare Kāwanatanga, ka tika ngā mahi, and today this is about putting things right. This is about putting things right and honouring our ancestors, who have lost so much—the landlessness of the people of Taranaki. Finally, kua hoki mai te maunga, kua hoki mai te ingoa, kua whakatūhia tētahi rōpū hei rōpū whakahaere i tō tātau maunga me ngā whenua katoa nō reira tēnei ra ka mihi. [the mountain has returned, the name has returned, a group has been established as an administrating body for our mountain and all the lands, thus I acknowledge this.]

I am taking a split call to share time with my cousin Benjamin Doyle, but I cannot stop thinking about the raupatu. Kei reira tonu, kei mua i te aroaro, ki runga i taku rae tonu, me tēnei maunga hoki. E tika ana me hoki mai, me hoki mai me te toru tekau mā rima miriona tāra mō te whakahaere. Āe, e tika ana. Haere tonu, haere tonu, pauhia te penehini kia kī te waka ki te whakahaere i ēnei o ngā whenua me Taranaki Maunga. E mihi atu ana ki ngā kaiwhakahaere o tēnei kaupapa, otirā ngā iwi katoa me taku whakaaro e pā ana ki a te awa tupua i te tuatahi, awa tupua me ngā uri o te Urewera. Ko Taranaki Maunga tētahi atu tauira mō mātau o te Tai Tokerau, mātau, mō te iwi Māori tonu.

[It is still there, at the front on mind, on my brow, with regard to this mountain. It is proper that it should be returned, returned with $35 million for administration. Yes, it is proper. Going forward, spend the money as fuel for the vehicle to administer these lands and Mount Taranaki. I acknowledge the leaders of this matter, and all the people, and I reflect on te awa tupua and the descendants of the Urewera district. Mount Taranaki is another example for us of the North, and for the Māori people generally.]

In considering personification and whakatūranga, to put into legislation the recognition of Taranaki Maunga being our tuakana—that is what we are. We are the tēina as tāngata, and it is recognising the special connection that the iwi of Taranaki have long had and now the Crown is finally catching up.

So, while my comments are short, it is an honour—it is an absolute honour—to stand here before you, considering the loss, but what today brings, a new day of manawhakahaere for the people of Taranaki me te Kāwanatanga kia tū tonu tātau mō te rangatiratanga, kia tū tonu tātau mō te mana Māori motuhake, me te mihi anō ki a koutou, ngā iwi o Taranaki. [and the Government to stand together for rangatiratanga, to stand together for Māori authority, and to acknowledge you, the tribes of Taranaki.] Ka heke iho. Kia ora. [I resume my seat. Good wishes.]

E te Māngai, tēnā koe. E rere ana te mihi ki te whenua, ko Papatūānuku te māreikura o tēnei ao. Ki ngā tini atua, tēnā koutou katoa. He mihi maioha, he mihi mahana hoki tēnei ki a koutou, ngā iwi o Taranaki kua tae mai i tēnei rā. Ka tuku hoki te mihi ki ngā tini mate kua haere tonu ki te tua o te ārai, ki te pō, ki te okiokinga i ō tātau tūpuna, haere, haere, haere atu rā. Ki a koe hoki, Mount Egmont, haere tonu atu. Nau mai, he tika atu kia hoki mai koe, Maunga Taranaki maunga, e te tuakana ki te mahau o ō tēina. He manawa piharau. E ngā mana whenua, ko Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, ko Te Āti Awa, ko Ngāti Mutunga, ko Ngāti Tama, ko Ngāti Maru, ko Ngāruahine, ko Ngāti Ruanui koutou ko Taranaki Iwi, karanga mai, karanga mai, karanga mai.

[Mr Speaker, greetings. I send my acknowledgments to the land, to Papatūānuku, the sacred female essence of the world. To the many deities, greetings to you all. This is a greeting of affection and warmth to you, the tribes of Taranaki who have assembled here today. I give acknowledgments to the many deceased who have passed beyond the veil, to the night, to the resting place of our ancestors, depart and travel well. To you as well, Mount Egmont, depart. Welcome, it is appropriate that you return Mount Taranaki, to the platform of your juniors. You have shown great endurance. To the people of the land, Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, Te Āti Awa, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Maru, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Ruanui, and Taranaki Iwi, call forth and greet us.]

Taranaki Maunga, you are the never-ending spring that replenishes your people. You will continue to flow—you will continue to flow.

We Māori are descendants of te taiao. We are mokopuna of ngā maunga. It is our inherent and perpetual link to this cosmological whakapapa which allows us to connect to our ancestral turangawaewae. Woven like aho and whenu of the tāniko, our people are an inseparable element of the environment—the younger siblings, or tāina, of the manu, the ngahere, ngā uri katoa o Tāne Mahuta. [all the descendants of Tāne Mahuta.] With humility and respect, we look to our ancestors, our tuākana, for guidance. It is our responsibility to listen to their call and, in turn, to act as kaitiaki of their domains.

Te Pāti Kākāriki acknowledges the ecological wisdom of tangata whenua, the original custodians of these lands. We acknowledge you, ngā iwi o katoa o Taranaki. We seek every day to honour Te Tiriti o Waitangi by upholding the tino rangatiratanga of Māori, and we’ll relentlessly pursue a vision of mana ōrite—equity—as promised in article 3 of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. For this reason, it is our honour to be here with you all and to tautoko this bill, which goes a small way towards addressing the immense suffering and loss that you have experienced at the hands of the Crown.

A name is a taonga, and to have that taonga erased, assimilated, and suppressed is an act of deliberate colonial violence. It is a severance of whakapaka, an attempt to eradicate the very thing that locates and connects us.

The Crown sought to name and claim our wāhi tapu, our takiwā, as a strategy of cultural genocide. Returning our ingoa to these lands should not be viewed as a gift, nor is it an act of generosity; it is a simple matter of making right a terrible wrong. He whakatika.

There will be a day when our mokopuna know only the true names of this land, Aotearoa. There will be a day when the mana me te mauri o ngā maunga me ngā awa [mana and the mauri of the mountains and the rivers] are protected, cared for, restored, and respected, not as resources to be exploited but as taonga, as tuākana, as tūpuna.

E ngā mokopuna o Taranaki Maunga, tēnei he mihi aroha nui ki a koutou, he whakawhetai hoki. Hoki mai rā te ingoa pono o Taranaki Maunga.

[To the descendants of Mount Taranaki, this is a loving acknowledgment to you, and thanks. We welcome back the true name, Mount Taranaki.]

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I am privileged to rise and speak on behalf of the ACT Party in this third reading of Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill, which restores the name “Taranaki Maunga”. I’d just like to quickly say that I am not yet at my 40th year of life, and I can remember at some point in my childhood hearing the arguments in the world about whether “Egmont” should stay or “Mount Taranaki” should stay, and, to be honest with you, I actually thought that that had already happened.

So to stand here as someone from the Bay of Plenty, not from Taranaki, who did not partake as strongly with your conversations that have been happening, understanding the hurt and the effort that has been going into getting this ingoa back, it’s fair enough that this is an emotional moment for any of you who feel it. I wish I had known sooner that this name hadn’t been changed back.

To the negotiators who have worked hard on the Crown side, and that of Ngā Iwi o Te Taranaki, you guys have done a good job here to try and bring sides together, repairing damage that has been around for a long time. Rights have been trampled by the Crown; violence, injustice has been given out; the Crown has told lies and damaged te mana, the respect, that it claims but, perhaps, didn’t deserve. These damages may never be repaired. Reading through the historical account in the bill about what has happened in Taranaki is something that New Zealanders are learning about but not, perhaps, enough. I would like to also note that I read with some pleasure in there that this is not a full historical account, because how could you ever take full account of what has happened? The Crown has committed horrendous acts, and this is but a small, small part.

My colleague Benjamin Doyle raised a good point that this is not giving the name back. The name was taken, and this is restoring a name—and haere atu ki te pō, Egmont. [go into the darkness, Egmont.]

I believe quite strongly in property rights. I think they are a sound, strong way to form a society, and I’m glad to see in this bill that the Minerals Act is going to have some sections ignored so that the true managers and kaitiaki of te maunga will be able to use stones and other resources that have been exempted without having to go to the Crown or to council or anybody to ask for a resource management consent—because, you know, people want to be able to use what’s special to them, just for any reason, without needing to justify it to somebody else. I think that is a great part of this bill, although a minor part.

I don’t want to use up a lot of time on this, but I do want to tell a small story. As I say, I’m from the Bay of Plenty, and I’d never actually been to the Taranaki before I was elected.

Oh!

Oh, sorry about that. But I have been now. So, anyway—

Outrageous!

Outrageous, right? I have been now. But the closest I’d got to seeing it was standing on—

Don’t take Seymour there.

To be fair, I was there with him. I was standing on Ruapehu and looking out towards Mount Taranaki and seeing it out there, and oh my goodness it’s glorious from afar. But, wow, when I was standing below it and watching the land where the water has come off the mountain and carved channels, so even though it looks flat, you know there are deep historical markings in the land, with the bush that it has and the imposing manner in which the mountain stands above all of Taranaki—I can see why the people of Taranaki are so proud of their maunga here. You should be proud to have this right and responsibility that I am sure, and, I know, ngā iwi o Taranaki will take seriously to be the kaitiaki of this maunga in this bill. Mr Speaker, thank you very much.

E te Pīka, tēnā koe. E ngā iwi o Taranaki, Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Maru, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngāti Tama, Taranaki Iwi me Te Āti Awa, tēnā koutou katoa. E tū ana ahau he uri nō te Tai Tokerau, ki te mihi atu ki a koutou. Ka nui āku mihi maioha ki a koutou. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa. Ka mihi ahau ki ngā rangatira me ngā māreikura o ngā iwi o Taranaki, tēnā koutou katoa. Ka mihi ahau hoki ki a tātau kua tae mai ki te tautoko i te kaupapa o te rangi nei. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

[Madam Speaker, greetings. To the tribes of Taranaki, Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Maru, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngāti Tama, Taranaki Iwi, and Te Āti Awa, greetings to you all. I stand as a descendant of the North to acknowledge you. I give many warm acknowledgments to you. Greetings to you all. I acknowledge the chiefs and the noble women of the Taranaki tribes, greetings to you all. I also acknowledge all of us gathered here to support the issue of the day. Greetings to you, to us all.]

I am absolutely humbled and honoured to speak on behalf of New Zealand First in support of Te Pire Whakatupua mō Te Kāhui Tupua/Taranaki Maunga Collective Redress Bill. This bill recognises the Crown’s historic breaches of the Treaty in relation to Taranaki Maunga, including the confiscation of 1.2 million acres of Taranaki lands. The national park, including Taranaki Maunga and the surrounding peaks will be vested in a legal person named Te Kāhui Tupua.

The entity that will act on behalf of Te Kāhui Tupua will have eight members on it—four appointed by iwi, four appointed by the Ministry of Conservation—and it will be called Te Tōpuni Kōkōrangi and the national park management plan will be called He Kawa Ora.

For generations, iwi have sought to have the name of the maunga restored, and today in the House, the Taranaki Maunga redress bill achieves this vision. It should be a very proud day for you, as it is, I’m sure, for everyone in this House to be a part of bringing to an end a chapter of much sadness. But I think when we look back at what does personhood mean, we see we have a precedent already. In 2014, Te Urewera was delisted as a national park to become the first ecosystem in the world to be recognised as having legal personhood. In the same way that they’re imbued with rights, powers, duties, and liabilities of a legal person, the Whanganui awa became the first river to be recognised as an indivisible and living being—the first river in the world to be granted legal personhood status—and, today, that status is also endowed upon Taranaki Maunga. Today, with the passing of this bill, the highly regarded and treasured lands of Taranaki will be granted legal personhood status.

Many in the House will make comment and run through the narrative of historic breaches that the Crown has made against Taranaki iwi, but I’d like to not add to that kōrero. I’d like to shift my focus to something that’s maybe more uplifting, because we need to put the past in the past, once that apology has been made and once the Crown has set a new pathway forward together with the iwi.

We look at Māori legend, and as a Ngāpuhi growing up in Te Arawa, I learnt many of Te Arawa’s legends, so in doing some little research for my contribution today, it was great to actually find out more about the legends around Taranaki Maunga. I think it’s a beautiful story of a maunga on the central volcanic plateau who fell in love with another mountain, a beautiful female mountain, when he was centred in the centre of the North Island alongside Ruapehu, Tongariro, and Ngāuruhoe. He fell in love with Pihanga, a beautiful mountain covered in forest. Taranaki fought with Tongariro for Pihanga’s favour, but, unfortunately, was defeated and fled west, and his tears created the Whanganui awa. He rested, but the Pouakai Range blocked his path and he became petrified, and he ended up where he sits today.

The mountain—the maunga—is said to cry for Pihanga when covered in rain clouds. The mountain is said to display itself to Pihanga during spectacular sunsets, and I have seen many of those sunsets from my sister’s farm. She is on the coast in Pātea, and what a stunning visual display of that mountain for all to see, particularly those who are artists.

From across New Zealand for all time, the maunga has been an inspiration for art, and we only have to look no further than probably one of the most well-known artists—he certainly claims a lot of pūtea when his art is sold—Colin McCahon. One of his last paintings in 1980 was a painting called A painting for Uncle Frank, and it was two pieces of landscape, side by side. One was a painting from the north, and the other part was a silhouette of Taranaki Maunga shrouded in cloud. That’s a beautiful painting.

Also there is the majesty of that mountain. It has called for many a mountaineer to go and traverse it, along with the odd day tramper as well, but probably our most famous mountaineer, Sir Edmund Hillary, climbed it for the first time at the age of 24. It was when he was in military training that he first scaled Mount Taranaki. In fact, he went and climbed it a hundred more times, and I suppose Taranaki Maunga was part of why he managed to summit Everest. He had a famous saying when he summited Everest: “We knocked the bastard off.” Well, he did that a hundred times with Taranaki Maunga, but it was his quote that I particularly like, which I think is applicable to Taranaki Maunga, and this is what Sir Edmund Hillary said: “It is an act of worship just to sit and look at high mountains.”

I’d just like to also mention—and it would be remiss of me, as a New Zealand First member, not to mention—Matua Shane. Sometimes he does manage to put his pūtea where his waha is. He has in fact been with the Provincial Growth Fund, making sure that the region of Taranaki got its fair share. The Taranaki Crossing, the enhanced visitor experience on the maunga, upgrading the tracks, a new bridge, a new visitor hut, and the development of an improved, safer visitor centre as part of the Taranaki Crossing was because of the Provincial Growth Fund. He also wanted me to mention that he has put money into upgrading 23 marae in the Taranaki region, and may he long continue to do that. I hope he makes sure that we can get some more pūtea out there to you from him with the Regional Infrastructure Fund.

I’d like to conclude where, in a Māori cultural context, we normally begin when we introduce ourselves, and the first point we make in our pepeha is to name our maunga. Well, my maunga is Whakarongorua, and for those of you here today, you now have the name of your maunga restored, so what a beautiful blessing that is. We use our maunga, as we begin our pepeha, because it’s that connection to the physical and spiritual place that we call home. It represents the most significant and foundational element of our ancestral land. That connection with that physical landscape and our roots within our tribal territory are so important. The maunga is considered that source of life, sustenance, and protection. That is why it’s a starting point when we introduce ourselves in the Māori cultural context.

In conclusion, I’d like to acknowledge the mana of Taranaki iwi here in the House today. I acknowledge your maunga, Taranaki Maunga, your ancestor, and after nine years of negotiations with the Crown, this phase concludes another chapter. I hope that from this point you are able to release the pain of the past, to be set free to imagine a new and better tomorrow for all of Taranaki iwi. I humbly commend this bill to the House.

Tēnā koe e te Pīka.

Maunga Taranaki e tū mai rā,

e tū mai rā Maunga Taranaki, e tū mai rā, e tū mai rā,

pōwhiritia rā, pōwhiritia rā ngā waka, ngā waka, ngā mana, ngā reo kua huihui mai nei.

[Mount Taranaki stand forth,

stand forth Mount Taranaki, stand forth, stand forth,

welcome, welcome the canoes, the canoes, the authorities, the voices that are gathered here.]

Tēnā koutou e te whānau. It reminds me that Huirangi always wondered why Sir Edmund Hillary scaled our maunga. He would often say, “There’s no kai up there.”

I’m extremely conscious that I have the privilege to talk today. I’m extremely conscious I have the privilege, as a mana wahine, as a mokopuna o Taranaki, and there are many voices before me. There are all of our tūpuna who we saw arrive today, and I particularly think of our kui Moerewarewa. I particularly think of Tihi and of those represented today by the many faces who couldn’t be here from Taranaki. I humbly mihi to you all for your patience and your aroha to being here. I also remember the fact that you got on buses together as, actually—Jamie—a sign of unity, so there you go.

I also want to mihi to te Pāti Kākāriki, who have allowed me an extra five minutes to be able to mihi to such an important kaupapa, which is our maunga.

I am also conscious of what Ruakere Hond said today: “I tēnei rā, kua puta a Taranaki i te herehere.”—today, Taranaki is freed from the shackles. It’s freed from the shackles of muru raupatu. Today, Taranaki, our maunga tupuna, is released from the shackles of injustice, of ignorance, and of hate. Today, we also liberate with our aroha. In our de-chaining and de-shackling, we also liberate the rest of Aotearoa, in correcting this deep, evil past, and reminding the Governments of today that our taonga are never yours to take or abuse, and that we will always have another generation to continue on the legacy of aroha—of aroha and peace for all of Aotearoa.

The theft of our maunga has been one of the greatest injustices of colonisation, and I know I’m telling you what we already lived and know. I know that we were all raised not only under the breath of our maunga—there is no air like the air that our maunga has, there is no whenua like the whenua in Taranaki, and there is no legacy for rights and justice like there is in Taranaki. The tireless fights, petitions, activations, negotiations—there is a resilience and, sadly, we are all born highly politicised.

There was also recognition in the Taranaki tribunal reports—which I take every opportunity in this House to mention—of the kaupapa tuatahi of the Waitangi Tribunal, which noted that what happened to Taranaki Māori in the 1860s as being akin to holocaust, and I say that because there is a deep confusion still in the landscape of Aotearoa of what we are about. Dame Tariana was brave and she mentioned it, and I did in my maiden speech. It is not to cause discomfort and hate; it’s actually just to remind what this young culture has behind it.

We were never privileged to experience this. We were never privileged surviving this muru raupatu. It has taken this place way too long to acknowledge this and, sadly, that speaks to many ongoing struggles that we see in Aotearoa.

The bill doesn’t return ownership. Every day of my life, of our tūpuna’s life, of my mokopuna’s life, our maunga looked over us as we lived within the State that chose to control, rename, and strip from our w’akapapa. But let me be really, really clear: our tūpuna never ceded sovereignty over our maunga—no raupatu, no Act of Government, no colonial decree could ever sever our connection with our maunga. We grew up knowing there was nothing anyone could do to make us any less connected, so I’m extremely proud of our negotiators, because we’re a tough audience to please.

Today, we affirm what we’ve always known: our maunga is and never was a Crown asset. It is our tūpuna, living breathing embodiment of our identity, our kawa, our tikanga, our w’akapapa as Taranaki.

This has always been about our mokopuna. This is where we want to be in a place where, today, in Aotearoa, our mokopuna never have to fight or normalise seeing our taonga and our resources exploited, mined, and destroyed for twilight industries. Our mokopuna have the right and interest to be who they are.

I want the nation to understand that the debates that are going on in Aotearoa are actually about us being able to remember what we came from and how we simply haven’t landed at the same place. We’re not victims; we are survivors of muru raupatu, and that meant that we arrived at a different time. But do not be mistaken about what it is that’s going on within Taranaki.

I want to talk about the next dawn, because upstairs are some of the most brilliant, innovative, creative, unique, dynamic, motivational, and inspirational people I’ve ever known in the world—and if you think they’re great, you should see their mokopuna. What we have up here is a community that, despite and in spite of, has rebuilt not only the economy of Taranaki but also our belief in ourselves.

I just want to share with you—because I know this is a deeply heavy day—how we’ve lifted, how we live light, how we continue to live in the spirit of Tohu and Te Whiti. We have rebuilt infrastructure, and Parihaka, in international passive resistance, stands strong and continues to be unique and show what kotahitanga does. Our reo, our whare wānanga, Te Ataarangi, Tā Māui Pōmare, Tā Rangihīroa Buck, te Pātea Māori Club are all international kaupapa that continue to teach and educate the world on solutions of unity and kotahitanga.

We have housing initiatives that every iwi are doing uniquely. We are our own solutions, living proof.

We have taiao kaupapa; they’re actively at every submission. It’s not lost on me that Ngā Iwi o Taranaki are presenting on Monday against the Treaty principles bill, and we are also here, giving aroha to the motu.

We have our own educational tautoko. We lead in primary sectors: agriculture, horticulture, and fish. With Parininihi ki Waitotara, we have our own iwi initiatives.

We have rangatahi delegations that go to Stanford University; they come back and they are digital natives. They are some of the most talented, amazing rangatahi. We have our own kura kaupapa, w’are kura, kohanga reo, where there’s nothing that we didn’t lose that we can’t rebuild. We are hosting—and this is the most political kaupapa going on in Taranaki at the moment—Matatini, whether we’re wearing white or black, and I’m wearing red, just so you all know!

Ngā purapura waihotanga o Aotea utanga nui [the seeds left by the heavily laden Aotea canoe], we are our own strength, and every day, our rangatahi, you can see, are great orators, sportspeople, and videographers. They are the most talented rangatahi in the world, in spite of and despite of. When we accept the 1 percent of these settlements and when we sit there and we show we don’t have special treatment, our long-term investments are performing better than those that have had local council long-term perpetual funds, we go out and we rebuild ourselves, and we dust up and we dust off.

I think today is about taking a real serious look, as Ruakere said in his kōrero, that we, as the maunga and maunga people, are here to make sure we look after everyone in Aotearoa. There’s not a single kaupapa that you can find in Taranaki that isn’t inconclusive. The 1 percent that we accept—and I know that everyone’s going to endorse this, and some are here to think that the Tiriti is a closure; it is about honouring Te Tiriti; it never expires, just like our mokopuna, and just like the stance of our maunga.

Today was always about our mokopuna, and after listening to our Te Kanawa Wilson and our connection to Te Ka’ui Maunga, we must always remember we never stand alone, even our maunga. We are interconnected in w’akapapa in ways you could never know.

Finally, I want to share again what Ruakere said this afternoon: “To maunga, to whenua, to tangata, a strong maunga—strong mountain—strong whenua—strong land—and strong tangata—strong people.” Nō reira, i te āhuatanga o tā tātau tipuna, ngā mihi aroha ki a koutou kua tae mai. [Thus, with the aspect of our ancestor, loving acknowledgments to you who have come here.]

Ko hea, ko hea tērā maunga e tū mai rā? Ko Taranaki pea, ko Taranaki pea. Nukunuku mai, nekeneke mai ki taku aro, kikini ai.

Kei ngā iwi e waru o Taranaki Maunga, Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Maru, Te Āti Awa, Taranaki Iwi, Ngāruahinerangi, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa. Nōku te māringanui ki te tū ki te aroaro o te mana o Taranaki whānui me te mihi atu ki tō koutou koro, ki a koro Taranaki, mā tōna whakamana mā te pire nei, nā te mea koinā te mahi o tēnei pire. Ehara tēnei hei hanga i tōna mana. E kāo. He mana tōna mai rā anō.

Heoi mā tēnei pire e whakatangata ai ia, he wairua tōna, he mana tōna, ae rā ko Taranaki Maunga tērā. Ki ētahi, he rerekē tēnei pire. He huanga te nuinga o te māramatanga. Kaua ko te māramatanga o Tohu rāua ko Te Whiti, engari ko te māramatanga Pākehā kē, arā ko te Enlightenment. He pire tēnei e tino nukunuku, e nekeneke te whakaaro ki te taiao me te wairua i te ture. Heoi, ki a au, ko te hua o te tino māramatanga, kia mārama ai tātau o te whānui, te hōhonu, te roa, me te tiketike o tō tātau ao. Kāore e whakaiti te ao, e whakamōmona te ao. Ehara he mea tēnei kia wehi ai, engari ētahi wa, ētahi horopaki, kāore e āwhina ēnei momo mea, nā reira ka huri toku reo aianei kia mārama ai tātau.

[Which is that mountain standing yonder? It is Taranaki perhaps. Move it forth to my presence, so that I may pinch it.

To the eight tribes of Mount Taranaki, Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Mutunga, Ngāti Maru, Te Āti Awa, Taranaki, Ngāruahinerangi, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi, greetings to you all. It is my good fortune to stand in the presence of greater Taranaki to acknowledge your elder, koro Taranaki, who is being recognised through this bill. This does not create his mana. No. His mana has existed from ancient times.

This bill makes him a legal person, he has his own spirit, his own mana, that is indeed Mount Taranaki. To some people, this bill is unusual. There are benefits within the enlightenment—not the enlightenment of Tohu and Te Whiti, but the Western Enlightenment. This bill moves and alters the way one thinks about the environment and its spirit within legal settings. For me, the benefit of this enlightenment is that we may see the breadth, the depth, the length and the heights of our world. This does not make the world smaller, it enriches the world. This is not something to fear, but some times and some contexts do not assist these matters, so I shall switch my language now so that we may all understand.]

I listened last week to a Pū Kōrero podcast conversation between Te Rawhitiroa Bosch and Eru Kapa-Kingi. Ātaahua tō rāua reo. [Their language was lovely.] They were talking about the difference of taking a Māori approach to CrossFit—kāore he whakapakari te tinana anake. [—it is not just about developing one’s body.] Eru was explaining it’s not just about exercising the body; it’s about recognising the full dimensions of the person, their spirit, their identity, and the role in that of language and expression of culture.

From their kōrero, I was reminded of Tā Mason Durie’s framework of holistic health that’s now used enthusiastically across our health, education, and welfare sectors. It’s an understanding of full health, of hauora, that is rooted within this whenua and under this rangi. Te Whare Tapa Whā recognises not just our physical health but also our social, mental, and spiritual health. It considers the relational, emotional, and spiritual state of a person as being essential to their physical health. Ki a au, koirā te awenga o te pire nei—for me, that’s the effect of this type of legislation. It’s about taking a hauora approach to our mountains, our rivers, and our forests. It’s about tiakitanga—caring, protecting, and preserving in its fullest sense—and I believe it resonates with us all because, deep down, we all know there’s so much more to this world.

I spoke to this last year in the second and third readings of the Samoan citizenship bill, when I had the opportunity to thank their community for reminding us every day of the full dimensions of a truly rich life, of the deep reality of the relational and of the spiritual. It’s why the legends of old speak to us as they do. It’s why we’re so moved by the stories of Tolkien and Lewis, of mountains and forests alive. We are filled with wonder. We sense the thin spaces. We are in awe, and from that awe, we are better humans. We take better care of our world. We listen more carefully.

One Sunday last June, before our select committee hearings in New Plymouth, we were welcomed on to Taranaki Maunga. I shared lunch with Wharehoka and Emere Wano, and in the afternoon I walked up to the ski field with Tane Houston, a true mountain of a man. Nui tō pāhau e hoa, nui ake tō ngākau i te puāwai ki tō koro me ona uri taioho. [You have a big beard, friend, but your heart is bigger with regard to your elder and his descendants.]

Tane, our conversation that day spoke more powerfully to this bill than anything I’ve encountered. The way you spoke of Taranaki, the depth of care you had for him, the genuine excitement you shared for everyone to experience him, and the vision you shared for how life giving and life restoring Taranaki is for the rangatahi whom you bring to the maunga, it was something else. Your heart clearly beat in sync with Taranaki’s, and it brought to life for me what we are doing here today: officially recognising the mana of Koro Taranaki and putting in place a genuine hauora approach to caring for him. You spoke of the fauna, the seasons, the trails, the creeks, the summer in a way that added whole dimensions to what I’d seen in the mountain before.

All of this came flooding back to me last week when I was speaking with one of the local MPs, for Taranaki shares his great mana across many electorates. I had asked Barbara “Kurika”—you see, Kuriger becomes Māori in terms of your pronunciation, Madam Speaker. It shares today—

I think it might be the same in Swiss, actually.

Give it a go! I asked her how her summer barbecue conversations had gone explaining this kind of bill to her so many quizzical constituents. She said that she would sum it all up by telling them, “We take care of Taranaki’s wellbeing and he takes care of us.”—“Mā mātau a Taranaki e tiaki, ā, mā Taranaki mātau e tiaki.”

I a au e whakaaro e pā ana ana ki Taranaki, ka huri ōku whakaaro ki ngā tāngata o Taranaki e whakaahuatia ahau—whenever I think of Taranaki, my thoughts turn to the people of Taranaki who have shaped and formed me these recent years. At the first reading of this bill and in my maiden speech, I spoke of my friend Te Waka McLeod. He uri ia o Ngāti Mutunga rāua ko Te Āti Awa. [She is a descendant of Ngāti Mutunga and Te Āti Awa.]

She’s the one that first invited me into a world which I did not know, even though it knew me. I vividly remember the first time staying at her marae, Ōwae Whaitara, and the vividness of my dreams that night as I lay beneath the whakairo of her tūpuna. It was Te Waka, who years earlier had shared with me a dream of her own in which she saw me standing in front of a large gathering of kaumātua speaking to them in te reo Māori, and I’d laughed. If you’d known me then you’d understand what a wild dream that was. Te mutunga kē mai o te aroha noa o te Atua. [The true expression of the love of God.]

A few months later, I was at Wahapakapaka when she received her moko kauae. That evening we gathered for dinner at Frederic’s and I found myself seated beside the moko ringatoi who had just given Te Waka her moko. This guy wasn’t immediately stoked to be in my company, but two hours later we had started a friendship that has shaped and challenged me in ways I find hard to explain.

Rangi Kipa and I couldn’t come from more different worlds, and yet we share the same vision for Aotearoa. In Rangi, there is a generosity and patience and grace that beckons invitation. I know those of you who know him are going “Seriously? In Rangi Kipa?”, but there is. At an intellectual level, our understandings seem incompatible. But when nako speaks to nako, when wairua speaks to wairua, when we pause and really listen to one another, āta whakarongo [really listen]—the kind of action Bishop Whakahuihui Vercoe called us all to on that sacred day at Waitangi in 1990: “Then we find ourselves in a thin space, a place that changes us, a place that unites us.” That’s what I find it’s like with Te Waka and Jay Ruka and Hamuera Tamihana and Puna Wano-Bryant. Kei te mihi ki a koutou.

In my experience, this is the āhua of Taranaki—strength, patience, generosity, and grace—and he, Koro Taranaki, stands there majestically. He invites, and today this House, formally, at last acknowledges him.

Last November, after many years of yearning, my friend Te Waka finally had a child: Kahukura Te Hapai o Te Rangi Māhorahora. Could there be a more beautiful name—and now it’s in the Hansard.

Can you say it again?

Oh, I will. Kei te mihi ki a koe, Kahukura. Ko koe he taonga tuku iho nō te Atua, he uri koe o koro Taranaki. Tō ingoa e kōrero ai o te āhua o tō koro. I a au e rongo ana i tō ingoa mō te wā tuatahi, i huri ōku whakaaro ki te āhua o tō iwi, o tō maunga, o tō koro. Ko Kahukura ko te matua tipuna o Ngāti Mutunga, ā, mā Taranaki tātau e hāpai, mā Taranaki e piki ai tātau ki te rangi, mā Taranaki mātau e māhorahora.

Koirā tōku wheako mahana o ngā uri o Taranaki, mā rātau ahau e mihi mai ki tētahi haerenga ki te ao Māori, he haerenga e kākahutia tōku māramatanga o te whānui me te hōhonu o tēnei whenua, o tēnei rangi. Nā reira, he uri ahau o te māhorahora o Taranaki.

[I acknowledge you, Kahukura. You are a treasure from God, a descendant of your elder, Taranaki. Your name describes the nature of your elder. When I heard your name for the first time, my thoughts turned to the nature of your tribe, your mountain, your elder. Kahukura is the founding ancestor of Ngāti Mutunga, and Taranaki will uphold us, Taranaki will enable us to ascend to the heavens, Taranaki will treat us with generosity.

That is my warm experience of the descendants of Taranaki, who have guided me on a journey into the Māori world, a journey which has enriched my understanding of the breadth and depth of this land and this sky. Thus, I am a descendant of the generosity of Taranaki.]

I am a descendant of your generosity, and that is why it is my greatest honour to, with all my wairua, commend this bill to the House.

Ki aku whanaunga kua tae mai ki te whakanui i tēnei kaupapa, tēnei te mihi ki a koutou. He hōnore nui ki te tū i mua i a koutou. Ki a kōrua, Jamie, Liana, ngā mihi ki a kōrua mō ō kōrua mahi ātaahua. Nō reira, tēnei te mihi, i whakarangatira i a mātau i tēnei wā. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā anō tātau katoa.

[To my kinspeople who have arrived here to celebrate this matter, I acknowledge you. It is a great honour to stand before you. To you, Jamie and Liana, I acknowledge you for your wonderful work. Thus, I acknowledge that you have blessed us today. Greetings to you, greetings to all of us.]

It’s been a beautiful day there, Madam Speaker.

Let’s keep it that way.

Yes—might read my speech now! But it has been a beautiful day, and I think that these are the types of kaupapa that do bring the House together.

I want to congratulate the Minister for shepherding this through. Well done to our Minister and particularly, obviously, our previous Minister Anaru over here—Anaru Little—who did a great job for us when we were in Government. We’re really proud of Andrew’s work. It’s not easy to organise our people, and that’s why we always put a Pākehā in charge of Treaty settlements—it’s sort of been a bit of a strategy of ours in Labour because we’re all related. But I’m really proud to see this go through, so I do want to acknowledge the present Minister and the former Minister.

I want to acknowledge—and I missed it in my mihi—Tariana Turia, who was the MP too for the area. So many here would have been playing a part in her tangi, and I want to mihi to the Turia whānau at this stage, because we know that they’re under this taumahatanga at the moment. I think we all send our aroha to them.

Before I get into some of the other side of this settlement—and I think everyone’s explained brilliantly how important it is and what it means—I do want to address the elephant in the room. I know that with these types of kaupapa, we do whakakotahi for the kaupapa and we try not to get too political. But it is real, and I think Debbie Ngarewa-Packer talked about it and Ginny Andersen talked about it. When we are doing such beautiful settlements, we’re under this huge cloud at the moment, and that’s a real problem. As Māori, it’s a real dilemma for us as Māori, because we have to negotiate with whoever the Government is.

I always say to our people that you’ve just got to do the business. You’ve got to negotiate, but you’ve got te ao Māori at high alert here. We heard that from Rahui Papa the other day at Rātana Pā and I believe Jamie Tuuta was saying something today in the whaikōrero, and it’s not easy—it’s not easy when you’re under a cloud. Here, we all come together for this kaupapa, and we’ve got one party who wants to dismantle our constitution. They want to dismantle our constitution, and so we have to work our way through that. It infuriates me that that is still proceeding.

I want to say to all our people today that I’m proud and Labour are proud—all of the Opposition are proud—of the way we have handled ourselves through this kaupapa, with a lot of dignity, and we get on with the business. Today is a tribute to that, and I want to mihi to everyone.

As some of you know out there, I too am a mokopuna of Taranaki. I know that some of you don’t want to accept that, but my good friend Mahara Okeroa was always the reminder to me when we were MPs from 1999. He would always say, “Don’t you forget Taranaki”—that Batley side—“and Ngāti Tama and everything else.”, and I think that these times are sometimes sombre times, but there’s so much to celebrate in terms of Taranaki and there are so many people and personalities to celebrate.

I’ve talked about Jamie and Liana and their leadership, and I want to congratulate you both. We know how hard it is, Jamie, with you being the leader of just about everything and the chair of everything. We couldn’t quite get you to stand for Labour, because we know that the pūtea wasn’t high enough, but I want to congratulate you, brother. I want to congratulate you. You’re one of the true personalities, without doubt, of Taranaki and one of their leaders.

I want to congratulate my cousin Dion Tuuta, too, for his great mahi. Dion is my cousin. Our grandparents are brothers and sisters, believe it or not—you didn’t know that did you?

You see, I’m hooked into this iwi. They’re very, very close to me—all my whānau on that Batley side—and I remember the great personalities who were great leaders and advocates. I remember my Auntie Hana Te Hemara, whom young Hana over here—oh, she’s out of the room now—was named after, who put the Māori language petition up. She was one of the great fighters for Taranaki and for te ao Māori. My friend and relation Amokura Panoho—is she here today? I hope she’s here today—yeah—and she’s been in my ear for years, I tell you. She drove me crazy sometimes, and she should have been an MP—a fantastic advocate.

My good friend Dalvanius Prime, whom I had a lot to do with, as Deb Ngarewa did—we did a lot of things in terms of Māori music; one of the great advocates for Taranaki. Howie Tamati—my mate, who continually was in my head, telling me how useless rugby was. I want to mihi to him today. Mahara Okeroa was a great advocate for your people—for our people.

I want to mihi to Ruakere and the Hond whānau, and I’m sure you’re here somewhere—kia ora—and I remember well his parents, Pat and Jeff. He comes from great stock, our Ruakere—one of the great academics and speakers of Māori in this country. Mihi nui ki a koe, e te whanaunga, for your mahi in terms of trying to cross over, trying to get everyone to understand what Māori messaging is all about. Well done to you and to your whānau, Ruakere. It’s a privilege to have you here today.

I want to remember my old mate Te Kauhoe Wano, who was a huge part of my life when I was running our Māori radio set-up in Auckland. He’s very, very special to me. When I was pretty sick years ago, he was my biggest supporter, and I always remember him when Parihaka comes around. Of course, his brother Whare Wano is up there, who’s one of the great leaders of Taranaki. Whare, mihi nui ki a koe, e hoa. Yeah, I reckon you’ve done a great job there—you and your wife doing the business. I’m still looking for a house, actually, to stay during Matatini, Whare, so if you can front up with something there, that’d be terrific.

So many of these Taranaki people have been my whānau and my friends, and probably my best mate has been a fella called Bernie O’Donnell, who’s up there in the audience. I mention Bernie not last because he’s the last person, but I’m very proud of him—I’m very proud of him. I’m proud of him because of his upbringing, because he’d been a ward of the State. I’m proud of him because he made his life in the city with us. He worked in the freezing works with me and has been my friend since we were 18 years old, and I’m proud of him because he stood up to all those iwi fundamentalists like Jamie Tuuta and all that lot, you know, and he talked about urban Māori rights. He made his name—my brother up here—in the city, and strong and tough. As I said, he was probably responsible for my union career, because he nominated me as a delegate in 1982—wasn’t it, Bernie?

I’m really proud of him, and what makes me even prouder is that he’s gone home and he’s working with the New Plymouth District Council. He’s taken his pūkengas home and is talking to them about the Treaty, helping them with their reo, and I think that’s the challenge for all our iwi. It’s how do we keep that crossover going—how do we keep incorporating our people who are not at home, who can’t come back to New Plymouth but who live in the Poriruas and who live in the Māngeres? They’re proudly iwi, but they don’t have the resources and the funding to get home, and I think, Jamie, Liana, those are some of the challenges we face going forward.

Congratulations to my whanaunga today. It’s just a lovely day, and I was just thinking about all those wonderful people who’ve been part of my life and who will continue to be part of my life and who’ve made Taranaki proud and, I think, make us all proud today. Tēnei te mihi ki a koutou, he hōnore nui tēnei. Tēnei te mihi ki a koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā anō tātau katoa. [This is my acknowledgment to you. It is a great honour. This is my acknowledgment to you, greetings to you, greetings to us all.] Kia ora.

Tīhei mauri ora. E ngā mana, e ngā reo, e ngā iwi, tēnā koutou katoa. Te Whare e tū nei, tēnā koe, te papa e takoto nei, tēnā koe. Ngā mate, haere, haere, haere atu rā. Ka mihi ki te iwi kāinga, ngā iwi o Taranaki. Nau mai, haere mai, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

[The living spirits stirs. To the authorities, the voices and the tribes, greetings. The House standing here, greetings, the land lying here, greetings. To the deceased, depart and go well. I acknowledge the local tribe, the tribes of Taranaki. Welcome and greetings to you all.]

It’s a pleasure to be here today. I’m not going to do what Willie Jackson did and explain my connections to Taranaki—I don’t have any—but it’s truly an honour to be here today to witness this most historic occasion. Indeed, it’s been an honour to help shepherd this bill through Parliament as the chair of Māori Affairs Committee at the time, to be welcomed to your rohe, to visit your maunga, to hear your submissions. I wish to thank you for your hospitality, your generosity, and your fine kai.

To understand the significance of the maunga to your communities has been a great privilege—to the past, to your tūpuna, to your whānau and your lives in the present, and to your mokopuna in the future. What you see every morning and night is what your tūpuna saw hundreds of years ago, and it will be what future generations see many hundreds of years later. To me, the maunga’s significance is clear in terms of providing sustenance, spiritual connection, wellbeing, and connection to your tūpuna. I am on record in this House as saying Taranaki Maunga is the most beautiful maunga in all of Aotearoa, and I stand by that statement. It is a beautiful maunga, and it has been a great privilege to visit it as part of the select committee process.

As members from across this House have signalled, this is a historic day. This is actually the 100th settlement, or collective redress bill, that this Parliament is due to pass, and I know that many of you have waited too long—160 years—for this moment. This bill, in terms of its details, explains the historical account of what the Crown did. It issues an apology, provides resource contributions. It creates a living person—Te Kāhui Tupua—and a legal entity to act on behalf of that legal person. It changes the name of the maunga and gives access to the iwi for certain facilities on the maunga. But, most importantly, it is a chance for the Crown and this Parliament to acknowledge the past and right the wrongs of the past so that the iwi of Taranaki can focus on the future. And the future looks bright for Taranaki. Under this bill, there will be a new arrangement that will enable input from iwi and the Department of Conservation (DOC) into the management of the maunga, to unlock the potential of the maunga for many areas—economically, socially, and environmentally—to ensure that the maunga is taken care of well into the future.

I do wish to acknowledge the concerns that were raised in the select committee process, in particular those from local mountain clubs and the uncertainty caused. My message to them is clear: concessions will continue, the process for new concessions is clear and transparent, and the intent is for public access to continue in perpetuity. But Parliament can’t legislate for relationships, and one thing I noticed, and my members on the select committee noticed when we were there, was that there was a real willingness of iwi of Taranaki to engage with those mountain clubs in the future. To them, I’d say: engage the iwi and I’m sure your issues will be addressed in the future.

I just want to wrap up and acknowledge the many, many people who have brought this bill to where it is today: former Minister Andrew Little and current Ministers Paul Goldsmith and Tama Potaka. I’d like to acknowledge the members of the Māori Affairs Committee, and the local MPs, who worked hard to ensure that they were kept abreast of the bill and made time to hear the submissions as well. Negotiators Ian Hicks, Hannah Morris from Te Arawhiti, Andrew McLennan from DOC—I always get the name confused; sorry, Andrew. The clerks from the Māori Affairs Committee: Tui, Paquita, and Louis, thank you for your hard work in arranging select committee visits. To Jamie, maybe we can get you to run for the National Party sometime in the future! To Hemi and Liana, thank you for what you do for your communities.

It is a great day for this Parliament and one of the rare occasions when this Parliament agrees in unison on the path forward. We welcome back the restored name “Te Papa-Kura-o-Taranaki”. We say haere rā to “Mount Egmont”, and we say haere mai, hoki mai to “Te Papa-Kura-o-Taranaki”. I commend this bill to the House. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

He hōnore, he korōria ki te Atua, he maungārongo ki te whenua, he whakaaro pai ki ngā tāngata katoa.

[Honour and glory unto God, peace on earth and goodwill to all people.]

It is always an interesting day to stand in this House and to have a collective, supportive approach to a piece of legislation. As the Hon Willie Jackson more than alluded to—he talked about it—this is a House of contradictions, at times. In the morning, MPs in this place, in the Justice Committee, are debating the Treaty principles bill, and in the afternoon we are sitting here in connection, in solidarity, supporting this piece of legislation. And no, Willie Jackson, my couch is not available, by the way!

As I look at and consider what this means for all of us in the gallery, all of us around Taranaki, all of us around Aotearoa, and all of our ancestors and whānau around the world, I think we need to consider that this place, even though it has done so much harm and has hurt so many people, can also be a place that brings hope—or, should I say, allows hope, because we are not the deliverers of hope; we’re the people who create opportunities, I think, for us as a community to then be the instigators, the creators of hope in the future together. This place can be argy-bargy, it can be a place where the contest of ideas crash head-on, and I’m glad that as we sit and we ponder today, we stand in unity together. This is a scary place but it can actually be a place that brings us together and allows hope to come.

I want to acknowledge our ancestors—your ancestors—as we had our mihi whakatau earlier. To see in the gallery this afternoon photos of those who have gone before us, to think of those who are in our hearts and our minds right now, who are no longer with us, recently passed or passed decades or centuries ago—we acknowledge those people because they have brought us to this place

I listened earlier and heard about and read about what happened in the late 1970s, in my lifetime, when the generosity that the Government allowed you to have was returned and then taken away again. I really consider that we need to see the way we move forward and continue to grow and bring our communities, bring our cultures, and bring Te Tiriti together.

Now, many people consider the fact that the breaches of the Crown, the challenges of a century or two ago, are those things that many people, if you walk down the streets of New Plymouth, will say, “Oh, well, that was in the past.” But as we know, in the last decade there have been things done on your beautiful maunga that were not right, that broke tikanga—things like barbecues at the top and ashes left behind and fires lit—things that my Pākehā ancestors need to apologise for.

Today, I want us to consider about how we move forward from here—how do we move to a place 15 years away from the commemoration of the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi? What is my responsibility and my response? As I leave this place this afternoon, it is to continue to educate myself and continue to educate my people, because so often I listen and I learn and I realise that you were all waiting for me to catch up—you’re all waiting for my people to hurry up and get on the waka together.

Today I want to acknowledge the iwi of Taranaki: Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Mutunga, Taranaki Iwi, Te Atiawa, Ngāti Maru, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Ruanui, Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi—the settlements you’ve been through, also the Parihaka Reconciliation Bill, and now we are here. How do we move forward? I commit to working with my people that we can be good Te Tiriti partners, that the legacy that I will leave is that my people are educated and understand that we can walk together to 2040.

Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa. Ko Ruapehu te maunga, ko Whanganui te awa. Nō Whanganui ahau. Ko Carl Bates taku ingoa. Ko mema Pāremata Whanganui. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

[Greetings to you all. Ruapehu is the mountain, Whanganui is the river. I am from Ruapehu. My name is Carl Bates. I am the member of Parliament for Whanganui. Greetings to you all.]

I want to take the opportunity to start off by welcoming those from Ngā Iwi o Taranaki from across Taranaki to this House today. As one of the four directly elected representatives of yours in this House, along with my colleagues Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, Barbara Kuriger, and David MacLeod, I welcome you to this House, as your directly elected representatives, as I say, will play a role in the future of this legislation here.

Jenny Marcroft referenced the story of Taranaki Maunga, and indeed it’s one that I shared in my maiden speech. I was going to reference it this afternoon because it doesn’t fall lightly, or the sort of context of that story, the journey of Taranaki Maunga down the Whanganui awa, up the South Taranaki coast, ultimately to the place that it now lays—connects with the journey of personhood that’s been taken through this House of Representatives, with Te Awa Tupua being passed in 2017 and now the passing of this legislation today.

These days in this House are significant. They’re milestones. They’re days that are not easily forgotten and are certainly taken with a heaviness by all members here on the floor. I was reflecting, coming into the House today, on the words of Minister Goldsmith earlier today when he spoke about Egmont 250 years ago, sailing past and deciding to call this mountain “Egmont”, and that many of us will be the last generation that will know what Mount Egmont was or meant or the context that it holds. Today, down here in Wellington, my six-year-old son Angus has been spending the last couple of days of the school holidays and he will only know this maunga as Taranaki Maunga, and I think that is significant and something for us all to treasure.

I want to just acknowledge the feedback that my colleagues took on board from us as the local members of Parliament through the select committee process. We shared some of the feedback that was being received, and that’s already been referenced by my colleague Dan Bidois. But this legislation does bring a new set of kōrero that’s going to commence, as, I suppose, in my language, this new situation is put into practice. It’s going to require trust, collaboration, work, and engagement across iwi, Crown, the Department of Conservation, council, and mountain users.

In my maiden speech, I also referred to another little quote that I learnt as a youngster, as a Scout climbing on Taranaki Maunga a few years back, and that was “Take only photos and leave only footprints”. I think, in many ways, the spirit of that language is one that I know will be part of the kōrero that will happen as we look forward.

Last year, I had the opportunity to visit Aotea Marae with Minister Potaka and we had somewhat of a robust kōrero. I look forward to the opportunity to visit again both Aotea Marae and others across both the Whanganui electorate and Taranaki as we go through this process that will come as this legislation is turned into practice. It is an honour and a privilege to commend this bill to the House this evening.

Tēnā koe e te Māngai o te Whare. E kara, e Ruakere, ka whai whakaaro ake ahau me pēhea rā tēnei hei tīmatanga kūrero ki roto i te kaupapa kua whakakāhui tātau i te rā nei. Me kī pēnei ki tō tāua tupuna, ki a Taranaki, e Taranaki, nāu taku arero Māori i tōtōia mai i taku ngākau kia puta ki te whai ao, ki te ao mārama. E te maunga, e Taranaki, nāu taku ngākau kia puta ake ki te ao mārama hei tirohanga mā te katoa. Nāu, e Taranaki, taku tūnga hei whakamānawa ake ki a koe i tēnei rangi.

E ngā uri, e ngā whanaunga, huri noa i tō tātau whare, me he tuanui kore ki runga i tēnei whare ka kite atu koutou te hāuaua ki waho rā. Kāore e kore, ka whai whakaaro te Māori he aha tēnei tohu o te ua. He hokinga mahara ki te hunga kua riro atu ki te pō, he tānga manawa ki roto i ngā pēhitanga o te wā.

Kāti, ka tahuri ake aku whakaaro ki ōku rātā tūtahi, ki ōku nohoanga tiro atu i te rangi awatea, ki a rātau kua wehe atu ki te pō, ka kī ake ahau kia hautū tō koutou waka, ā, ki te makuru o taku mahara, kia pako ai te rangi, kia tauwahi ake ki runga o Pauahi, ki runga o te rerenga tōpuni, ki runga anō hoki i a māramatanga, kia puta ake ngā uri e kōrero ana i te rā nei i te māramatanga i kawea nei e te hunga wairua ki roto i ngā tau maha kua pahure ake nei. Ko ngā ingoa kei ōku ngutu, e ōku rangatira, ko te hunga rongonui kua rangona e māua ko taringa i te rā nei, anā, kua kōrerohia e tōku matua a Wiri ki te āhuatanga ki a Kahurangi Tariana Turia, koia ko te whakatinanatanga o tōna awa me ōna kōpikonga katoa. Ahakoa kua riro atu, kei runga tonu i te pae o mahara. Ka whai whakaaro ake ahau ki tētahi o ngā tāngata rongonui rawa atu ki roto i a au, arā ko Huirangi Waikerepuru. Ahakoa kua kōrero mai a Taranaki Whānui nā rātau tērā kaumātua, ka kī ake ahau, kāhore, nō roto mai i a au, o Ngāpuhi. Engari ko ia kei te kūrae o aku mahara i tēnei wā tonu. Nā, ka tahuri ake ki tētahi atu o ngā tino kaumātua rongonui o te kāinga o Taranaki, anā, ki a Tiki Raumati. Hoki ake aku mahara ki te tāima i mate te kaumātua rā me te totohe o te iwi kei hea te takotoranga whakamutunga o tēnei kaumātua, me tana hiahia kia takoto ki waenganui i te hunga nā rātau tō koutou whenua i tāhae. He aha ai? Hei tohu maharatanga mō te hunga Pākehā, hei tohu maharatanga mō ngā reanga me ngā whakatipuranga e haere ake nei. Kāti, ka tangi tonu te ngākau ki a rātau kua wehe atu ki te pō. Ki roto i te reo o Ngāpuhi, ka kī ake ahau, haere mai, haere.

Nā, ka whakahokia mai ngā rārangi kōrero ki a tātau, te hunga ora. E te tuakana e Jamie, kōrua tahi ko tōku tuakana ko Hemi me te tuahine, Liana, ka mea mai taku matua ki a au i mua i tōna matenga, “E Peeni, ko koe tāku kūmara kino nei te kawa, waiho mā tō iwi koutou e whakareka ake.” Kei konei mātau e whakareka ana i a koutou, e ōku kūmara. Nā koutou ēnei mahi taumaha, ki te whakatutuki i ngā moemoeā ō tāua mātua, ō tāua tūpuna. Nō reira e mihi atu ana ki a koutou engari kāore i te mea ka mihi ki a koutou anake, engari ki te tini, ki te mano e hāpai nei i tēnei kaupapa, tēnei ka mihi.

Kāti, ka whakaaro ake ahau ki te āhuatanga o ngā kōrero kua rangona e māua ko taringa i te rā nei e pā ana ki tēnei kaupapa. Ko ētahi, ka kī ake ahau e pū ana a roto, e hē ana a waho. Ko ētahi ka kī ake ahau ka kite a “Peeni i te kokonga o te ngākau.” Ko ētahi ka kī ake ahau kāti rā tēnei mahi tōrangapū, tēnei mahi pōheahea rawa atu o te mahi porotiki.

Hāunga rā ko ēnā whakaaro, koia ko te kaupapa kua karanga hui ai tātau i te rā nei kia whakanui ake i te hunga e noho mai ana ki runga nei, ki ō rātau whānau, ki ō rātau tūpuna nā rātau tēnei kaupapa i tīmata i te hia tau ki muri.

Ko te āhuatanga o ētahi o ngā kōrero me kī pēnei ake ahau ki te Whare, kua rongo atu ahau i te kōrero o ōku ake nō roto o Ngāpuhi me tana hari, me tana koa kua takoha e ia me tōku matua, a Matua Shane, i te rahi pūtea ki ngā whare huhua katoa ki roto o Taranaki. Āe, me mihi ka tika. Engari me pēnei pea tāku kōrero ki a tātau, ahakoa te papai o taku whare, he aha te take o taku whare mehemea e hēmanawa ana ahau. Ahakoa te ātaahua o taku whare, he aha te take mehemea kei te pōuri tonu ahau. Ka waiho ake tēnā whakaaro ki a tātau, e ōku rangatira, i te rā nei. Ko ngā nawe, ko ngā mamaetanga katoa o te ao Māori, ka kore e ea i te rahi pūtea, ahakoa te nui, te iti rānei o te rahi.

Kua rongo atu ahau i ētahi o ngā kōrero e kimi atu ana i te whakapapa ki roto i a kouotu o Ngāpuhi, nā, kua rongo koutou, koutou o Ngāpuhi. Ki te hunga e mōhio ana ki tērā kōrero tinihanga, āe, ka kata. Anā, ko ngā pānga katoa kei waenganui i a tātau koinei taku hari i te rā nei, kua ara mai anō.

I rongo atu ahau i te kōrero a tōku whaea, a Deb nei, mo te kaha o te rōpū kapa haka o Pātea. Ka hoki ōku mahara ki tōku tupuna, ki a Hāmi Paraima, ka hoki taku mahara ki tōku matua, ki a Dalvanius Paraima. Ko ngā uri o Mōtatau i haere atu ki roto i a koutou kia tuituia te herenga whakapapa ki waenganui i a tāua.

Nā, koinei te take ka whakaaro ake anō au, e te, e kara, e Ruakere, ki te āhuatanga o tōku maunga, o Mōtatau. Nā, ko te kaupapa e pā ana ki a Taranaki i te rā nei, e mihi atu ana. Me pērā anō ka tika ki roto i ō tātau kāinga katoa, huri noa i te motu whānui. E mea ana ōku mātua, tūpuna ko tōku maunga o Mōtatau koia ko te tatau ki te reinga, te tatau ki ō tātau mātua, tūpuna. Āe mārika, he tapu kei roto i tērā kōrero. Āe mārika, he mauri tangata, he mauri tupuna, he mauri atua ki roto i ngā kōrero e pā ana ki tōku maunga. Me pērā, ka tika ki ngā maunga huri noa i te motu whānui kei kīia he tangata, he tangata, he tangata.

Kāti. E te Māngai o te Whare, kua kite atu ahau kua āhua tata pau te wā ki a au nei. E ōku whanaunga o Taranaki, ā taihoa ake nei ka tau te ao Māori ki runga i a koutou mō Te Matatini te take. Ko te hiahia kia hurō katoa te ao Māori ki ngā whakaotinga o te kaupapa kua whakakāhui tātau i te rā nei. Kia rangona e te ao Māori, e te ao whānui, ngā waiata, ngā haka, i ngā kōrero katoa e pā ana ki tō koutou kāinga. Nō reira, karanga mai ki te motu whānui ka tau ki runga i a koutou ā te marama e tū mai nei. Ka mutu te kaupapa ki roto i a au o Waitangi, ka tere te hōiho ki waenganui i a koutou hei whakanui ake i tō tāua ao Māori. Ko reira anō tātau mihi ki a tātau anō, ko reira anō tātau tangi tahi ki ō tātau mate, kei reira anō tātau e whakahua ake i te kaupapa kua hui mai nei tātau i te rā nei. Nō reira, ko tāku kōrero whakamutunga ki a koutou, e kara, e Ruakere, haere hoki atu koutou ki te wā kāinga ki runga i ngā manaakitanga o te Wāhi Ngaro, ā, taihoa ake nei tātau katoa hui tahi ai, noho tahi ai. Tēnā koe, tēnā koutou. E te Māngai o te Whare, tēnā tātau katoa.

[Thank you, Madam Speaker. Friend, Ruakere, I have been thinking about how to start my speech about the topic that we have gathered for today. I should say thus to our ancestor, Taranaki, you drew forth my Māori tongue from my heart to the world of potential and light. To the mountain, Taranaki, you gave me my heart to come forth into the world of light to be gazed upon by all the people. It was you, Taranaki, who enabled me to stand here today to celebrate you.

To the descendants, to the kinspeople across our House, if there was no roof over this House, you would see the rain falling outside. Without doubt, Māori would reflect upon the meaning of the rain. It is a recollection of those people who have passed away, it is respite from the pressures of the day.

Thus, my thoughts turn to my lone-standing rātā, to the places where I gazed upon the dawn sky, to those who have departed to the underworld, and I say let your canoe be safely steered, to the abundance of recollection, so the heavens may crackle upon the location at Pauahi, on the close journey, on the basis of enlightenment, so that the descendants who are speaking today may experience the enlightenment borne by the departed through the many years gone by. The names that come to my lips, my chiefs, include the famous people who we have heard about today—that is, my elder Willie has spoken about Dame Tariana Turia, she who was the personification of her river and all its bends. Although she has departed, she remains firmly in our minds. I think of one of the best-known people within my tribe—that is, Huirangi Waikerepuru. Despite the claims of Taranaki Whānui that this elder is from their tribes, I say, no, he is from my tribe of Ngāpuhi. Notwithstanding, he is at the forefront of my mind on this occasion. Now, I turn to one of the most well-known elders across Taranaki, to Tiki Raumati. My thoughts return to the time this elder passed away and the debate with the tribe as to where the final resting place of this elder should be, in light of his wish to be buried among the people who stole your lands. Why? As a reminder to Pākehā people. As a reminder to the generations that follow. Enough, my heart still mourns those who have departed to the afterlife. In the language of Ngāpuhi, I say come forth, and depart.

Now, I return to the commentary about us, the living. To my elder sibling Jamie, together with my elder sibling Hemi and sister Liana, my father said to me before his death, “Peeni, you are the most sour kūmara, it shall be for your people to make you sweeter.” We are here acknowledging you to make you sweeter, my kūmara. You have carried these difficult duties to fulfil the dreams of our parents and our elders. Thus, I acknowledge you, although not just you but the many people who have supported this matter. I acknowledge you.

So I reflect on dimensions of the speeches that I have heard today about this matter. Some I describe as well-intentioned but poorly delivered. Some I’d say that Peeni can see the depths of feelings from the heart. Some I’d say stop playing politics, it is foolish to make politics.

Notwithstanding those thoughts, this is the matter that has called us together today to celebrate the people sitting above in the gallery, their families, and their ancestors who began this matter so many years ago.

With regard to some of the speeches, I have this to say to the House: I have heard the speech of my kin from Ngāpuhi and their pleasure to note the provision of significant funding for housing initiatives across Taranaki, together with my elder, Matua Shane. Yes, this should be acknowledged. But I say this to us: despite the quality of the house, what is the benefit of my house if I am distressed? Despite the fine appearance of my house, what is the benefit if I am still depressed? I leave that, though, with us today, my chiefs. The ills and the pains of the Māori world will not be resolved by funding, regardless of how large or small it may be.

I have heard some of the speeches seeking out whakapapa connections with you within Ngāpuhi—yes, you have heard that, you of Ngāpuhi. To the people who understand that faux pas, yes, you will giggle. I say I am pleased today that all the connections among us have been raised up to be celebrated.

I have heard the comments by my elder, Deb, about the prowess of the Pātea Māori Club. My thoughts return to my ancestor, Hāmi Paraima, and my thoughts return to my uncle, Dalvanius Paraima. These are the descendants of Mōtatau who went among you to make the whakapapa connections between us.

Thus, my friend Ruakere, I reflect upon the aspect of my mountain of Mōtatau. The matter of the day relates to Taranaki, and I acknowledge that. It would be proper to take this approach across all of our settlements, right across the nation. My parents and elders described my mountain of Mōtatau as the entranceway to the underworld, the passage of our parents and elders. Indeed, there is sacredness in that narrative. Indeed, there is the vital essence of humankind, of our ancestors and deities in the narrative about my mountain. The same is true of our tribal mountains, across the nation, so they may be personified.

Enough, I see that my time is running short. To my kinspeople from Taranaki, shortly the Māori world will descend upon you for Te Matatini. I hope that the Māori world celebrates the achievements associated with this matter that we have gathered here today to address, so that the Māori world, and the wider world, may hear the songs, the haka, all the narratives about your home. Thus, welcome the nation who will come upon you in the upcoming month. When the matters within my domain of Waitangi are complete, the horse shall speed to you to celebrate our Māori world. There we shall greet each other again, there we shall weep again for our deceased, there we shall discuss again the matter that we have assembled here for today. This, as my final message for you, my friend Ruakere, return home with the blessings of the Almighty, and soon we shall meet again and spend time together. I greet you, I greet you all. Mr Speaker, greetings to us all.]

Tēnā koe e te Māngai. Tamarau nō runga i te rangi, heke iho ki raro ki te whakamaremare, tē tatari ai ki te hurahanga o te tāpora o Rongouiroa, taku kuia ē, taku kuia ē, te ara o taku tupuna i tōia ai au ko Te Āti Awa nō runga i te rangi, ko te toki te tangatanga i te rā, taringa mangō ko te kete nei, ue ha, ue ha. Ā, tīhei mauri ora.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker. Tamarau from upon the heavens, descending to te whakamaremare, without waiting for the cooking basket of Rongouiroa to be uncovered, my grandmother, my grandmother, the pathway of my ancestor whereby I was brought forth through Te Āti Awa of the heavens, the adze that loosened the sun, the shark’s ear in the kit. Indeed, indeed. It is the sneeze of life.]

This ngeri I’ve just recited recounts the origins of a number of iwi o Taranaki—specifically those of the Tokomaru waka and descendants of Awanuiārangi. The reasons why I recited this ngeri was to remind everyone that mana whenua, tangata whenua, here in Pōneke and the greater Wellington region and, indeed, across the strait to the top of the South Island, o Te Tauihu, have strong connections back to Taranaki also. There are many whānau, hapū down here in these parts who have ancestral links back to Taranaki and whose whānau reside here as a result of the heke, or the migrations, that took place particularly between 1822 and 1833. It’s also an important occasion for the tangata whenua of the land that I stand on today.

The eight iwi of Taranaki—Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Mutunga, Te Āti Awa, Taranaki Tūturu, Ngāruahine, Ngāti Maru, Ngāti Ruanui, and Ngaa Rauru Kiitahi—have all been waiting a very, very long time for this redress to occur. All eight completed their own individual settlements, and, now, the attention appropriately turns to addressing the historical injustices and recognising the importance of Taranaki Maunga and its surrounding peaks to tangata whenua. There are other peaks, or tūpuna, also included in this address, other than Taranaki—the likes of Panitahi, also known as Fanthams Peak. To the south of Taranaki and on the northwestern side we have Pouākai and Patuha and Kaitake.

As you could imagine, there are many legends about Taranaki, and some of them have already been mentioned today. But I did want to mention that Taranaki had a name prior to Taranaki, Pukeonaki, and I heard that mentioned today—I think it was Ruakere that talked of that. Pukeonaki was the name when he was standing near Tūrangi, prior to having a bit of a kōrero and a bit of a fisticuffs with Tongariro. The name Taranaki originated from the first ancestors of the Taranaki iwi—or the first ancestor—and that was o Taranaki Tūturu. His name was Rua Taranaki, and he travelled high up into the source of the Hangatahua stream, or the Stony River, where he ceremonially anchored the mountain to have his name.

When Captain James Cook sailed past on 10 January 1770, the mountain that he saw already had a name, and one can only imagine the distaste to Māori to learn he had been given a new name from some mate back in England. But, thankfully, only a short time—a short time; 216 years!—later, Taranaki was brought back as a dual name. It wasn’t until 2020 that the name Mount Egmont was appropriately removed, and the mountain will, now, only be known as Taranaki Maunga.

The Parliament of New Zealand met for the first time on 24 May 1854 in Auckland, and it was only a very short time later, in 1865, that the 53 MPs of the then Parliament proclaimed 1.2 million acres of Taranaki land, including Taranaki Maunga, confiscated. Coincidentally, that happened to be the same year that Parliament moved from Auckland down here to Pōneke Wellington. It has taken a subsequent 160 years since then to get this redress before us today—160 years of Māori tangata whenua, uri o Taranaki, not being able to authentically connect to their tūpuna.

Seeing the wonderful developments at the Ngāti Ruanui Stratford Mountain House and the soon-to-be-opened Ngāruahine Dawson Falls Lodge provides great examples and a glimpse of the very positive outcomes Māori can provide for all. And there’s more to come soon with the proposed redevelopment of the North Taranaki centre, which will hopefully begin soon and be owned and managed by tangata whenua.

For far too long, Māori have been excluded from Taranaki Maunga. Having Māori at the decision-making table makes absolute sense, and allowing tangata whenua to genuinely connect with their tūpuna and allow meaningful interaction will help pave the way to a very good future. It is impossible to ignore the wrongdoings of the past and the scars they leave; they are deep, and there are many over a long time. But I am confident that if we concentrate our effort and focus on the future and the mana of the maunga is recognised in a Māori way and not just as a landscape, future generations will prosper in a spiritual, cultural, and physical way.

Taranaki Maunga shapes the physical landscape of our region, and it provides a rich store of biodiversity. Our weather is largely defined by our maunga. It has over 530 named tributaries and streams that flow from it, and it is an often-photographed landscape from space. Taranaki has some of the most fertile land in New Zealand, accompanied by a plentiful amount of rainfall and sunshine—it’s not always raining. It’s a very special place to visit, a place to get away from the hustle and bustle of our busy lives. There are many recreational options up there—from half-hour walks to more adventurous multi-day tramps, including stays at various huts. During winter, you can ski on the Manganui field when there’s snow, and, of course, you can attempt to climb to the top.

Unfortunately, though, many people have lost their lives on our maunga. In fact, the records to 2017 show that 84 people have lost their lives, with it being classed the second most dangerous maunga behind Aoraki when it comes to fatalities. It is one of those places. When you look at its peaks, it looks so close, it looks stunning, it looks so easy to climb, but, tragically, some get caught out by the changeable weather, lack of preparedness, the technical ability required, or simply underestimate the fitness required. It’s a place to be respected in more ways than one.

It’s also a great place for education. I can fondly remember at primary school going to Konini Lodge and learning about flora and fauna, learning how pests affect our biodiversity, learning how not to get lost when tramping, learning what to do when you do get lost, and also daring to bathe in the ice-cold waters at the base of Dawson Falls, o Te Rere o Noke, and then spending hours trying to thaw.

Today marks a very special day for ngā iwi o Taranaki. It is the start of a healing process, a start of a new beginning, a start of new hope. This bill is the 100th settlement to take place, and it is the third to use the concept of a legal personality. I could talk about some of the details of the redress, but that’s been well mentioned already. But I do want to join the acknowledgment and the mahi of those that were part of the negotiating process—both on the Crown side and also on the iwi side. I do wonder, though, what Jamie Tuuta is going to focus on now. I was once told that he had more chairs than Harvey Norman. Maybe he could buy a furniture business—I don’t know—or maybe he could actually come down here. I’ll help you out, Jamie, but just don’t get me in charge of your donation returns. We won’t go there.

There are many leaders of Taranaki in the gallery, today, and we see them all here. Only one thing I do think of is auē if the bus crashes—boy, what would that actually say?

I also acknowledge the Hon Chris Finlayson, Eugenie Sage, Willow-Jean Prime, Andrew Little, and Paul Goldsmith for their leadership but, mostly, I would like to acknowledge the many who worked so hard and for so long for better outcomes for Taranaki Māori and, indeed, Māori katoa who are no longer with us today. Having lived in Taranaki all my life, I feel humbled and privileged to speak on this bill that means so much to so many from the place that I call home. It is the righting of a wrong, but it’s also an opportunity for us to move forward with great hope, free from muru raupatu. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

on behalf of the Leader of the House: I move, That, under sections 3(1) and 5(1) of the Ombudsmen Act 1975, the House recommend to the Governor-General that John Richard Allen be appointed as an Ombudsman for a term of 5 years and that, under section 3(4) of the Ombudsmen Act 1975, upon taking up the office of Ombudsman, John Richard Allen be appointed as Chief Ombudsman with effect from the date that the incumbent Chief Ombudsman vacates the position.

The Officers of Parliament Committee has presented a report to the House recommending the appointment of John Richard Allen as Chief Ombudsman. The Office of the Ombudsmen plays an important role in upholding New Zealand’s democratic systems. It is an organisation that is able to undertake a number of inquiries following requests from members of the public. One of the most prominent roles is its application of the Official Information Act.

Mr Allen is the chancellor of Te Herenga Waka—Victoria University of Wellington, and the chief executive of WellingtonNZ. He’s a former chief executive of the New Zealand Racing Board, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and the New Zealand Post Group.

I want to thank the Officers of Parliament Committee for their work in selecting the new Ombudsman. Mr Allen’s nomination was supported by all parties across the House, and I wish him all the best for his term as Ombudsman.

It is my personal pleasure to make these opening remarks about his appointment. As I’ve said, it’s a very important role, and it’s good that we have a person of high calibre to take this role. I fully endorse it.

I rise to express the Labour Party’s support for the motion to appoint John Allen to this position. I’ve been fortunate to be part of the Officers of Parliament Committee, led ably by yourself, Mr Speaker, which made this recommendation. I have to say, the quality of the applicants for the position was extremely high, and the successful applicant was always going to have to display outstanding qualities to distinguish themselves from this group. I thank those who took the time to prepare and subject themselves to the selection process; however, the cross-party committee, which made this recommendation, worked diligently and collegially in coming up with this recommendation, and I commend my fellow committee members.

I’ll now turn to the recommended appointee, John Allen. Mr Allen’s strong public service will serve him well for the role, having been the chancellor of Te Herenga Waka Victoria University of Wellington, the chief executive of WellingtonNZ, NZ Post, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and the New Zealand Racing Board. This wide range of positions has not only exposed Mr Allen to contact with organisations which are an important part of the infrastructure of New Zealand locally and internationally but it also means he has a range of contacts at many levels of New Zealand society, something that will be an asset in this position.

The Ombudsman’s role is an essential one in reassuring New Zealanders that their concerns around the operation of the Public Service can be dealt with from outside that same service. This independence is assured by the fact that the office reports directly to Parliament and not to the Public Service. The outgoing Ombudsman, Peter Boshier, has done a very good job of raising the profile and scope of the office, and, on behalf of the Labour Party, I am confident Mr Allen will consolidate and enhance this position. I wish to congratulate Mr Boshier for his service and we wish him well.

In an era when information on individuals is increasingly available on social media platforms, again it is essential that private citizens have a champion to protect their interests both in obtaining information and preventing abuse of the same, and the Ombudsman’s office is that champion. I’m again happy to commend Mr Allen to this position. I commend John Allen to the position of Ombudsman.

Thank you so much, Mr Speaker. On behalf of the Green Party, I would like to congratulate John Allen on his appointment to the role of Chief Ombudsman. Nau mai, haere mai. The Ombudsman is an Officer of Parliament independent of Government; likewise, the office staff are not public servants. I should note that the word “ombudsman” in Swedish actually means grievance person. The role of the Ombudsmen in the legislation under which they operate, the Official Information Act, is critical in providing a route to follow when people feel aggrieved by a response from Government agencies.

Transparency is important in a free and democratic society. The Ombudsman website has incredibly good, detailed information for members of the public to help understand why they should be aware of the role and how they can interact alongside that. The role of the ombudsman was really well exemplified by the outgoing Chief Ombudsman, Judge Peter Boshier. We thank him for his outstanding work in the role, for being a champion for transparency and for the rights of our communities when it comes to holding Government to account. We look forward to working with John Allen and wish him all the best in this new role.

Thank you. I rise on behalf of New Zealand First to support the new appointee, John Allen, to the Chief Ombudsman’s position. I was one of the Officers of Parliament Committee that was part of the decision making for this over the past year. As the Labour Party member has said, that process was a very robust process, and it was something that I really enjoyed being a part of. The appointee, Mr Allen, has had a long career in the public sector, in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Racing Board, and New Zealand Post.

What I did want to talk about was the office and say that it is actually independent, and it’s something that we must have a lot of trust in. There is a high level of confidence that we need in the Ombudsman’s office, so the leader or the chief of that office needs to be someone of the highest skills and someone whom people have a high level of trust in.

The Office of the Ombudsman is something that we look to for fairness for all New Zealanders. As we know, it looks into complaints and makes various investigations, and it reports on a lot of different avenues of New Zealand society. Its function is something that’s very, very important. It was formed in 1962, but we also learnt through the process that the complexity of the office has changed a lot over the years, and the amount of cases that it deals with has very much grown.

I wish Mr Allen all the luck in his new role, and New Zealand First throws our support behind him. We also thank the outgoing Chief Ombudsman, Peter Boshier, for his duty and for how he has dealt with that office over a number of years and made it into something that I think most New Zealanders are very much proud of. Thank you very much, Mr Speaker.

Tēnā koe, Mr Speaker. Tēnā tātou e te Whare. I’m just going to take a slightly different angle to this speech, particularly because—absolutely to acknowledge John coming into the role. But what I think can platform somebody into a new role is when what they’ve left behind is in good nick. My view would be, after being part of the appointment group, that is most certainly shown in the process, and I want to make a point of that.

I want to make a point of the fact that Peter Boshier, in his whole approach to the Ombudsman role and his office, he did two things—he did a bunch of stuff, but two of the things he did really well, I think. He took the office to the people. He expanded the capacity in that team. He grew the team and he grew the capability in that team. It needed that at the time, just so we know. He did that very, very well, so that you’ve got a sizeable team there of about 240 people. That’s a lot of capability to grow and then to be able to serve our whole nation, so I want to mention that.

The other thing that he did remarkably well in my view—particularly in Māori communities, he took his office out, he took his team out, he sat with whānau. He came all the way to Te Kao. Nobody comes to Te Kao. There’s only 10 people that live there—no, there’s a few more. But he brought him and his office out, particularly with a focus on engaging with tangata whenua, and it was noticed, certainly, when I first met him back when he was Judge Boshier and then, of course, as the Ombudsman in his role.

I think what he’s been able to do is leave a strong setting for John. So in the process of the interviews and then appointing John, what I think John’s going to find in it is that he’s got a strong platform to do his work. You’ll see already his history in the public sector, so he’s ready to go. In my view, I think he’ll pick up those particular aspects of the role that Peter Boshier was able to set up and actually accelerate and elevate the work, because it is such integral and critical work.

I just want to make those remarks. I congratulate John amongst all the people that were interviewed. I’m glad of the appointment. I think it’ll do well, and I commend this idea and this result. Thank you, Mr Speaker.

Most appropriate comments. Before I put the question, I’d like to add my congratulations to John Allen and join in the other compliments that have been offered to retiring Ombudsman Peter Boshier. Time will give us an opportunity to better reflect on and recognise that service.

Can I also congratulate the members of the Officers of Parliament Committee. Often there’s a lot of criticism of the way Parliament works, but the process that was involved there, involving all parties across the Parliament, was, I think, quite exemplary and recognises that all members of this House appreciate the importance of an open democracy and, therefore, the role of the Ombudsman. With that, the question is that the motion be agreed to.

Kia ora tātau e noho nei i tō tātau Whare. [Good health to us all sitting in our House.] I present a legislative statement on the Māori Purposes Bill.

That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

I move, That the Māori Purposes Bill be now read a first time. I nominate the Māori Affairs Committee to consider the Māori Purposes Bill. At the appropriate time, I intend to move that the bill be reported to the House by 30 July 2025.

This bill proposes a suite of minor, technical, and non-controversial amendments to Māori affairs legislation to provide entities with greater autonomy and decision-making power. Though the amendments on the bill are minor and technical in nature, they will have a significant impact on Māori entities by removing red tape, administrative burdens, and modernising the enabling legislation.

Modernising legislation aligns with the Government’s aims of delivering better public services by meeting good Government responsibilities—Kāwanatanga responsibilities. This bill will ease administrative burdens by removing unnecessary legislative restrictions, lowering both compliance and administrative costs. It also supports Māori economic development, as lowering compliance costs and reducing the resources needed to meet legislative requirements will allow entities to focus on growth and innovation, which can contribute to a stronger economy.

The bill is being developed in consultation with Māori entities across the motu, their input instrumental in ensuring the legislation will better meet the needs of Māori communities both now and into the future. It reflects the evolving aspirations of Māori and ensures that the Crown continues to honour its commitments.

The bill contains provisions that update and streamline a range of existing statutes. It proposes amendments to eight Acts and five regulations, as well as the repeal of three Māori Purposes Acts.

First, the bill amends the Maori Community Development Act 1962—very well known—which established the New Zealand Māori Council, Māori Wardens, and community officers. The amendments to this Act and the associated Maori Community Development Regulations will allow Māori associations to hold meetings electronically and appoint co-chairpersons, which is what many of our entities like to do, as well as giving them greater choice and flexibility in how they manage their affairs.

Second, the bill amends the Maori Purposes Fund Act 1934–35 and the Maori Purposes Fund Regulations 1937—very old; nearly 100 years old. The Act established the Maori Purposes Fund, which provides grants and loans for a range of activities for the benefit of Māori. These include the promotion of health, education, arts and crafts, social and economic welfare, and, of course, the preservation of te reo Māori. Modernising the Act will provide better mechanisms for administering the funds. The amendments will allow electronic meetings, something of a new age; remove the requirement for resolutions to be signed by letter or telegram; and enable the chairperson to call special meetings—technical amendments that you’d expect to enable these hui to go a bit more efficiently. The bill also contains an amendment to modernise the requirements for presenting the annual report and associated documents to this House.

Third, the bill amends the Maori Soldiers Trust Act 1957, which was established for the benefit of Māori First World War veterans, and a scholarship fund to commemorate the services of the late Tā Apirana Ngata for Māori. Modernising the Act will allow the trust to operate in a modern day context and better serve the descendants of Māori soldiers. Amendments to the Act will modernise the appointment, removal, and resignation of this committee, an appointment procedure for committee members, modernise meeting provisions to allow for electronic meetings, and modernise the procedure for the preparation and disclosure of the annual financial statements.

Fourth, the bill proposes changes to the Maori Trust Boards Act 1955, something I studied a lot many, many years ago. That Act made provision for trust boards to administer funds, land, and other resources for Māori communities. Modernising the Act through amendments will strengthen the purpose of the Māori trust boards by addressing outdated administrative processes and making it easier for trust boards to fulfil their purpose. Amendments will do this by allowing trust boards to advertise board nominations online—new age; by changing requirements so that any newspaper advertisements only need to be for one day; providing for electronic meetings and, again, co-chairpersons; allowing the board to set the remuneration for the secretary; clarifying the process for filling extraordinary vacancies; and updating obsolete references.

The fifth set of amendments are to the Māori Trustee Act 1953. The amendments to this Act, and the regulations of 2009 associated with it, support the goals of the Māori Trustee by modernising legislation, removing administrative barriers, plus allowing the Māori Trustee to operate more efficiently, and I welcome the support of the Māori Trustee in this matter.

The amendments will reduce the administrative burden on the Trustee by adding a threshold for when the Trustee must report to account holders on interest on distributable income, and also change how distributable income from common fund investments is calculated. Finally, it will also modernise the language and terms in the Act.

The sixth set of amendments relate to Te Ture mō Te Reo Māori 2016 / the Māori Language Act 2016. The Act established Te Mātāwai as an independent statutory entity to provide leadership on behalf of iwi and Māori, to lead the mahi around the Maihi Māori, and in their role as kaitiaki of the Māori language. The Act’s purpose is to support the partnership approach to the revitalisation of te reo Māori. Amendments to this Act include raising awareness of revitalisation activity, and encouraging, supporting, empowering iwi and Māori as learners and speakers of te reo as a purpose of Te Mātāwai, and creating regulatory powers so that the names and make-up of kāhui can be changed easily—can’t wait to see some of my own iwi actually included on the schedule. The name of a court can be updated in the schedule of courts where te reo Māori may be spoken. Finally, an amendment provides for electronic meetings, and, again, co-chairperson arrangements. Consequential amendments have also been made to the Māori Television Service (Te Aratuku Whakaata Irirangi Māori) Act 2003.

Finally, Te Ture Whenua Maori Act 1993—a very important Act which reflects a long history to address challenges facing Māori land owners and the management and governance that goes with that. The Act as it currently stands aims to create practical solutions that enable Māori land owners to make decisions that best serve their aspirations while ensuring whenua Māori is protected. In addition to the amendments to the Act itself, the bill amends the Maori Incorporations Constitution Regulations 1994 and the Maori Reservations Regulations 1994.

Collectively, the amendments in this bill will add to the history and the herstory of Te Ture Whenua Maori Act and benefit Māori landowners by allowing trusts, incorporations, and reservation trusts to meet electronically and have co-chairperson arrangements, modernise outdated terminology, and address technical issues such as allowing the Māori Land Court to exercise powers under the Property Law Act relating to easement and covenant provisions, with respect to Māori freehold land and any other land that the application is related to in the court. Finally, it will also give the Māori Land Court the same powers, as set out under Part 2 of the Contract and Commercial Law Act, as other courts when considering contractual matters before it.

In addition to the amendments I’ve talked about today, the bill also repeals the Māori Purposes Acts of 1937, 1939, and 1945—it’s a tidy-up of the statute book as those Acts no longer have any operative provisions.

To summarise, the bill proposes a number of minor, technical, and non-controversial amendments, which, if enacted, will enable Māori entities to improve and operate more effectively and efficiently without the unnecessary red tape and administrative burden. While the amendments in this bill are minor and technical in nature, they will have a big impact on the ability of Māori organisations to get on to do the mahi and to exercise their responsibilities in the vein and in the realm of rangatiratanga. We have a duty to ensure legislation is current, fit for purpose, and addresses present and future needs. I’m confident that the amendments in this bill will do just this, and I look forward to the support of other members of this House. With those final words, I commend the bill to the House. Tēnā tātou katoa.

The question is that the motion be agreed to.

Kia ora tātou. Kia ora, Mr Speaker. This is not a particularly controversial bill at all. It’s something that, obviously, we should all be supporting so that we are able to get our communities up to scratch. This has been lagging for too long, and it’s something that we should have probably dealt with too, so I commend the Minister for getting on with the business. It is really important that we get up to speed in some areas.

I would ask the Minister to have a think—I’m happy to work with him on it—and to have a look at the Maori Community Development Act 1962 and updating that in terms of the electronic areas and the chairperson arrangements. But the Maori Community Development Act of 1962 is an area that the Minister will know has been a little bit controversial in the last few years as we’ve had different organisations—the Māori wardens, the New Zealand Māori Council—speaking about mandate and about who should be representing them. I’d be happy to spend some time with the Minister to go over that and some of the kōrero that we went through with the New Zealand Māori Council and with the Māori wardens. That’s the thing with the Act: we’re talking about an Act from 1962 being pertinent and relevant in 2025.

While we’ve got some of the technical side set up and people should be able to now, as we all know, carry out their meetings and their business online, there are other areas, I think, that the Minister might want to get into with regard to mandates and who’s representing whom. I’m not an advocate for taking away the New Zealand Māori Council’s right to represent Māori wardens, but that is something that needs to be traversed by the Minister—we’ve put a lot of time in there in terms of the Maori Community Development Act—and really have a look at it and at whether it’s absolutely pertinent and relevant in 2025.

We’re glad too to see our Te Ture mō Te Reo Māori / Māori Language Act updated, clarifying the purpose of Te Mātāwai. It’s important that not just the co-chair arrangements and support for our te reo Māori revitalisation be addressed, but what must also be addressed is the Government’s response to Te Mātāwai. When I was the Minister, we had regular meetings with our Māori organisations, and so it’s good to clarify that. But we need to whakatinana this kaupapa. We need to strengthen it a bit more, so that on top of that we would like to see the Minister’s commitment in terms of the funding for our reo Māori. It’s good that we got this kaupapa up, but we need to get kaupapa up where we’re seeing meaningful funding going into some of our really, really important initiatives.

Māori Television is not on this. We’ve got the Maori Soldiers Trust Act, the Maori Trust Boards Act, the Māori Trustee Act, and Te Ture mō Te Reo Māori. Te Ture mō Te Reo Māori is applicable in a general sense, particularly in terms of how we cover the reo in terms of Māori Television and in terms of Māori radio. We want to hear from the Minister what is his plan, what is his rautaki, and what is his strategy in terms of advancing funding and pūtea for our iwi radio network and for our Whakaata Māori. It’s not just about ticking a box and getting things going in a technical sense.

Generally, obviously, this is a kaupapa that we, as the Opposition, would always support because this is something that we would have done too if we were the Government. I commend the Minister for getting on with it and we support this bill going forward. Kia ora tātou.

Tēnā koe e te Pīka. E tū ana ahau ki te tautoko i tēnei pire mō te Rōpū Kākāriki hoki.

[Thank you, Mr Speaker. I stand to support this bill on behalf of the Green Party.]

On behalf of the Green Party, I stand in tautoko alongside colleagues of the House for the Māori Purposes Bill, knowing that it’s an omnibus piece of legislation that covers a range of legislation that has been, I guess, dated—had limited the ability of organisations to do their business in these modern times. I think they were still faxing and required to post out their mail, some of the groups. But now, with the amendments that have been made, it will support all of our groups impacted here to be able to be stronger and better, now and into the future.

When I consider the Maori Community Development Act and the way that they can now have their hui electronically and also to have co-chair arrangements—yay, awesome. Also the Maori Purposes Fund and the regulations around the purpose, but also the way that they can have hui and the models—great, again.

We’ve heard in the past some of the challenges of legislation that is not appropriate and has not moved with the times. This type of legislation—just coming through quickly and making these amendments—really, ultimately, will help the organisations.

Whether it be tidying up the use of te reo Māori in legislation, whether it’s about enabling co-chair arrangements and the ability for organisations to have more flexibility in hosting meetings, being able to make decisions, and moving beyond telegraph and post, it’s great to see we’ve come to this point in time in 2025. On behalf of te Rōpū Kākāriki, I stand and we tautoko. Kia ora.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I rise on behalf of New Zealand First in support of the Maōri Purposes Bill. As said by everyone so far who’s contributed to this conversation we’re having about the Maōri Purposes Bill, put up by the Hon Tama Potaka, there was wide support for it, which is great to hear. It continues the theme of the day, really, which is great to be a part of.

As the Minister noted in his contribution, this Māori Purposes Bill will provide a suite of minor and technical amendments to remove some of the unnecessary administrative burden so that these organisations are able to focus on growth. And it’s good to see that Labour and the Green Party will also be supporting the legislation.

An omnibus bill—and the Māori Purposes Bill, in particular—is all about tidying up amendments in legislation. Often they’ve been characterised as a wash-up bill. In fact, previously the Māori Purposes Bill in previous iterations, in previous Parliaments, has been called the “the boil-up bill”. Everything gets chucked in the pot. And what a delight it is when it’s time to sit down and have your kai, particularly if there’s watercress.

I’d like to mention a few of the things in this bill just very briefly. In terms of New Zealand First, we’ve consistently stood for policies that enhance equality, equity, fairness, and efficiency within New Zealand’s legislative framework. We recognise the significance of Māori economic development and cultural revitalisation and the impact it has on the nation as a whole. We believe also in practical solutions to improve governance, reduce administrative burdens, and ensure resources are utilised effectively for the benefit of all.

We support the bill because it’s going to reinforce fairness and transparency by modernising the legislation that does, in fact, impact on Māori governance and economic opportunities. These amendments will promote autonomy and efficiency for the Māori organisations. Reducing that administrative burden and requirement—bringing ourselves into the future, or at least 2025, by enabling electronic meetings and things. People do still have fax machines. It’s actually unbelievable. Not many, but a few. But now having meetings electronically—I know when I was part of my hapū’s governance team, meeting always in the north. A lot of travel to do that but to be able to do it by Zoom or other means made it so much easier to ensure people actually attend those meetings. And that’s a good thing, really.

On that, I am pleased to be supporting this bill, the Māori Purposes Bill. I commend it to the House.

Thank you, Mr Speaker, The ACT Party commends this bill to the House. It’s largely a technical bill, an omnibus bill for minor technical amendments to Māori affairs legislation. Modernising legislation, reducing administrative burdens, and increasing autonomy for Māori entities—that’s all in line with ACT values and with what this coalition Government supports. Absolutely commend it to the House.

Tēnā koe e te Pīka. Otirā tēnā rā tātau katoa. Kei te Whare tēnei tūnga tuatahi ōku hoki nei ki tēnei Whare me ōna whakaritenga, kawenga, e mihi tonu ana. Tika ana kia mihia te hunga kātahi anō ka wehe ake nei i tō rātau rironga i a te maunga o Taranaki.

Hoki rawa mai ki tēnei pire mō ngā mahi whakawhanake i ngā rawa o te iwi Māori. Ka tika rā mō tō tātau Whare, me kaua rā tātau e tuku i ngā ture kia kōhatu rā anō kātahi whakatikahia ai. Kua roa te iwi Māori e whanga ana kia whakahouhia ngā ture e eke ai ngā whakaritenga o tēnā, o tēnā o ngā huinga tōpūtanga Māori, ngā kaporeihana Māori e eke ano ai rātau ki te karamatamatatanga o tēnei mea te whakawhanake i ngā rawa, e mihi ana.

[Greetings to us all here. To the House, this is my first stand in this House with its practices and responsibilities, so I acknowledge it. It is appropriate to acknowledge the people who have just now departed as they have regained their mountain, Taranaki.

Returning to this bill about developing the asset base of the Māori people, it is appropriate for our House that we do not allow laws to become petrified before we update them. Māori people have been waiting some time for the laws to be updated so that the practices of each Māori incorporation can achieve the heights of development of the asset base, so I acknowledge this.]

Mr Speaker, tēnā koe. It’s good to be back. I stand to take this call just to raise a couple of additional thoughts, not to reiterate things that have already been said. The bill is indeed a good step forward, but I would think that the House is a lot more advanced than just leaving bills to become so decrepit that we’re making changes to allow things to be done online in this day and age. But, in essence, these things need to be done, and there are many significant Māori organisations that have obviously waited a long time for that to happen. That’s good, but we also feel that it’s a missed opportunity. It’s a missed opportunity to open a broader discussion around the Māori development needs of some of the significant Māori organisations of the country who have obviously been stymied for a long time. Māori development is a key thing in the development of the whole country, so it should be something that’s on the top of Tama Potaka’s list.

We also note that many of the issues that Māori are raising and have raised are from within the development field, and many others like Te Tiriti compliance and the ability of Māori to develop Māori land unhindered are things that need to be brought to the table for discussion. These are all things that enhance everyone’s lives and, indeed, the production and economy of the country as a whole.

Although this discussion is open here in this omnibus-type fashion, we hope that this discussion is continued on and broadened out. Discussion on the needs, the supports, the inputs required, the resources, and the capability required to enhance the continued development of the Māori economy is something that bodes well for the future of all in Aotearoa. As we’ve recently seen at the close of last year, it’s $119 billion. I’m sure a few tweaks to some legislation in this House would help unleash that to reach new heights.

We invite that discussion. We invite that discussion and we hope that the Minister continues his good work, keeps these regulations and legislative conditions up to speed with where the modern world is operating at, and that the discussion around the development of the Māori society, economy—the lot of it—becomes a focus for the Government leading into this year.

Nō reira e tautoko ake nei Te Pāti Māori i tēnei o ngā pire, tuku nei ki te Whare. Kia ora tātau.

[Therefore, Te Pāti Māori supports this bill and commends it to the House. Greetings to us all.]

Mark this day. I actually agree with the member Tākuta Ferris. I think, indeed, what he talks about with regards to maximising the potential of Māori land, the Māori economy, all that sort of stuff—absolutely. I can’t argue with that. Clearly, we’ve got some other pressing issues as well but, hopefully, that is something that the Government can turn its mind to in the short-term future.

This Māori Purposes Bill has been well traversed. The Minister gave a very good opening of what this bill actually does and the many Acts that it affects, and basically the modernising of how Māori entities can get on with their business makes absolute sense.

I do note the numerous former Māori Purposes Acts of 1939, 1945, and 1973 are also going to be repealed as a result of this, because they no longer have any operative provisions in them. But this makes sense.

I’m very pleased for it to be coming to a committee that I’ve been newly elected to the chair of, the Māori Affairs Committee. We will look forward to opening up for submissions as soon as we can and allowing people to provide their thoughts and support, or even if they feel that there is some strengthening of what this bill actually has to do, as well. With that, I commend this bill to the House.

This debate is interrupted and set down for resumption next sitting day. The House stands adjourned until 2 p.m. on Tuesday, 11 February. Have a good weekend, everyone.