Parliamentary debates: Thursday, 27 August 2026
Continued from the sitting of Tuesday, 25 August 2026
Bills
Planning Bill
Committee of the whole House
Part 6 Enforcement and other matters, proposed new clause 295, and Schedules 8 and 11 (continued)
Debate resumed.
Part 6 Enforcement and other matters, proposed new clause 295, and Schedules 8 and 11 (continued)
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Good morning, members. When we suspended last night, the committee was considering the Planning Bill. I remind members that the Planning Bill and the Natural Environment Bill are heavily interrelated and that there are matters that are relevant to both bills. This will be taken into account when assessing relevancy in debate. When the committee suspended, we were debating Part 6, the debate on clauses 217 to 294—“Enforcement and other matters”—including proposed new clause 295, discussing Schedule 8, “Enforcement matters”, and Schedule 11, “Amendments to other legislation”. The question, again, is that Part 6 stand part.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you very much, Madam Chair, for outlining just how much there is in this part. We are coming towards the end of our questions, but the Minister in the chair, last night, and I had a back and forth around clause 283A. I believe he said, “When you make a law, it has to apply.” The idea here, though, is that the Regulations Review Committee and the departmental disclosure statement have both dealt with the issues which arise from this clause, which is a very wide “Henry VIII” provision that provides for regulations to be made which are forward-looking and deliberately drafted in a way which seems to be Parliament saying with its full chest that these regulations will be for matters which may be policy matters which are not contemplated by this bill but by other Acts.
My first question to the member in the chair, Simon Court, is: at clause 283A(1)(b), we’ve got this very broad provision which allows “provisions of other legislation amended, revoked, or repealed by this bill” not to apply or to continue to apply or to apply as modified. What we’ve got there, essentially—and this is what I want to ask the member: would it be possible for regulations that applied under the Resource Management Act (RMA) to continue to apply for five years? I think that’s correct. So what would the conditions be that the member in the chair would expect those regulations to apply? Would he expect the regulations to apply within the policy intent of this bill? That’s not what it says, but that is a job for all of the parts of the funnel to make sure that the regulations do apply in a way which is consistent. For example, the cessation of Mana Whakahono ā Rohe agreements are in regulation, and this clause would allow a Cabinet, by Order in Council, to not apply that regulation for a period of five years; so to keep Mana Whakahono ā Rohe agreements in place and operative, and the ordinary 58UL of the RMA, I think, which provides for those Mana Whakahono ā Rohe—keep any regulations made under those in place.
I also want to ask him about the proposed change of subclause (2A), inserted by Amendment Paper 709, here. There’s a specific limitation that has come in at a later date, and his new amendment makes it clear that the sort of limitation in the regulations will be a shortening of time frames. Is the intention more generally that regulations will narrow in scope with the narrowing of the funnel, or is that just indicative of time frames? What are we to read from that new (2A)?
Thank you, Madam Chair. Last night, the Minister was in the chair, and I was asking questions about the provisions that will commence within a month of commencement—so presumably soon; who quite knows soon? We’ll have a debate about commencement shortly, and I will ask some questions about this. But I was asking about section 104 of the Resource Management Act, and this is one that limits what can be taken into account when assessing effects. I asked whether this was the death of urban design. I can’t remember the word that the Minister said, but it did start with “e” and it wasn’t extinct, but it was close to it.
Arena Williams
Extinguished.
I don’t think so. It wasn’t quite extinguished either. But then the conversation somehow moved to TV screens—the placement of TV screens and Juliet balconies. We had quite a discussion about Juliet balconies. I don’t want to relitigate the Shakespearean quotes that were going around the Chamber late last night—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
That’s good, because we don’t like to go backwards.
Ha, ha! But I do have two questions relating to that, and then a third question.
So the question on the conversation about the Juliet balconies and where you put the TVs, I had asked—and it was via interjection, but the member was responding—if he had examples of councils having consent conditions about the placement of a TV. He did not respond to that question. I would like an answer to that question, because he then morphed into Juliet balconies. That is obviously a cost on a developer. I understand his policy point there about wanting to be able to do affordable housing, but building a Juliet balcony and the price that goes into that is very different from somebody saying where the placement of a TV is. I have not seen examples of that, so I would like to know if there are examples of that. If that is the mischief that this commencement of the amendment to section 104 of the Resource Management Act is trying to deal with—not just Juliet balconies, but also TV placement. Then I also want to know about this word which wasn’t quite “extinction” for urban design. If the member in the chair, Simon Court, can comment further on how—it sounded like urban design was still alive, but only just. So if the member in the chair can say how alive that urban design is. Is it as threatened species? That’s what I want to know about urban design.
Then another question I asked yesterday that didn’t get answered was back in Schedule 8, rather than Schedule 11, and it was about the adverse publicity orders and this use of “built environment” and how that is a strange term and how it is to be interpreted. So I’d like the member in the chair to spend some time on that built environment and how it becomes—it’s not intuitive; unintuitive even. Is that such a word? I don’t know. I’ll leave it there.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. I just want to respond to Arena Williams’ questions about clause 283A(1)(b). Regulations under the Resource Management Act will continue to apply, as provided for in the transition. The question was: are those powers to make regulations? They would need to be consistent with the intent of this bill, and that is a reasonably standard clause in bills of this size. You cannot have regulations beyond the scope of the Act.
Arena Williams
This is why executive Government clause go for broke.
With respect to the member’s question about the “Henry VIII” clause, which she continues to amplify from the Opposition benches: why is there a regulation-making power that enables primary legislation to be amended? Well, the transition to the new system would be complex. There’s likely to be unanticipated situations not provided for in transitional provisions. But I get the purpose of the member’s question, which, if I were to paraphrase, would be: what prevents future Governments using this power more broadly than intended? Which any member of Parliament and any of our citizens would be concerned about. This clause provides safeguards, and the changes made by select committee include more specificity around exactly what regulations can do, and include a test for the Minister to be satisfied that the regulations are necessary or desirable for the orderly implementation of this Act or the Natural Environment Act, when they are passed, and are consistent with the purposes of this Act and the Natural Environment Act. In addition, any regulations made under this provision that are still in force five years after the date of Royal assent will be revoked on that date, consistent with other provisions of the bill.
Now, I want to get to the Hon Rachel Brooking’s questions about transitional matters and around urban design and matters that are in scope and out of scope. During the transitional period, the transitional arrangements go some way towards limiting what matters may be considered internal to a boundary, internal to a premise. The bill further clarifies matters that are not relevant on private property.
The member asked for examples about “Are there any examples where the location of TVs or the provision of a Juliet balcony is part of an assessment?” Well, I have been advised that councils have asked that during consideration of consent conditions, developers respond and modify some of their proposals around indoor arrangements. If the member wants an example, the Christchurch City Council requires indoor storage provisions to be made, and so there are examples where councils are actually requiring developers and property owners who seek to build to give them what councils ask for in terms of indoor arrangements. We’re changing that because it’s important for private property owners to be able to build for the people who they intend to live in the property, not to some council’s or planner’s concept of what good looks like.
CATHERINE WEDD (National—Tukituki)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We’ve got a wee way to go just yet.
Thank you, Madam Chair. This is a quick, very brief call on the administrative fees part of this bill. I want to ask the member in the chair just a quick follow-up on his question at the last point. On clause 283A, my question was: is it his intention that, by Order in Council, Mana Whakahono ā Rohe agreements could continue?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Briefly, no, it is not the Government’s intention that Mana Whakahono ā Rohe arrangements continue. We’ve been explicit that we do not intend for them to continue and that we have made provision in the legislation for iwi and councils that seek to come to an arrangement to do that through the provisions around iwi participation agreements.
Thank you. That is helpful. That is helpful to have on the record, but it highlights the problem that we have, which is that this is a very, very broad provision for the Public Service to, essentially, draft orders that are very broad and give a huge amount of discretion, and then, I guess, governance from the pulpit, where a Minister says, “I hope that you will do X or Y.”
Moving on to the administrative fees, clause 23B(1)—I’ll do the whole thing at once. Subclause (1)(a) through to (h) are the administrative—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Sorry, what clause was that?
It’s at page 224, and I’m on clause 283B. Here’s the thrust of the question: are we sure these are all cost recovery mechanisms, or do they also include charges for participation rights? New clause 283B(1)(ea), for instance—the Minister’s new addition—is to do with fees for monitoring. If we are clear just at this point in the debate that it is meant to be only administrative costs associated with monitoring, that’s quite different than the costs associated with monitoring that are about someone participating and meeting their obligations within legislation. For instance, I’ll put it to the member: can councils charge for iwi participation that is the work associated with hearing the iwi give evidence?
This is the converse of the question that the member Hūhana Lyndon asked him. I’m not asking whether iwi are resourced to prepare these agreements or to prepare the work; I’m asking whether, in coming to a council meeting and in presenting the work, the work associated with hearing that evidence is also charged to the iwi.
Simon Court
Madam Chair.
OK.
Simon Court
I’m not aware of any—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Just a minute, Simon Court. The member hadn’t finished their call, and so you may find that there are further questions, which I will take into account if the member calls again.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Let’s deal with this one, and I’m happy to come back if there are further questions. I’m not aware of any situations—although I stand to be corrected—where submitters providing information as part of a planning process have been charged for providing a submission and appearing at a hearing to give evidence.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Yes, that’s right. The old schema of fees wouldn’t have allowed that, but the new schema of fees seems to allow that, and so it would be good to have the member just consider whether—you know, if he could say clearly whether it is his intention in future for submitters to be charged, that would be great.
I’ll bring his attention to clause 283B(1)(g), then. With regard to the fees payable for monitoring functions here, is it that any functions are related to the Act? So, now we’re getting much broader, I just want to make sure with him that because we’ve already got this levy in the system which is intended to be a general fee for the management of the whole system, this power in paragraph (g) isn’t about the whole operation of the regional Acts, since we don’t want people to be double-charged for the same thing. Is his expectation that administrative fees and the levy will be held separately, given that one is for the council, one is for the Crown?
I’ll also then bring him very quickly to section 283B(2) and (4) on page 225. Both of these powers work together. Can fees fixed under this recovery system also recover those broader costs—is the question. They’re all going to be instruments that work under the Local Government Act and under this bill, but they’re also not reviewable. There’s no tension in the system to make sure that they are reasonable, other than the people who are then being charged them can’t get out of it—and if they do kick up a fuss, they’re also kicking up a fuss with the exact person who stands in the way between them and their development of their land.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Now, going back to this Juliet balcony situation, we heard that if you put TVs over here, there will be no capital investment to an investor, and if you put Juliet balconies over here, there will be a large capital investment to somebody who’s building something. Then the member in the chair said that he’s got examples, and I was asking for examples of TV placement, or even couches. There’s no capital investment in a couch—well, we could argue about what capital it is, I guess.
The member in the chair gave an example of storage. Never in my professional career have I seen consent conditions around TV placements or couches, and so I’m asking the member, again: has he got evidence of consent conditions relating to the placement of residential couches and residential TV screens? That is important, because a lot of the development of these bills has been done via anecdote. That is a real problem, and that is not actually how the practice works.
Now, I’ve got a different question. I’m going to move tack somewhat. In Schedule 11—going back to Schedule 11—there are a lot of changes that came into the bill in Amendment Paper 709, and so that was after the select committee process. We’ve talked about some of them, but they do include quite a lot from page 569 of the Minister’s Amendment Paper about certified freshwater plans, limited certified freshwater plans, main duties of farm operators, and more about farm operators, and—I’m now over on page 572—whether the farm’s freshwater farm plan or part of a freshwater farm plan is required to be certified, the date for that certification and its audit. All of these provisions have just been stuck into the transition provisions, and I’m sure we’ll be talking more about farm plans in the natural and built—it’s not the natural and built bill—in this separated out bill. In the Natural Environment Bill, I know we will be talking about farm plans more, but they are also mentioned in this Schedule 11, and it is by amendment.
It does go to the wider fiction that the member in the chair is fixated on, and that is trying to say that you can’t have integrated management. Again, I stand here wearing my dress, which represents an urban environment, and with my earrings here, which are very much about native flora. Of course, these two things go together. So this is an example—one of the many examples—of how ridiculous it is to try and say that there is not integrated management. But anyway, that was a slight digression, but not really.
The point here is: what are all these transitional changes to farm plans that have been introduced into Schedule 11? That is one question. Two, I’m going back to: is there any evidence of any council requiring a residential consent to place a TV in a particular spot or not, or to avoid a particular spot, and could that not have been dealt with by other methods rather than totally changing the law in a month’s time from the legislation’s commencement?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Oh, what a wide-ranging series of questions. I’ll do my best to answer the members’ questions.
Rachel Brooking asked: is there any evidence of consent conditions relating to the location of TVs? Now, resource management practitioners who have advised me and who have provided advice to the Government on the blueprint have described situations—which have been confirmed to me in advice that I’ve received from officials—that these consent conditions aren’t necessarily going to appear, because when a developer approaches a council seeking a consent, the urban designers at council will tell them that “If you don’t change the layout and make the changes to your design that we’ve asked for, you risk having your application notified.” It’s a form of regulatory stand over. That is why the Government has chosen—and we will be asking Parliament to support this—the removal of the ability to demand those types of changes to the internal layout and arrangements inside a property, because it doesn’t affect anybody outside the property.
I urge the member to consider the intention of that policy change and the benefits it will bring, because we can’t have councils using their powers to threaten notification to a development application in order to insist on design changes based on their vibes and reckons. We’re shifting away from that. It’s a purposeful legislative and cultural change, and I hope the member is able to internalise that and get to grips with it, because it’s going to be part of the new system and the way that the planning system works in the future.
Now, let’s come back to the member’s question on fees, and then we’ll get to farm plans. Arena Williams had a question on fees. The question was: how are fees to be made and how can we be confident? Well, I’d just refer the member to clause 283B(2), where there is a fulsome explanation about how fees fixed under this clause must be prescribed and ascertained, and how a local authority may fix different fees for different costs that it incurs, but—let’s be clear—they must all be made within the bounds of the legislation.
I’ll come to Rachel Brooking’s question on farm plans. I wasn’t quite sure what the detail was or the specific question that the member had. I understand that it was more around the changes that had been made and what’s here, compared to what was considered by the Environment Committee. Look, it’s clear that there’s a need for farm plans to do the heavy lifting in the new system when it comes to managing the impacts of primary production, and that’s the Government’s stated intent, but in recognising that farm plans have an important role to play, it’s also important to recognise that different primary land uses have different impacts on the environment. Some are greater than others.
Therefore, we have made changes in order to be clear that where the impacts that farm plans are intended to manage are potentially greater and the risks are potentially greater, then those types of farm plans are going to require a higher level of certification, and for primary operations where the risks are lower, or on a particular property where there are different types of risks, then there is provision for the higher risks to be subject to certification and audit and for the lower risks to be simply subject to management—it will be described in the farm plan how it will be managed—and, of course, audit, compliance monitoring, and enforcement to make sure that those farm plans are actually managing the risks to the environment, if that’s what they’re intended to manage. If those risks are not being managed well, then, obviously, compliance monitoring and enforcement remains available to the regulator.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I just want to respond to some of what the member Simon Court has said to me about “vibes and reckons”, and his saying to me that I should internalise something about his policy here, but, again, he has given no evidence about consent conditions applying to TVs. So he has, with his “vibes and reckons”—
Cameron Luxton
Is the member not listening?
No, he’s making policy here. I was invited by the member in the chair to agree with his policy position, but it appears that his policy position is based on “vibes and reckons”, and I want to tell him that any policy that I want to be part of needs to have some evidence behind it. Where is the evidence that councils are requiring conditions about the placement of TVs? I’ll even open that up to accept his part answer, which was about whether or not consents would be notified. Of course, hardly anything is going to get notified under this new regime, but I understand that this is an almost immediate commencement provision. So where are the TVs?
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Can I just say that the Minister did address the question and he did refer to the consultants that had provided support to the Minister, but I’ll ask him to respond again and then we’ll move on from that.
Sure. Thank you for asking him to respond. He has not answered a question about TVs. He has answered the question about the internal layout of a building. That is a structural layout, not the temporary fixtures which are TVs and couches.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you for the opportunity to further clarify. The Government’s intention was that matters internal to a property, whether they be TVs, whether they be storage, the location of the couch, where you plug your kettle in, will no longer be subject to planning provisions and rules and consents. The intention of that is so that people who wish to develop their land and arrange their properties for the benefit of the people who will come and live inside a building can think about what might those people want rather than not have to think about what the council planner might want.
Hon Rachel Brooking
They don’t. That’s a fiction.
While the member heckling from the Opposition benches claims this is a fiction, I reject that. I have had advice provided to me and I have had it explained to me that in negotiations between resource management practitioners—which I understand the member Rachel Brooking once had some experience in—and during negotiations with councils it is proposed by urban designers that arrangements within a building be made to satisfy that designer. If it is not satisfied, a council will notify a project for public notification and consultation which delays it and exposes—
Hon Rachel Brooking
What fixtures? Give me an example of the fixtures.
—the developer to enormous cost. While the member asks me for an example, I have provided a description of the situation and the advice provided for me in far more than generic terms. The member might be obsessed by televisions. There are many examples that have been provided to me of the type of shakedown that occurs in discussions between developers, property owners, and local government planners on this matter. That will no longer be subject to a shakedown in the future.
Katie Nimon
Madam Chair.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Catherine Wedd. Oh, sorry—sorry. I’m sorry—I know. Katie Nimon.
KATIE NIMON (National—Napier)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Sorry. We are almost there, but not quite.
Madam Chair, acknowledging your indulgence, I’ll just let the member in the chair, Simon Court, know that I’ll race through this so we don’t have a back and forth.
Clause 295—I’m at page 235. The repeal of the Resource Management Act in here is a new thing that the Amendment Paper introduces. We haven’t had any discussion about how that will work and that is different from, say, the Natural and Built Environment Act. Practitioners in this space will be familiar with it. It didn’t do that; it legislated for specific subordinate legislation, so I’m asking the Minister about how this will work. Like, eventually an Order in Council will set the date for the transition. I’m not asking him when; I’m asking him how all of the other planning instruments which are not defined by Schedule 1 continue to exist. The instruments like national policy statements and National Environmental Standards are defined in Schedule 1, but there are plenty of other regulations and rules which are going to be a creature of something. What? What empowers rules, regulations, directions that are made that are not instruments and that are not the regulations which are set out in this bill?
The second question is: the Amendment Paper now allows different regions to operate under different rules at different times. So the thrust of the question, for the member in the chair, is: is it possible for, say, Auckland to be operating under the new rules and under a new plan, which it will—it’s geared up to do that—and Waikato to be operating under the old rules and its old plan for, I think, a period of five years? What will that mean for places like Pōkeno, which are right on the border and many of their services like wastewater, like transport services are shared, and why was that introduced later? There must be a real-world mischief which is being solved here, that different regions can go in different times, that’s been identified along the way. So what is the justification for that, please?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
There are very clear transition provisions. When it comes to national instruments like national policy statements under the Resource Management Act (RMA), we intend to replace them with a new national policy direction. There’s an illustrative version of that out now for non-statutory consultation; I urge the member Arena Williams to look at it. It’s quite clear that rather than having many different—I think I recall something around 20, maybe 21 pieces of national direction or national instruments under the RMA. We’re going to consolidate it into one piece of national policy direction, and then under each theme in that national policy direction, the member will see that there are standards set out which further particularise how the system is to be implemented. The intended transition is over five years. If it can be brought forward, of course, we would prefer that, but we’ve provided sufficient time.
There was a question around: would councils do things at different times? We have anticipated time frames where the national standard for making spatial plans will be available, followed by regulatory plans, but all of this to be occurring and fully transitioned within five years. If a council is a few months ahead of or behind another council, the Government will choose the transition date through an Order in Council when the Government at that time is satisfied that everything is in place. So those coordination issues, say, between a region like Auckland and a region like Waikato, which have made their own combined plans, should be resolved by the fact that while some provisions in those plans are under the legislation or with regard to standards can come into effect sooner, we’re not waiting for five years for the system to be implemented. We want the benefits to be available within one month of Royal assent. For some of the matters that’d be good to transition immediately, it’s set out in Schedule 11 what those matters are. I fully expect that by the time the Government says a transition is complete, we’re ready to go and turn on the new system, then all the new plans will come into effect fully at the same time. I hope that addresses the member’s question fully.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendments to the amendments to Part 6 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments to the amendments agreed to.
The result corrected after originally being announced as Ayes 67, Noes 55.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 6 set out on Amendment Paper 709 as amended be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments as amended agreed to.
The result corrected after originally being announced as Ayes 67, Noes 55.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment to clause 283A set out on Amendment Paper 733 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
The result corrected after originally being announced as Ayes 55, Noes 67.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 6 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Part 6 as amended agreed to.
The result corrected after originally being announced as Ayes 55, Noes 67.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move on to Schedule 1. The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 to Schedule 1 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendment to the amendments agreed to.
The result corrected after originally being announced as Ayes 67, Noes 55.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 1 set out on Amendment Paper 709 as amended be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments as amended agreed to.
The result corrected after originally being announced as Ayes 55, Noes 67.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Hūhana Lyndon’s amendments to clauses 5(7), 12C, 13, 17, 18A, 21, 21A, 25A, and 27 of Schedule 1 set out on Amendment Paper 733 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Hūhana Lyndon’s remaining amendments to Schedule 1 set out on Amendment Paper 733 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendments to Schedule 1 set out on Amendment Paper 742 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Schedule 1 deleting clauses 21, 21A, and 21B is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Schedule 1 deleting clauses 21, 21A, and 21B is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Schedule 1 replacing clauses 21(2) is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendments to Schedule 1, deleting clause 21(2), replacing clause 21A, and inserting new clause 21C, are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 1 inserting new clause 24A is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 1 deleting clause 37 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 1 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 1 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We’ll move to Schedule 2.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 inserting clause 6(1)(n) in Schedule 2 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
Point of order. I seek leave to correct the vote. Earlier, I voted for Tākuta Ferris.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Leave is sought for that purpose. Is there any objection? There appears to be none. Just explain?
Tākuta Ferris had no vote for all the votes that I took for—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
So, for the entire Part 6 that we’re voting on, and the schedules, there is no vote from Tākuta Ferris?
Yes.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
OK. We’ll record that and adjust the results accordingly.
Thank you.
Hon Member
We should start again!
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Pardon?
Hon Member
Let’s start again to be clear.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Let’s not. The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 2 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 6 of Schedule 2 set out on Amendment Paper 731 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendments to Schedule 2 set out on Amendment Paper 729 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 2 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 2 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move to Schedule 3.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending clauses 5, 15, 16, 17, and 20 of Schedule 3 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 55
Noes 67
Parliament reported Ayes 54 and Noes 67, which differs from the party counts here (Ayes 55, Noes 67).
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 55 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Ferris, Kapa-Kingi | 2 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Julie Anne Genter’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 amending clause 24(2) of Schedule 3 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Julie Anne Genter’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 deleting clause 26(2) of Schedule 3 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Schedule 3 inserting clause 3(c) is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 11(2)(b) of Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 727 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s remaining amendment to clause 11 of Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 727 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 18 of Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 721 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Tamatha Paul’s tabled amendment to Schedule 3 inserting clause 26(2)(d) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendments to clause 32 of Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 729 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 51 of Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 679 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment deleting Part 4 of Schedule 3 set out on Amendment Paper 667 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment deleting Part 4 of Schedule 3 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Steve Abel’s tabled amendment to Schedule 3 clause 62 relating to the Waitākere Ranges Heritage Area Act 2008, be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 3 inserting new clause 63A is out of order as relying on an amendment to Part 1 that was lodged after time.
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 3 inserting new clause 63B is out of order as relying on an amendment to Part 1 that was lodged after time.
The question is that Steve Abel’s tabled amendment to Schedule 3 clause 67 inserting new paragraph (f) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 3 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 3 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Members, we come now to Schedule 4.
The question is that the Hon Julie Anne Genter’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 replacing clause 2 of Schedule 4 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Julie Anne Genter’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 deleting clause 5 of Schedule 4 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 4 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 4 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 4 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move now to Schedule 5.
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 5 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 5 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 5 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move to Schedule 6.
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 6 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 6, clause 2(2) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 6 deleting clause 6(3) is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 6 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 6 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We now come to Schedule 7.
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 7 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Oriini Kaipara’s tabled amendment to Schedule 7 inserting new clause 39A is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 7 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 7 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 8 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 8 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 8 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We come now to Schedule 9. The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 9 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 76A of Schedule 9 set out on Amendment Paper 729 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 9 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 9 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move to Schedule 10. The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 10 set out on Amendment Paper 709 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 10 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 10 as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move to Schedule 10A.
The question is that the Hon Phil Twyford’s tabled amendment to the Minister’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 to insert new clause 4A into proposed new Schedule 10A be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
New Zealand Labour 34; Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand 15; Te Pāti Māori 4; Kapa-Kingi.
Noes 67
New Zealand National 48; ACT New Zealand 11; New Zealand First 8.
Amendment to the amendment to the amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 inserting new Schedule 10A be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendment to the amendment agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We move to Schedule 11. The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendment to the Minister’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 relating to Schedule 11 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
New Zealand National 48; ACT New Zealand 11; New Zealand First 8.
Noes 54
New Zealand Labour 34; Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand 15; Te Pāti Māori 4; Kapa-Kingi.
Amendment to the amendments to the amendment agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendments, as amended, to Amendment Paper 709 to Schedule 11 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That amendments, as amended, to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
New Zealand National 48; ACT New Zealand 11; New Zealand First 8.
Noes 54
New Zealand Labour 34; Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand 15; Te Pāti Māori 4; Kapa-Kingi.
Amendments, as amended, to the amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending Part 1 of Schedule 11 to delete the amendment to Schedule 12 of the Resource Management Act 1991 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 amending Schedule 11 to delete paragraphs (ba) and (bb) of section 18(4) is out of order as not being in the correct form of legislation.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 709 amending Part 1 of Schedule 11 to delete the amendment relating to the Waikato-Tainui Raupatu Claims (Waikato River) Settlement Act 2010 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending Part 2 of Schedule 11 to delete the amendment to clause 7(3) of Schedule 4 and deleting proposed Part 2A of Schedule 11 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending Part 1 of Schedule 11 to delete the amendment to Schedule 12 of the Resource Management Act 1991 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee of the whole House.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending Part 2 of Schedule 11 to delete the amendments to section 92, 95A, and 95B of the Resource Management Act 1991 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending Part 2 of Schedule 11 to delete the amendments to section 104C, 104D, 108AA, and 113 of the Resource Management Act 1991 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Schedule 11 set out on Amendment Paper 709 as amended be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment to the Part 2 heading in Schedule 11 set out on Amendment Paper 733 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee of the whole House.
The question is that Hūhana Lyndon’s remaining amendments to Schedule 11 set out on Amendment Paper 733 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendments to Part 1 of Schedule 11 set out on Amendment Paper 741 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to Part 2 of Schedule 11 set out on Amendment Paper 691 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee of the whole House.
The questions is that Lan Pham’s amendment to Part 4 of Schedule 11 set out on Amendment Paper 680 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Parts 1 and 4 of Schedule 11 deleting the amendments to the Māori Commercial Aquaculture Claims Settlement Act 2004 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee of the whole House.
Tamatha Paul’s amendment to Part 4 of Schedule 11 deleting the amendment to section 89(3) of the Urban Development Act 2020 is out of order as being the same in substance as a previous amendment.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 11 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 11 as amended agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Schedule 12 be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Schedule 12 agreed to.
Clauses 1 and 2
Clauses 1 and 2
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Members, we come now to our final debate. This is on clauses 1 and 2, “Title” and “Commencement”.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to go first to “Commencement”, and then I’ll, at some point, talk about the “Title”. It’s very important to note that there have been a number of changes since the Environment Committee looked at this bill, and so it would, of course, as always, be useful for the member in chair, Simon Court, to explain what those changes are and why they’ve happened; that’s one question.
Then I want to look, first, at clause 2(1A), and that is the list of “The following provisions come into force 1 month after Royal assent:”, and as we were discussing in the last debate, one month after Royal assent is very soon, presumably. It’s going to be incredibly close to the election. Generally, big policy changes aren’t made so close to an election. Particularly, we were in the last debate asking: why were councils ready to make these changes so quickly? The member in the chair, Simon Court, told me that the policy decision seemed to be based on vibes. I asked for evidence about any consents around fixtures; no evidence was given. So this is policy based on vibes, based on anecdote, and it’s going to come into effect in a month’s time from the commencement, when all the other provisions won’t be commencing—just this one that’s going to affect planning behaviour very quickly. From a policy point of view, I do not disagree when the member and the Minister in the chair talk about expensive structural changes such as Juliet balconies, but I was asking questions about fixtures and I have not yet got them, so this is based on vibes.
Given the proximity to the election, I would suggest—and I don’t have a tabled amendment to do this, but I’ll put it here that, in fact, the following provision should come into force six months after Royal assent. That would give some time to deal with the election that is coming on just 7 November. We are at the end of August; we stop being in Parliament from 24 September. This bill will not have its third reading this week, so we know that that Royal assent cannot happen in the next month, but it could be happening in that month after the next month—so into the end of October at the earliest, or into November. So this is very proximate to the election. Let’s move it a bit from the election. That is one question: will the member in the chair consider that change?
Then we have, at subclause (2), “The following provisions come into force on a date or dates set by Order in Council:”, and there are a lot of different provisions here until we get to proposed new subclause (3), which is that “Any part of this Act that has not come into force 4 years after Royal assent comes into force then.” So we’ve got the backstop of four years at (3); that’s fine, and we’ve got these first provisions coming online at the election, but then we’ve got this whole set of significant changes that come into force on dates set by Order in Council. So what that is is vague. It is uncertain. We do not know when all of these different changes will be made. So my question to the member in the Chair about those provisions—and I accept that there are reasons for why you commence different provisions by Order in Council, but if he can give us some answer as to why those provisions are chosen to be by Order in Council, noting that again we have this big amendment.
Then, going to proposed new subclause (2C), which is—and he didn’t answer my question before about irony—the repeal of the Resource Management Act, because, of course, this Government brought back the Resource Management Act and then it’s going to get rid of it again, but we don’t know when because it’s going to be enforced on a date set by an Order in Council. So those are my questions on commencement.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Mr Chair, and I thank the member for her questions. In answer to the question of what’s changed through this amendment, we’ve added a backstop commencement date of four years, and we’ve added a new subclause (2AA), which is available for the member to consider. It’s to provide for commencement provisions, essentially, for the land market officer. So those are the changes that this amendment makes.
The member asked a question about commencement: why commence it one month after Royal assent? Why not wait for an election and then see what happens? Well, I need to inform the member that New Zealanders don’t expect reform and progress to be delayed by an election. They want action, and they want the benefits of this reform as soon as possible.
The member asked, “Well, isn’t there a lot of work to do, and, you know, are you confident?” Well, Ministry for Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport staff have been spending a lot of time preparing for transitional consenting to assist councils and applicants. Of course there is much work to do, but that’s what this Government is up for and that’s what officials are up for and that’s what council representatives I’ve spoken to have told me they’re up for. They want to get on with it. The member Hūhana Lyndon’s shaking her head—she disagrees. She’d rather retain the status quo, perhaps. That’s not what New Zealanders want.
I’ve answered the question about Order in Council. The system will be turned on by Order in Council, but there is provision, there is some flexibility. Just to come back to an answer that I gave the member Arena Williams in response to her question in a previous part of the debate around what if the Waikato’s ready but Auckland’s not and vice versa, there is some flexibility for a region by region transition in exceptional circumstances so that regions that are ready are not unnecessarily delayed by one or two incomplete plans elsewhere. So I’m happy to clarify that, and, further, happy to clarify my answer to a question in the previous debate that the bills provide a backstop date of four years, not five. Thank you, Mr Chair.
Thank you, Mr Chair. This is just a call about the statutory officer, the competitive land markets officer, and it’s an amendment that the Minister made while the committee stage was open to the commencement of this provision. Given that it’s a new provision, I just want to make sure with the member in the chair, Simon Court, that we understand the timing of that, because we’ve heard from the Minister over and over again that we’ll be building the plane as we are flying it. The Opposition has some enthusiasm for this policy, so this is not a general policy critique; this is a question about when these things will come into force.
Firstly, the the Hon Dr Duncan Webb is preparing right now an amendment which I would like the member to consider, that would mean that the general Order in Council and regulatory provision which allows a date to be set in future for the statutory officer to commence would be no later than 12 months. It was the 12 months that was discussed back and forth with the Minister around the operative provisions of the statutory land officer. I have been waiting patiently to take this call in clause 2. That is the best way to effect that policy change, to make sure that no more than 12 months in future—and as the Minister said, you might want to do that in Auckland only, but you could do that in Auckland only if you had a statutory officer which came into effect within no more than 12 months and then it was operative, because it can decide how it’s operative in Auckland only. But that is critically important to the policy, that we don’t see an unnecessary delay.
At the moment, his provision, I think, allows for five years for the statutory officer to come into effect as the maximum date. I think that is the wrong time period. When you look at the effect of 188A, the statutory officer is meant to have as much scope as possible for that new office to determine how and when it applies, but the problem is that we’ve allowed the making of regulations to determine when those powers become operative. So we’ve created, I think, what is an accidental tension in the system where the Ministry for Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport (MCERT) and the statutory officer will at times be deliberately intentioned—that is Parliament’s intent, that the statutory officer will at times be at odds with MCERT, but MCERT has the power to turn them on. We want to make sure that Parliament is clear here that the statutory officer is meant to be in place when the regime is, effectively, in effect, and it’s most important in Auckland.
So could the member just address that point about—there are two changes that the Minister made, one at 7.26; one at 5.40, around that—
Hon Rachel Brooking
Time-wise—she’s talking about times.
Just time-wise, for when the statutory officer will come into effect. I want him to turn his mind to whether there should be a maximum. We’ve got the amendment now, and I will bring him a copy.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Camilla Belich. Sorry, Camilla was trying to call earlier.
Thank you, Mr Chair, and good to be able to take a call on the commencement. I wondered if the member would just elaborate a wee bit. This is following on from the answers given to my colleague Rachel Brooking. When will the Act in its entirety, as set out in clause 2(2)(a) to (j), come into effect? What is the member proposing in terms of the details of the Order in Council? Can he tell us now the dates that all of those different provisions will come into effect? If he can’t tell us the date when all those provisions can come into effect, can he tell us the time frame for when the Order in Council, which is set out in these commencement provisions as secondary legislation, will be made available and a time frame for that?
I think the issue around the sensitivity of commencement for this particular bill is that we’re in a situation now where we’re a few weeks out from the election. We were here three years ago, and we suffered a significant amount of criticism as the Government of the time for making changes to the Resource Management Act prior to the election—a significant amount of unhelpful rhetoric saying that they would be better and how terrible it was that the Government was changing it so close to the election. Look, here we are, three years later, and this Government has brought back the Resource Management Act. Every damaging thing that has come out of every mouth of a member from the other side of this House saying how bad the Resource Management Act is is in force today because of the actions of this Government. That is the reason that these improvements could not be made to the Resource Management Act.
I think, probably, with the benefit of reflection, when we read the member’s memoirs at the time that he leaves Parliament, I’m not sure that he or Minister Bishop will in time agree with the approach that they’ve taken here, because as New Zealanders, we all agree that the Resource Management Act needs to change. We changed it and this Government brought it back. Now we’re in the frustrating position of looking at this commencement clause and not actually knowing the exact dates that these alleged improvements—some of them we think will be improvements and some of them we disagree with. My colleagues have put very, very well-thought-out, articulate amendments as to why those changes need to be made. But we don’t have clarity on that. I appreciate that there’s a backstop—I’ve understood that—but I think that it would be good if the member could answer those two questions.
The other thing I want to understand, and I know this has come through the select committee process, is when I read this commencement clause, it appears to me that some of the changes are less clear in the new drafting in terms of the exceptions and how they are drafted. So we have 2(1), and it just has a full stop. This Act will come into force the day after Royal assent with some exceptions, full stop. Then we have to look at a separate provision. Now, normally we would have—this might be a bit detailed for the member—a colon, a semicolon, an “and”, some kind of joining word that actually links the changes to the commencement date with the overall duty. So why has that change been made? Why is it less clear than it was prior to coming back? Is the Minister proposing to clarify that?
This is important, because when these changes come into effect is when New Zealanders will, if there is any benefit to this legislation, as the member has purported to articulate, will actually have an effect. So, in a way, it’s the most important clause. There’s no clarity in it.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I know that my colleague Arena Williams is very keen to take a call as well on the amendment that she has now tabled, and hopefully the member in the chair has seen that amendment as well.
So I want to move on, backwards, up to clause 1, which is the title. We’ve just heard a bit of back and forth about the impending election. The member in the chair has said, “Oh, well, we’re allowed to make policy to continue so close to the election.” I remind the member that that is not what the now Government members were saying this time in the cycle three years ago.
The point that the member Camilla Belich was just making about the Resource Management Act and it now needing to be repealed again, and that we are here with this significant legislation where Government Ministers have not taken on board any of the Opposition’s concerns about it, when we know that when we win the election that it will be changed, that they are blustering on and could have taken the Natural and Built Environment Act and the Spatial Planning Act, they could have taken those Acts and made amendments to them. But, no, they chose to spend three years doing their own version and saying that they are going to commence right on the election. So I think that a better title for this Act than the Planning Act is “This is a Vanity Project.” [Interruption]
Then another one—I heard some disdain from the Government members, who have not been sitting in this House for quite as long as I have or the member in the chair, who have rehashed these arguments over and over again. We’ve been discussing urban design. This is important because the urban design provisions come into force just around the election. We had some word that I can’t now recall that the Minister said it wasn’t quite extinction, but it was on the way to extinction of urban design. So another title suggestion could be that this Act is the “Extinguishing of Urban Design Act 2025”.
Then, of course, we have a whole lot of this bill that is about what the member in the chair would say is the enjoyment of private property rights and the move from where private owners—people who enjoy that private property—have had to sometimes pay for resource consents and the like, that all of that economic activity is going to move on to the public. The member in the chair and the Minister as well have talked a lot about how they want to really enable everything. They talk in ways as if there will be no planning—that this is really the death of planning—because there’s going to be so much national direction that is undertaken by the Minister that then councils at that local level, they’re not allowed to look at place. I’ve put up a whole lot of amendments to say, “OK, well, what about that local place? What about that localism that Government members campaigned on three years ago that is all gone now?” So my suggestion is that this Act is the “Anti-planning Act 2025”, because I think that is what these Government members are trying to do. They’re trying to say, “We don’t have to have planning at the local level. Don’t worry everyone, the Minister will decide.”
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Mr Chair, with your indulgence, I might need a little longer than five minutes to respond to a number of questions. Starting with the question from the member Camilla Belich in relation to the member Arena Williams’ tabled amendment, asking why the statutory officer for competitive urban land markets could not be set up in 12 months. Well, I would expect that the Government will move very quickly to establish the statutory officer because we all have an interest in ensuring that there are competitive urban land markets, that land is available and affordable. That is one of the stated goals of this Government. We’ll be moving very quickly, but an Order in Council allows for it to be turned on as soon as ready. So it’s also important, because this is a new concept, that we get it right. I hope the member understands that getting it right is just as important as moving fast, but I absolutely accept the urgency of establishing the office and the officer and getting that office focused on making sure more land is available and it’s affordable and it’s where people want to live and develop. So we share that goal.
I’ll just come to the second question, which was from the member Camilla Belich, about a specified transition date. The member, and, I think, the Hon Rachel Brooking also, complained that this Government had had to resurrect the Resource Management Act (RMA). There are some difficult choices in life. One was between the previous Government’s Natural and Built Environment Act or bringing back the RMA, and we chose the least of those two poor options, the least worst—bringing back the RMA. But I would offer the members in the Opposition an opportunity: if they wish to be rid of the RMA once and for all, and getting rid of it faster, they could support the Government by voting for this legislation. They could call for a vote right now, and we could get the Planning Bill passed through committee stage right now.
Now, responding to Camilla Belich’s further questions: a specified transition date will be set once all plans are notified. It’s expected to be early 2030, and the date is in order for councils to allow for plans to be developed before the switch-over, because switching on without plans ready to go would cause chaos. We have taken a deliberate and considered approach to mapping out the transition.
Now I want to go into some of the transition details, in responding to questions from members from earlier. The “Commencement” clause provisions required to stand up the system will commence on Royal assent, as set out in the clause—for example, national instrument provision, system performance, regional spatial plans, and the Environment Court. That is because people who are participants in the system can get on and get started and we can start to see and realise some of the early benefits of the legislation immediately. One month after Royal assent, the changes to the RMA and fast-track provisions will take effect, and the Planning Tribunal will be switched on as soon as it is set up and ready, via a subsequent Order in Council. Then the focus will turn on to the features and matters set out in Schedule 1, clause 15. We’re working towards a specified transition date: 39 months is set out; four years as a backstop. The bills do provide that backstop date: four years from Royal assent to commence everything. I’m just making sure that I clarify that with respect to an answer I gave previously.
I just want to come to the member Rachel Brooking’s description of the “Title” clause and some proposed amendments to it. I’m disappointed in the member, because it is quite clear from reading the Planning Bill that it provides a framework for the enjoyment of land and sets out the goals that this Government intends the legislation to deliver through the framework in the bill. It provides many of the same features and processes, literally cut and paste, from the RMA that are non-controversial, so I would expect that a member with such extensive background as an RMA practitioner would offer a more constructive suggestion about the title.
Oh, kia ora, Mr Chair. I wanted to speak to the issue of commencement and coming from a rural perspective where, you know, the dollar in council is stretched as it is, and in hapū and iwi it’s non-existent to participate in these processes. The fear or the concern, I guess, in terms of commencement being straight after Royal assent is that the system is not ready and councils are going to have to have a quickening of readiness to give effect to this process that will be stood up at haste while still trying to grapple with the day to day of what they continue to work through. As tangata whenua, we’ll be left behind once again.
Talking from a Tai Tokerau perspective, knowing that our regional spatial plans have only just started a conversation and we’ve only just gotten a working group together to try and bring councils together from a planning approach, there are significant worries within the North in terms of the speed by which they will be expected to stand up for this new machinery.
That’s my questioning to the Minister in terms of the haste, because we’ve heard from the Minister this morning, just now, saying, you know, “We have to move at pace, but it has to be done well.” So it’s all in the implementation, really. I signal from the North—we’ve got our joint committee across councils, and they asked, “Hey, we need some national tools, a digital platform that brings together all of the information and helps us at a national level to usher in these changes and map out the system.” That’s been happening at a regional and local level for a little bit, where we’ve got our own templates and tools, but where is something that can bring us together, some glue in the planning space?
So that’s a question around: are we ready enough for the commencement at haste, because we’re moving at pace; this is a fast-track planning bill that’s coming into effect very quickly, but also are the voices of tangata whenua being forgotten? In questioning the member in the chair, Simon Court, but also the Minister responsible for RMA Reform in terms of resource and support and provision for tangata whenua voice—because in readiness for this bill to come into effect, tangata whenua aren’t even at the table yet; council are talking to themselves. So the idea that somehow we’re going to be ready or we need to be ready at haste because of the commencement coming on so quickly forgets its Treaty partner, and it forgets the fact that not all councils are designed or resourced at the same level as well.
So that’s a pātai in terms of: why don’t we have commencement, say, 30 June 2027—give it a bit of time. Let’s get the system sorted. Let’s do it well but also do it in a timely fashion, and I don’t think that 30 June 2027 is too far away. I just think that gives a little bit more breathing space for our officials, for councils, and for, finally, tangata whenua to be acknowledged. Apparently, in the bill, councils and Crown are meant to acknowledge them because it’s in the bill, but there’s no provision, really, for us because we’re just taken into account. That doesn’t even qualify a conversation, sometimes; it can just be the reading of our Treaty settlements or statutory acknowledgments, te mea, te mea. [etc., etc.] So that’s a genuine question coming from regional, provincial New Zealand. Not all councils are the same. If we want to do it well, let’s push it out a little bit. I’m not saying three years; I’m saying just till 30 June 2027, and let’s get it going. Let’s set the system up appropriately, and as our Northland council’s joint management committee, who are trying to figure out how to come into this space—are there national tools and platforms that are going to be established to help us, for consistency and for mahi tahi, so we can learn and we can have a system that speaks to us all, no matter where we exist.
I recognise Tāmaki-makau-rau Auckland is special and different. They’re massive compared to us in the North, but, you know, in provincial New Zealand we need to have the safeguards in place in local government to be able to put bills such as this into place at haste—because it’s quickening; it’s quick—and, of course, we’re forgetting tangata whenua once again. Kia ora.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Mr Chair. Look, respectfully to the member Hūhana Lyndon, who has raised a number of times concerns around participation, consultation, and involvement of Māori in the functions and processes set out in the Planning Bill, the Government is very clear that we intend to provide for Māori interests through Māori participation in the development of national instruments, regional spatial plans, and, subsequently, land use plans, through the identification and protection of sites of significance to Māori, including wāhi tapu, water bodies, sites in or on the coastal marine area, and enabling the development—so important—and protection of identified Māori land. While not all of this is set out in the level of detail the member might wish to see, it is provided for as an expectation, as the intention of the Government that that is on it.
In terms of the member’s suggestion around a delayed commencement date, New Zealanders have waited far too long for an enduring reform and reset of expectations of the resource management system. Turning it on one month after Royal assent will deliver on the ambitions of this Government, but also deliver for all New Zealanders who want a far simpler, more agile, responsive, and lower-cost planning system.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m wanting to speak regarding title and commencement, and I have a couple of proposed titles. One of the things that was elucidated through the process of us grilling the Ministers on the Planning Bill was the fact that the regulatory relief component of it, whereby property owners are to be compensated financially for protection of nature, is, in a very specific regard—that is the status of urban trees—totally unworkable and has been totally not thought out or thought through.
In that instance we have—I’ll give Tāmaki-makau-rau, Auckland, as an example, because I know it well—6,000 currently scheduled protected trees. The Minister clarified that perhaps only a third of those would retain some status because of their heritage value. That means trees with botanical amenity—ecological functions—would no longer be protected. If a council decided they wish to protect them, they would have to set up a framework for doing that and provide a mechanism of giving compensation for not destroying those trees.
When the Minister was asked what that compensation might be—some sort of figure—he had no idea. What is the budget for protecting 4,000 or 6,000 trees? Because indeed the heritage trees are still subject to regulatory relief. What is a tree worth? What is a 300-year-old tree worth? What is a 200-year-old tree worth? It provides these values. The Minister had no answer to that. What sort of budget is necessary to protect the 6,000 trees that this legislation takes out of protected status? There is no budget estimated. People have talked about a figure of $2 billion for implementing regulatory relief across the whole country, because the scale of inverting the principle of a commons that is good for the whole society, and therefore deserves a protected status, has been entirely inverted by this legislation.
Instead of seeing trees in a value to the whole of the society and therefore worthy of protection, this legislation says, “No, if you want to look after nature and the commons, you’ve got to pay for it.” It’s ideologically nonsensical and utterly unworkable in a practical sense, because who’s going to pay the regulatory relief? The ratepayer. Where does the money come from?
Francisco Hernandez
Sounds like a tax.
It is a tax. Regulatory relief is a tax. Let’s be very clear about that. It’s unworkable ideological madness. What I’m proposing is that—
Todd Stephenson
It’s not a tax, mate. You don’t understand what a tax is.
Take a call, Todd Stephenson. What I’m proposing is the name for the bill which is Planning (On Tree Destruction) Bill. Because that’s what it does: it plans on destruction of the most valuable and exceptional trees in our urban areas. In Nelson, in Auckland—about three quarters of the trees in Nelson will lose any status at all through the legislation.
You could call it the Chainsaw Massacre Bill. Because in 2012, when general tree protection was lifted—
Hon Member
Frivolous!
In 2012, when general tree protection was lifted by the last National Government, John Key made a quote that he didn’t think that the chainsaws were going to be heard across Tāmaki-makau-rau, Auckland—he didn’t say Tāmaki-makau-rau—and they were. We saw a mass loss of urban trees because of the loss of general tree protection. This is not just getting rid of general tree protection, which hasn’t been reinstated. This is getting rid of the scheduling and protection of those most exceptional trees in our urban areas.
Another notable thing of this bill is its expectation that regulatory relief will be paid for protecting ecology on the hinterland of Auckland, in the space that goes into that magnificent Waitakere Ranges, the lungs of Auckland. That will have to be also compensated for. Now, the values of those properties, because they’re alongside our biggest city, are very high. The compensation is going to be high. Again, who’s going to pay it? What’s the budget for it? The effect of it is the death by a thousand cuts of that magnificent regenerating lungs of Auckland on the west part of Tāmaki-makau-rau. So this bill could also be the Lungs of Auckland (Death by a Thousand Cuts) Bill. Because the effect of it will be to undermine those long-fought-for protections by that local community of West Auckland to ensure that we protect the existing spatial planning designation that protects its exceptional value.
I’ve proposed those two titles. Thank you.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Answering very briefly, we’ve been very clear that the Waitakere Ranges Heritage Area Act provisions carry over.
The member raised the spectre of the cost of regulatory relief being $2 billion. The report he refers to by MartinJenkins said the range could be $7 million to $2 billion, which shows how little is understood by those who claim to know.
The member referred to the cost of a tree. The legislation and Government’s intent is not to value the tree; it’s to put a value and seek to have transparency over the potential cost of protecting a public value on private property, against the cost or limit to the use of that private property. The member suggested that private property is held in the commons. It is not. That is, we do not subscribe to the collectivist understanding of society that the Green Party does. We believe in the rights of the individuals and private property rights, and so we will not be accepting the member’s proposed change to the title.
MARIAMENO KAPA-KINGI (Te Tai Tokerau)
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’ve been sitting this morning listening to a whole bunch of typical, I think, paternalistic, privileged rhetoric. This is the one question that I did want to ask. Does the member in the chair, is he familiar with the phrase—because as I’m listening, he’s going, “Mari will or Māori will get—they’re an interested party. Yes, we know about them. We’ve got”—this whole attitude about “Maris” or Māori. Is he familiar with the phrase, “That’s mighty white of you”?
I’m interested if you know that—“That’s mighty white of you”. Because it is the question that rages in me when I’m listening to that paternalistic, privileged rhetoric to get away with making such trite statements as if 180 years never existed on this land. You stand and all puffed up and all that kind of behaviour. It just, for many Māori that are watching this and watching that kind of behaviour, we know—and they will know—this is why we just simply cannot trust you. Not a single ounce of you. And all of those that carry that same kind of racist, bigoted thinking. I know you might moan, but to the ones that will moan when I say that, it’s simply because you cannot help your ignorance. You are completely uneducated. You think you know, and you think that the individual scene and the individual—[Interruption] calm down, I’m speaking—is better than, then you simply are full of ignorance there.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Hold a sec. There is a lot of chatter going across the Chamber, and I do want that to cease. But if I could encourage the member to focus on the title and the commencement date. It’s important that this relates to the title and commencement date—that is the subject of this debate.
MARIAMENO KAPA-KINGI
I presented at a deputation at the Far North District Council just recently, and I could see the efforts of that council to do their utmost and utter best to make the difference for whānau in Tai Tokerau—up in the Far North. They were doing their best to figure it out, but the immense pressure that this piece of work, this particular bill—this House is labelling them and pressuring them to do the best with very little funds. And then I listened to this response again this morning about, “Oh, they’re just going to have to make it work.”
To the commencement itself: I mean, as you can tell, Mr Chair, this is such a fundamentally unworkable and failing plan. I would want to just say let’s not do this at all. But I am interested in the answer to “That’s mighty white of you”—have you heard it before? Thank you.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Before I take the next call, just to note for the House, we have had a number of calls based on the commencement date and the Minister has been engaging. I did note that there is actually a lot more in this commencement clause than there is in terms of the normal bills that come to this House as well, so we’ve been canvassing that particular part of it. If there are calls that are going to be made about the commencement date, please build on and don’t repeat things that have been said before. Building on the responses from the member in the chair is fine, but just to note that we have canvassed that. I do note we’ve also moved to more contributions about the title, so we are getting close to it. I will next take the call—Arena Williams.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to make a pitch to the member in the chair, Simon Court, about naming this bill the “Competitive Urban Land Markets in Planning Bill”. This is a speech I’ve been waiting to give because it did not fit in Part 5 for some time. This is an incredibly significant policy contribution to the way that the planning regime will work in the future. If it had been introduced at the first reading I’m sure that it would have made it to the title because it is significant and it changes the way that urban land markets will work in the future of New Zealand, particularly for Auckland, in a way which is novel. It is different to what both the Natural and Built Environments Bill was trying to achieve and the Planning Bill in its first reading, and that’s why we should be acknowledging this.
Congratulations to the Minister—this is something that has met with broad support in the House. When it was voted on last night, late at night, it was the only amendment which was voted on unanimously. This is something where in the work to build bipartisan and cross-partisan consensus, not only on a pipeline for infrastructure work that we can lift out of the daily fray, so too can we work on not only a pipeline of workforce to be able to do that work that we need in New Zealand with New Zealanders and young New Zealanders getting those opportunities, but also with a long-term and cross-partisan commitment to a system where urban land markets are dealt with fairly and where there is competition in the long run so that we can get things built in this country.
That’s why this Planning Bill should be renamed “Planning (Competitive Urban Land Markets) Bill”. The problem is that we have this persistent scarcity problem in New Zealand’s land markets and geography explains some of it, but we’re not like Hong Kong—there’s not a hard urban limit in our cities as they continue to expand. There is an effective urban limit, though, which then sets the land price—
Hon Rachel Brooking
Harbours.
Well, there are harbours, yes, but Auckland continues to expand out like a long noodle between its two harbours. It’s those fringes as it expands that set the price for land in Auckland, and so the cost of building is effectively what we’re trying to change here. We’re trying to make sure that we’re not artificially restricting and therefore increasing the price of land that’s available in our biggest city, and that is something that is critically important to almost everyone in this House with an interest in land development.
The member in the chair said, “We don’t subscribe to this collectivist idea that the Greens have about land development”, but this is an idea which is ideological: that we can have a competitive market for land and one which does broadly have the approval of everyone in this House. It is an ideological step. It is based on the idea that you can have more competition, that you don’t need to be restricted by either the artificial monopoly that the council has or the real and present oligopoly in the market, which is large developers who can command some level of market control, some level of market dominance by sitting on land for a long period of time and waiting for the value to inflate at the expense of the growth of our cities.
That gap continues to exist in this bill. We’re not completely getting rid of it, but this is a significant step in dealing with the problem. Our planning system has never had a means of enforcing that goal and that has been the problem for a city like Auckland in managing its own aspirations and goals around growing into the global city that we need it to be if the whole of New Zealand is going to be prosperous.
The consequence that follows if we don’t get this right puts it back on Government to summon up the political will to fight their own constituents. This is the trade off, that there are National MPs and Labour MPs that have been campaigning against the very things that the statutory officer is meant to mediate for—that Stockade Hill in Panmure is likely to lose its view protections because of something like this; that my own constituency in Manurewa is likely to lose the protections around the two tupuna maunga, Matukutūruru and Matukutūreia because of things like this.
The problem we have here is that those protections are unequally enforced, and this is a mechanism by which we can get at least some fairness in the system; that communities all around the country can have some hope that there is a fair umpire, and if they are losing those critical protections, that at least it is fair and it is in the service of building more affordable housing faster.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’ve got a few different topics to talk on, and most of them are building on responses from the member who was in the chair before the Minister. One of them is this turning on some of these changes to the Resource Management Act (RMA) in a month’s time. I’ve heard the Prime Minister speak about it in terms of “in a month’s time, the RMA will be reformed”, and then the member in the chair just before the Minister said something similar about how in one month’s time everything is changing.
I would ask the Minister now if he would like to comment on that, because my impression from the commencement clause is that most of this bill does not turn on in a month’s time. Most of this bill turns on once different things have happened, and that will be in a wee while, and then there is a backstop of four years. So why is it that there is this rhetoric that everything’s changing in a month?
A different question is in relation to the questions and suggestions for title changes from Steve Abel, there was some back and forth—and Arena Williams just referred to it as well—about this belief that trees are private property in the ACT framework of the world and they are not in the Green framework of the world. This is really important, because the regulatory relief goes to biodiversity and by saying that a landowner also owns the trees, then that must mean that they also own the bats in the trees and the geckos on the ground, and that is this important distinction that we’ve been trying to make about why regulatory relief is a totally new concept in New Zealand, which is why one of my title suggestions was that this Act is the “Anti-Planning Act”.
My third point is that the member in the chair before told everyone that he was disappointed in me because I wasn’t being constructive—
Francisco Hernandez
I’m not disappointed.
Very pleased to hear that my friend from Dunedin is not disappointed in me—thank you, Francisco Hernandez. I’ll remember that.
We have been trying to be as constructive as possible and have offered up very clear amendments that go back to our differing view in select committee that we tried to work through very constructively in select committee. In fact, what has happened is that all of the concerns that I raised with the Minister at the Planning Institute Conference in Invercargill just days after he’d released a report from an expert group—those concerns have been apparent and public throughout and I have tried to advocate for those changes, one of them, of course being regulatory relief that we were just discussing. Instead, during the select committee process, members went in the opposite direction, and then we have had this giant Amendment Paper released by the Government at the end of last week, and it has gone further in the wrong direction. So I’m not sure how it is that I’m supposed to be constructive in the member’s mind beyond what has happened. This Government has chosen to go in the opposite direction from a very reasonable Opposition, an Opposition who, despite, as the Minister knows, would of course liked to have seen the Spatial Planning Act and the Natural and Built Environment Act continue, but I could put away my ego and my vanity and say, “OK. Well, if you are going to repeal it so you think it will have longevity, let’s work on that.”
To me, that sounds like a very constructive approach, yet I’ve just heard that I’ve not been constructive, and I would like the Minister’s comment on that. Thank you very much.
Just firstly in relation to Miss Williams’ suggestion about the Planning Bill, competitive urban land markets, it’s slightly inconsistent with her colleague’s amendment that it should be called the “Anti-planning Bill”. There seems to be a slight bit of tension there.
Arena Williams
“Central Planning Committee Bill” as well, has been suggested.
I think, to be fair, you—
Arena Williams
We have lots.
Yes, I know that. I think you’re just making up names in order to elongate the debate. So we won’t be accepting that. The bill is called the Planning Bill because it will become the Planning Act, which will become our major planning statute, and we think the name is entirely appropriate.
On the suggestion from Rachel Brooking, there are a couple of points there. The first point is there’s a staggered commencement. As the member knows, you can see it in transitionals and in the commencement dates itself.
Hon Rachel Brooking
That’s not what the Prime Minister says.
Well, the next point I was about to make is that some things come into effect a month after Royal assent, some quick wins for people—the risk of reopening the debate, which I understand happened again this morning around Juliet balconies and other things to do with which way TVs—
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Very Shakespearean—Shakespearean tragedy.
—it is a Shakespearean tragedy—face and layouts of living rooms and things like that. The other thing is retail distributive effects and other such nonsense that’s currently in effect under the Resource Management Act. So that is good progress.
I take a slightly more amiable view than others in relation to the member’s engagement on this bill. I think it would be good if both major parties could meet in the middle. But, as I said to her repeatedly, and I don’t wish to relitigate it, it’s not actually anything to do with the bill. As I said before, the foundation of this bill has to be good public policy. There are just differences between the parties on it. The member claims that regulatory relief is a disaster. We have a different view. The member claims that it balances too far in favour of growth and development against the environment. The Government profoundly disagrees with that perspective.
This member’s got a range of different issues that her and I have talked about online and offline. We have a different view. That’s actually, at the end of the day, what Parliament is all about. Sometimes disagreement is a healthy thing. In fact, very often it is a healthy thing. We’re trying to create the best public policy we can for the future of this country. The Government stands behind the bills and the amendments that it has placed before the committee. I would love the Opposition to support them, but I also fully understand where they’re coming from. That’s why we’re having this debate.
RYAN HAMILTON (National—Hamilton East)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
I am looking for new material, and I didn’t note before that we are moving into the title part of this debate, which is an opportunity for members to summarise their content. But I don’t want that content repeated.
Mr Chair, tēnā koe. In terms of the title—and I ask the Minister responsible for RMA Reform to take these suggestions very seriously, as seriously as he takes his Resource Management Act reform and his Planning Bill and the Natural Environment Bill that’s set to make its way into this committee very shortly.
The two names I suggest, on behalf of te iwi Māori, are very serious and reflect the nature—pun intended—the true nature, in the intent of this bill. Here is the name: “Te Ture Raupatu” [“”].The Land Confiscation Bill Translators will be able to help me out on that one. However, for the committee, “Te Ture Raupatu” really reflects what this Planning Bill is doing to iwi, to Māori, and, in this case, to the lovely people of Waikato-Tainui, who are upstairs in this Chamber. This is the type of impact that this bill in the committee of the whole House has had for the last three nights. It’s actually dragged out the taniwha from the Waikato awa and brought them right here to the bosom of this very Chamber to contest and to ask directly, “Why the hell is PC1 put on pause?”, because that actually renders Te Ture Whaimana o Te Awa o Waikato ineffective. Everybody is vulnerable without the safety and the protective measures that existed before. They did need changing, but not in this way.
So “Te Ture Raupatu” is an accurate reflection in te reo Māori, when we look at the details and the devil in the details of this Planning Bill as well as its sister bill that’s set to come in, for that a suggestion, and I know the time will come for the Health Committee, but to ensure there’s duality across both bills and to mitigate confusion about which one is which. This one is “Te Ture Raupatu”; that one is “Te Ture Tāhae Taiao” [“The Environmental Theft Bill”]—makes sense in te ao Māori, and I implore the Minister to take it very seriously.
On the issue of commencement, to be fair and frank, Minister, when I look into the amendments that were tabled by the Minister in urgency this week, Amendment Paper 709, and flip to Plan Change 1 (PC1), right there it says there’s no relevant date under PC1, occurs before the close of 31 December. There’s still confusion around start dates, end dates. That impact—the mana motuhake and tino rangatiratanga—of those five iwi that have mana authority to te awa o Waikato, but spare a thought for every other awa, for every other mana whenua, and every other iwi who aren’t classified as iwi authorities right now, who will be sitting in their whare, in their car, watching this very committee, very concerned about when this all kicks in.
So a proposal really is to ensure that there’s fairness across the board and especially when mana whenua rights, iwi rights, that have existed in time immemorial and are now at real threat of being undone by this bill.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
I hope everybody remembers what I just said about new material.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Can I seek clarification on the new material? It’s part of a very recent exchange and discussion around the title between the preceding member in the Chair, who talked about collectivist ideology, and my colleague Rachel Brooking and myself. I just would like to ask the Minister responsible for RMA Reform to elucidate a view on the principles that underpin the legislation based on that exchange.
Hon Chris Bishop
Sure.
Thank you.
So my colleague Rachel Brooking—I made the point that trees are part of a commons. Just to clarify that point, if a 300-year-old pōhutukawa tree stands on a private property, the average ownership length of private property in this country is seven years. So, houses are bought and sold with such frequency that it’s only ever going to be owned by that particular owner for about seven years on average. That means for a tree to survive for 100 years, say, it has to have had subsequent owners not cut it down. You’re only one owner in the course of that tree’s hypothetical life, to decide to cut it down, for it to be lost in terms of all the benefits it offers to the whole society—i.e., biodiversity, cooling, carbon sequestration, beauty, and so forth.
Now, my colleague made the point that if a gecko was in that tree, because that tree’s on private property, the assumption in this legislation is that the owner of that property owns the tree and can do what they like with it, and if we don’t want them to cut it down, we have to compensate them for not cutting it down. Now, if a gecko is in that tree, is that also private property? If a tūī comes and lands in that tree, is it also private property?
The point is, no. Under law, we say it doesn’t matter whether it’s on your property or not, you can’t kill a native bird or native gecko. They have a protected status irrespective of whether they’re on private property. That is the principle around which tree protection and notable trees and scheduled trees, which have been taken out of protected status in this legislation, are protected. The broader principle is one that private property is a very useful concept in many ways. I mean, it’s a useful way to designate who has rights over certain bits of land, but it has significant limitations when you come to the broader commons. We can’t designate biodiversity as private property, just as the Queen’s Chain principle, which is a principle this country was founded on after the signing of Te Tiriti—it’s just to say you shouldn’t be able to own the rivers. The rivers are a collective good and a commons.
The oceans are likewise; the atmosphere itself. These are commons that no one can really technically own. Iwi Māori have customary rights to those commons, but they’re not private property. This is to elucidate and seek clarification for the Minister on just how radical what is being proposed in this legislation is, because it’s applying a principle of private property across things that are the Commons, biodiversity being the most exceptional example, but including those trees in our urban areas that we have set and agreed are the most exceptional examples of trees that should be protected, irrespective of whether they grow on private property or not, because they are part of the collective good of our whole society. That is what is so radical about this.
I’d like the Minister to comment on just what an inversion it is on the principle contained in things like the Queen’s Chain, contained in things like the principle that the biodiversity of our nation does not belong to anyone. None of us has a right to go and kill a tūī or a gecko. Why should you be allowed to kill a 300-year-old pōhutukawa tree that grows on a bit of property that you happen to own for seven years?
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
I am looking for that new material. I do take the point that we are here to debate and to build on contributions made from members and the Minister as well, but please keep it narrowed to the title.
OK. The title is the Planning Act and the Minister responsible for RMA Reform just brought the Juliet balconies back into the conversation. I would let the member know that there was no answer to my question about fixtures and how they compare—
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
This is title and commencement.
It is related to the Planning Act, Mr Chair, because it is a straw man that this Government has put up again and again. They have said to people, “Oh, those nasty planners”—and this goes to why I’m calling it the “Anti-Planning Act”—“want to tell you where to put the TV. They want to tell you where to put the couch.” Then when I asked them for examples of there being consent conditions relevant to fixtures—
Arena Williams
Storage.
I hear storage and I hear Juliet balconies. Those are not fixtures. This is relevant to the straw man that this Government has put up to say that somehow this bill is about planning, when unfortunately the Minister has not listened to my very sensible amendments that have been proposed throughout this. Instead of it being about planning, it is about costing the ratepayer. It is about costing the ratepayer, because that is who has to pay for regulatory relief. It is about diminishing Māori involvement in any planning that has happened under the Resource Management Act (RMA). This bill goes backwards from the RMA. I did not think that that was a possibility, but here we are. So that is against planning as well.
This bill will lead to more flooding and more stormwater incidents because of the lack of planning. This bill will lead to cell phone towers everywhere because of the impacts on everything to do with visual amenity. There has just been nothing about place. We’ve seen that in the document, the national direction that the Minister has been going like this with—
Arena Williams
Waving around.
Waving around; that is the word I’m looking for. Waving around. That will come through as well. That is anti-planning, and this goes to the title.
We’ve heard that infrastructure, which has the widest definition possible—anything to do with the economy, so a shop—can be in areas where there are hazards. This goes to planning as well. It is anti-planning. Why would we want to put a shop, why would we want to put an early childhood centre in a hazard area? It is anti-planning. It is a disaster. It could have been fixed.
Well, the member has just made those points repeatedly throughout the debate and is using the time now around the title to reiterate her view that it is anti-planning. It isn’t. The title is the appropriate title for the bill; it is a planning bill. I appreciate the member doesn’t like some elements of it. Fine. We have debated that at length, but the title is the appropriate title for the bill. It is a significant part of the Government’s legislative agenda, but the title literally does what it says on the tin. It is a Planning bill which will become a Planning Act to help New Zealand do spatial plans, combined regional plans, land use plans, natural environment plans, and will set New Zealand up for success.
TOM RUTHERFORD (National—Bay of Plenty)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Motion agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That clause 1 be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Clause 1 agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Arena Williams’ tabled amendment to the Minister’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending clause 2 to amend new subclause (2AA) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
New Zealand Labour 34; Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand 15; Te Pāti Māori 4; Kapa-Kingi.
Noes 67
New Zealand National 48; ACT New Zealand 11; New Zealand First 8.
Amendment to the amendments to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Minister’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 709 amending clause 2 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments to the amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to clause 2 set out on Amendment Paper 709 as amended be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments as amended agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment to clause 2(3) set out on Amendment Paper 733 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee
The question is That Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment to clause 2(1) set out on Amendment Paper 733 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That clause 2 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Clause 2 as amended agreed to.
Bill to be reported with amendment.
Natural Environment Bill
Committee of the whole House
Part 1 Preliminary provisions, and Schedules 1 and 6
Part 1 Preliminary provisions, and Schedules 1 and 6
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Members, we come now to the Natural Environment Bill. We begin with the debate on Part 1. This is the debate on clauses 3 to 10—“Preliminary provisions”—and Schedule 1, “Transitional, savings, and related provisions”; and Schedule 6, “Statutory acknowledgements”. The question is that Part 1 stand part.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Part 1 includes the definitions. It also includes the purpose and the Treaty of Waitangi clause and some new clauses related to that and the rules that contain fishing. Not too many clauses here, but some important ones, including, of course, the purpose.
I want to go to my published Amendment Paper 686. This relates to page 25, and again, we’re on—
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Did you say 686?
Yes, I did.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Just checking my hearing.
I just had to check. I do have Amendment Paper 666 coming up as well, but not quite yet.
Hon Chris Bishop
666!
Yep.
Hon Chris Bishop
OK.
Anyway—but I’m not on that one yet.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Heavy metal.
We’ll come back to that.
Now, I’ll start again. I am looking at the Minister responsible for RMA Reform’s Amendment Paper 7-1-0—or 710 might be an easier way to say it—which is the whole bill with some amendments that were made late last week. I presume that there are no other amendments from the Minister on this bill.
Hon Chris Bishop
There are a couple of minor slips.
A couple of minor slips. Well, I’ll have a look at the Table and find those.
But for now I’m going to talk about the definition of “infrastructure”, and that is what my Amendment Paper is about. Of course, the definition of “infrastructure” has an “or” in it. It means “a physical structure, facility, or network that performs a public function; or”—and the “or” is very important because it doesn’t need to perform a public function. It can be something that has no public function—no public function—but “is necessary to … the functioning of the economy:”. Then there are one or more of the following—so it can just be one; it can just be the functioning of the economy. Infrastructure is now defined as “a physical structure necessary to support the functioning of the economy:”. That is how the definition of infrastructure can be read, and that is very much how I am reading it for this bill, the Natural Environment Bill.
This seems incredibly wide, particularly as the term “infrastructure” is used to determine a whole lot of situations around—we will get to limits and when limits can be avoided; not a limit, but we’ll talk about that. The question is if the Minister would agree with my Amendment Paper 686, and that is to delete “the functioning of the economy:” so that infrastructure has to either perform a public function or be related to the functioning of communities, the health and safety of people, the protection of the environment.
We spent about an hour on this during the Planning Bill and the definition is the same.
Hon Rachel Brooking
Oh, did we?
Yes, we did. I’m not sure it’s really worth the committee’s time debating the same debate.
Hon Rachel Brooking
Why have two different bills then?
Well, that is an issue of debate, but not really part of this part that goes to the structure—
Camilla Belich
Which part is it part of?
Well, it goes to the structure of the overall approach, which is for the various different readings rather than the part-by-part analysis. We have debated this at length—the definition of infrastructure is broad to recognise a range of infrastructure needs, support long-term planning, and avoid disputes over whether particular assets qualify as infrastructure. Decisions about the priority given to infrastructure and the rules that apply to it are determined, obviously, through national instruments and plans.
Before the member asks: yes, the green infrastructure is captured in the definition of it. Again, we debated this at length about 24 hours ago. “Infrastructure” includes a natural feature that is modified to perform certain functions—for example, a wetland that is modified to act as stormwater retention to reduce flooding. This change was made by the Environment Committee to ensure green infrastructure was included in the definition of “infrastructure”. I wasn’t on the select committee, but I suspect the member was advocating for precisely that change, which is an example of a collaborative and collegial way the Environment Committee worked its way through the issues.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Just before I take the next call, this bill will be treated as a new bill—for those who are watching; for those who subsequently will need to look at comments in the Hansard. From the Chair’s point of view, we treat it as though it is what it is, which is a new bill here. Those on my left are fully entitled to examine it as they would any other bill.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Thank you for that clarification as well. That’s very useful because, of course, we may have debated things 24 hours ago—maybe even more than 24 hours ago, I don’t know; I’ve lost track of time. But even regardless of that, the definition of “infrastructure” is important for this bill; for this Natural Environment Bill, because it goes into—we will get into the limits later.
I appreciate the Minister responsible for RMA Reform’s pre-emptive strike on green infrastructure. Indeed, that is a good change, and I would just say that Government members should listen to me more frequently. I’m going to give them an opportunity to do that right now, and that is to go to clause 4, which is the purpose, and I have Amendment Paper 688. That would be to change the purpose—and I am very happy to admit to the committee that this purpose has been plagiarised from advice that the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment has given, and that is to make the purpose an actual purpose clause rather than talking about a framework.
I am pleased that the purpose clause does talk about the enhancement of the natural environment—it is a good word to be included in the purpose. But Amendment Paper 688 proposes to change it to: “The purpose of this Act is to maintain and improve the natural environment and safeguard human health, provide for the adaptation to climate change effects, manage risk of natural hazards, and inform planning under the Planning Act 2025.” In terms of informing planning under the Planning Act, I’ve got some amendments later as well that go towards trying to integrate these two pieces of legislation that we were talking about, one bill after the other, but they are in separate bills and they are going to have term after term that repeats, which I just think is stupid and entirely inefficient. I don’t know why anybody would want to do that, unless they are hellbent on trying to end integrated management, and I would say that that is where I think the ACT Party sits on this, but I would have thought better from the National Party.
This purpose is a way to help integrate those two bills and to talk to how they talk to each other. I’m happy to amend my amendment so that rather than “improve” the natural environment it’s to “enhance”, if we think “enhance” is better than “improve”. The Minister could comment on both my suggested purposed changes and also the integration of the two bills, noting that the natural environment is not some magical other that is outside of our cities or our built environments. When we go outside of this building, there are trees; when we go outside of this building, there is rain, there is air pollution—you know, just one step outside of the building, we have these impacts. So that is why it’s good to think of them all together and to have integrated management. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Like my colleague Rachel Brooking, I really appreciate the clarification about how important it is that we treat this bill with the respect it deserves, given the serious implications for the entire country. The points that my colleague has made about it being nonsensical that these bills are split in the first instance—this is just one example of why that is the case and why everyone who interacts with these bills across the whole of the planning sector is going to find this same issue, where they feel like there’s confusion, there’s repetition, there’s complications, and that’s what we heard, resoundingly, from submitters.
To begin with, I wanted to pick up on something in the definitions, because I have an Amendment Paper about it later in the actual Act. But what I want to touch on is the definition of “interim limit”—this is on page 25 of the Minister’s amendment. My impression is that everyone wants a resource management system that actually gets us somewhere. One of the huge disappointments that came with the changes during the select committee stages was just this constant delay, pushing things out, and we’ve seen it again with the Minister’s last-minute amendments and changes to Plan Change 1 and Plan Change 2—sorry, stopping them in their tracks, I should say. Everything is pushed back; even, in those instances, the dates for when the planning system may be in place is around 2032 or 2033, and at that stage, these so-called interim limits are just at decade-long intervals.
My question for the Minister is: why was it the Government’s decision that they so deliberately wanted to push out, even in the interim limits, to 10 years? It’s actually extraordinary in terms of claiming that there is a want and a desire to actually improve things, when even the interim limits will be that far in the future. So really interested to hear that.
The next aspect I want to touch on is, of course, the purpose. I note in my colleague Rachel Brooking’s amendment to simply put in place some basic direction that the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment has encouraged us to do. But I want to also bring up the fact that we had an independent KC advise us at select committee on the purposes of the two bills, and she was absolutely clear, and has in her advice to us, that the purposes will not guide or influence decision making. Now, that should be a concern, an absolute concern, for the Minister, for the Government, that there is not clear purpose in these bills.
We’ve had on the Table, and we have on the Table right now, directions in terms of options for the Minister to actually listen to this; to pick it up and decide that he wants to improve things. I want to specifically touch on one of the Amendment Papers that is in the name of my colleague Hūhana Lyndon, and this is changing the purpose at clause 4. Instead of it being so nothing, and to simply establish a framework which doesn’t do anything, we’re proposing that the purpose of the Act is actually to manage the environment in a way that protects and restores the health of the natural environment; that safeguards the life-supporting capacity of air, water, soil, and ecosystems; and that provides for the use and development of the environment in a way that actually promotes the wellbeing of both present and future generations within limits. What else is the point?
I’d love to hear the Minister respond to the fact that there is not an intergenerational approach to these bills—can he please address that? Thank you.
Just dealing with the last objection first: you don’t need to have intergenerational language in the purpose clause to have intergenerational impacts, so I regret that.
Let me just take the issues raised by both Ms Brooking and Ms Pham in relation to purpose. I mean, the member sat through the select committee process. I’m a bit surprised to hear her say the purpose clause doesn’t do anything, it won’t have an effect, etc. That’s the point. That is the point of the Government’s purpose clause. That is the point. I mean, like, she sat through hours of select committee hearings, we had a debate around the same provisions on the purpose—
Hon Rachel Brooking
And everyone says it doesn’t work—it doesn’t work.
The whole point is that it’s a descriptive framework clause. We’ve sort of been there, done that, on this issue. The whole point is that we wish to avoid the endless litigation about the purpose clause in the new system. So the Resource Management Act’s (RMA) approach of sustainable management in the purpose, etc.—endless debate around that—that’s the approach we’re deliberately trying to steer away from. So it is a descriptive purpose clause in the Natural Environment Bill, as it is in the Planning Bill.
The problem with her Amendment Paper, which I’ve looked at, is that it just—I mean, it’s even worse than the RMA in the sense that it just conflates a whole lot of different concepts and just shoves them in the purpose clause. It would be a recipe for endless litigation and debate and complications. That deals with Ms Brooking’s and Ms Pham’s questions around that.
In relation to interim limits, she asked why 10 years. Interim limits are a tool for when a limit is breached, and 10 years is to align with plan making, because plans are done every 10 years so the interim limits can be done every 10 years. The interim limits are used when a limit is breached. I actually see them as a step forward, because their wayfind is along the way, right? They’re interim—on the way to the limits.
To the member’s last statement, and to return to the start of it, in terms of intergenerational limits, that is going to be something that you achieve over the long term. I mean, the starting point is that the RMA doesn’t have limits—the Natural Environment Bill is going to have limits across a variety of environmental domains. That is a massive step forward. And I appreciate the member doesn’t think they go far enough; there’d be others in the community who think the same thing, but there will be others equally on the other side of the debate who don’t think we should have limits at all. So the member wants very strict environmental limits probably immediately. A lot of people don’t want limits at all. We’ve reached a position in the middle. I think it’s a good step forward for the country. And, as I’ve said multiple times, we should have economic development and growth within limits. That’s what this bill sets up.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Lan Pham.
Hon Rachel Brooking
Point of order.
Lan Pham
Thank you, Mr Chair. Just to pick up—
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Sorry, point of order, Hon Rachel Brooking.
Yes, just before, we had a quick interaction about amendments and which Amendment Papers we were looking at. We’re looking at this Amendment Paper 710. The Minister indicated that there were some small Amendment Papers. I’ve just been to the Table and I have not been able to find—
Hon Chris Bishop
They’re extremely minor PCO drafting things.
OK. But they’re not on the Table yet?
Hon Chris Bishop
I don’t believe so, no. They’re coming.
OK, thank you. That is the answer to my question.
Lan Pham
Point of order.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
A legitimate point of order, thank you. Lan Pham.
Speaking to the point of order, Mr Chair, is it possible for us to be—for the Minister, when they do come in, just for him to alert us. Because sometimes officials come in very quietly, but I would be really keen to see those amendments. Would that be appropriate?
Hon Chris Bishop
Yeah, I can I tell you.
Lan Pham
Thank you. Mr Chair?
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Lan Pham.
Thank you. Just responding to the Minister’s comments around interim limits, you know, they’re a stepping stone, and yet, stepping stones would be within the plan time frames. The fact is, with these 10-year limits, they are at the edge of the 10-year planning cycles. So I’m not sure how that is possibly an improvement and how they are stepping stones when they are at the edge of the time line that is actually available. So I’m really interested to hear the Minister—
Hon Chris Bishop
I’ve answered that question.
So you’re comfortable with just pushing out?
Hon Chris Bishop
They’re interim. They’re interim limits.
So take the example, Minister, of the changes in Plan Change 1 in the Waikato so that plan will be in place in, say 2033. Your explanation documents make that clear. That will have an interim limit of 2043.
Why are you shaking your head, Minister? That is the actual implications of what you’re proposing here. I’m not sure why he’s shaking—why are you shaking your head, Minister.
I’m not going to say anything.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Yes, I don’t know what’s happening with the shaking of the head, either. But when I was just talking about clause 4 and the purpose, and the Minister said, “I don’t know why you guys weren’t listening in select committee. The whole point is not to have a purpose really.”
Well, we were listening in select committee. And we did listen to the advice of our independent KC—that is, a very fancy lawyer. And we did listen to many submissions on this topic as well, and they told us—and it does go into Part 2, which are the goals, as well. But that relationship between the two Acts, between the two purposes, between the goals, sets up the whole regime for failure. It is a hot mess.
That hot mess is going to result in exactly what the Minister doesn’t want, and that is endless litigation. It is going to be great for resource management lawyers, and no one else. Oh, no—it will be good for polluters as well. That’s who this is going to be good for.
I’m surprised that the Minister is refusing to engage with that point: that the select committee heard advice after advice that his purpose clauses, his framework purpose clauses, and his hot list of goals in two different Acts, they won’t do what his stated objective is, which is to reduce litigation. He said, as a counterfactual, I guess, “Oh look, the Resource Management Act had a whole lot of litigation around its purpose clause.” And that is correct; I do not disagree with the Minister. There was a lot of litigation around the purpose clause of the Resource Management Act (RMA) and it is now settled.
So if the Minister really wants to avoid court action, he could import the purpose clause of the RMA. He could import “sustainable management” and words like “wellbeing” and “future generations”. That could come into this legislation, if he really wants to reduce litigation.
Of course, I remember being in that Chair that the Minister is in over three years ago and members, who were then on this side of the Chamber, were ridiculing any changes in language that we made to the purposes of the Natural and Built Environment Act because it was going to create a whole lot of litigation, they said. That was their main argument. The argument they gave was that it was too long. These were the two substantive arguments that I heard against the Natural and Built Environment Act.
Now, he is going in totally the opposite direction. So how is it—has he got advice that the select committee did not see that somehow, magically, all the fancy lawyers are wrong, and that, in fact, there will be no work for them to do and that litigation will reduce because this purpose clause is so weak?
The easier answer to that is that the funnel design, that is the design of this bill and also the Planning Bill comes out of the work by Janette Campbell who chaired the expert advisory group alongside other Resource Management Act (RMA) practitioners, planners, there was a freshwater expert and a housing expert on the committee, on the group who did.
I appreciate the member’s got a view, and I respect her, obviously, as a former resource management lawyer.
Hon Rachel Brooking
It’s not my view.
Yeah, I know that. I’m just making the point that I respect her view and the views of others, but I respectfully disagree. And there are plenty of people who will say that as well.
We’re deliberately trying to—I mean, if you just go back to the beginning, the RMA’s approach to very broad purpose clause and the litigation over it, which she accepts has happened, has not worked. So after 30 years, time to try something new. What we’ve gone for is a framework-based approach, a descriptive clause, in which we don’t have all of the debate up in clause 3 of this ginormous statute, which dictates everything else that happens down at an individual consenting level. You should not have to go and prove that you’re complying with 14 different national policy statements, some of which conflict, and regional policy statements and have debate with your local council about whether or not doing simple things complies with clause 13 of some bill or Act you’ve never heard of.
The point is to design the funnel. We’ve talked about this at length. Start with a purpose clause, which doesn’t do very much; goals that govern the setting of the national direction; and then the combined plans, land use plans, natural environment plans. Below that, down at an individual consenting level, standards are there to help along the journey.
It is, I guess, just like a fundamental disagreement. I haven’t heard the member, who’s asked multiple questions about this—I haven’t heard her outline an alternative approach to that. I suppose the Natural and Built Environment Act was an alternative approach, alongside the Spatial Planning Act. But as the member adverts to in her own remarks just then, one of our criticisms in Opposition was that that approach was just reiterating and repeating the same mistakes of the RMA.
I appreciate there’s a legislative architectural design difference here, which is important. But we stand by the new approach we’re taking, which has been based on extensive advice from not just the expert advisory group, but also extensive advice from a very hard-working team at Ministry for the Environment and now Ministry for Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport.
In response to that, then, is the Minister saying that the Resource Management Act (RMA) purpose, the litigation—we both accept that there’s been a lot of litigation around that. Is he saying that that has not now been resolved? That it remains unresolved?
We’ve been talking in this House recently about the King Salmon case, and it seems very much the purpose, and where the purpose sits within the RMA, has been resolved if you have those higher order documents, then you do not need to go back to the purpose.
The Minister says, “Well, I haven’t heard anything from you.” Well, he should read my Amendment Papers, for a start. I need to start this part of the contribution by saying: I totally agree that one of the major problems we have in our system at the moment is that too much of the activity is consent by consent. We were trying to change that in our reforms as well. That is a problem. There’s no disagreement about that. We do need to have a much more efficient system that moves those trade-off decisions up away from consent by consent, into the plans, into the national direction. That I totally agree on.
However, where my amendments come in is on the advice of all these people that came to the Environment Committee, and that is to have a stronger purpose that informs how the legislation is to work, and goals that have some semblance of a hierarchy.
Because at the moment, and I’ve done that—we’ll get to that in the next part. It’s a very inelegant way of doing it, and I’m very happy to, if anyone else wants to do amendments on that—very happy to change the approach. But the objective is to not have decisions at the consent level going back to any purpose statement, any goals, anything like that, because it should come down the system of the national direction and the plans so that the consents don’t need to get involved in that discussion, that argument.
The problem with these bills and what the Minister was just talking about is that it is ministerial discretion that informs all of that hierarchy. All of that conflict goes to the ministerial discretion. So that then will sit at the top of the system, and if that gets wrong, then it will come down—it funnels down like a spinning top, you move the spinning top around, and what happens when it wobbles? The whole thing falls over. So that is a problem with this legislation.
This is not me speaking from a policy position of “Oh, we need to change the legislation to do better for waterways.” I’d like to do that as well, but I’m putting that to one side now. This is just an efficiency systems issue. The Minister has not dealt with it, and it’s a real problem. We’ve had expert after expert saying this, and I think he should consider some of my amendments which, as I said, I’m happy to have them amended. They are suggestions of how to fix this structural problem with this bill.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to pick up specifically on clause 8, “Treaty of Waitangi/Te Tiriti o Waitangi”, and clauses 9 and 10. This is about upholding Treaty settlements and the Crown’s obligations in this space.
Throughout the select committee process, we heard incredibly strong submissions from iwi and hapū, from post-settlement entities, about how offensive—the word that I think Waikato-Tainui used was how the pushing through of these bills would “eviscerate” Crown-Māori relationships. A big part of that was the fact that the bills would be rushed through, as they have been, and so many provisions in them have such serious implications for Treaty settlements in particular, let alone implications for the broader environment and the connection of mana whenua with te taiao, the environment.
So what I’m really interested in is: why was it not the case that the Government took seriously those submissions and actually held this off, given how serious the implications are, to get to a point with iwi-Māori where there was much more of a collective drive to actually work together on making this a functional system? Because throughout all of this bill—and the Planning Bill is the same, but it actually at least has some decent bits in it—we’re seeing total dysfunction. We even heard today at Environment Committee—Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu were presenting on a different bill, the Conservation Amendment Bill, but even there, they referenced how offensive these bills have been in terms of their exercise of rangatiratanga in their rohe.
Now, to make some form of basic amendment, my colleague Hūhana Lyndon has Amendment Paper 748 to introduce some basic strong direction to give effect to Te Tiriti that is consistent with that from the Natural and Built Environment Act in 2023. We know that this is a better place to be in because it actually had some form of buy in from iwi Māori. I’d really like to hear the Minister’s response to that in particular. If he wants to respond now, I can wait until I go to the next one.
I don’t have a huge amount more to say than what I’ve already said, which is: we’ve worked really hard to be very particular about the role of Māori in the planning system and the environment system in the new bills. We specifically and very deliberately did not go for what I’ve called a “generic Treaty principles clause”. As I’ve said repeatedly both inside the House and outside the House, Parliament’s failure to actually articulate what it is trying to do is partly what’s led to the angst and difficulties that we’ve experienced in that whole debate. So there is a Treaty clause in this bill, but it’s not a generic Treaty principles clause in which we hand it over to the courts and say, “Good luck”. We’ve actually been really clear about what the role of iwi Māori is in the system.
In relation to settlements, which is a related but separate issue, I take issue with the idea that this bill’s been rushed through. The bill is having its committee stage under urgency, but the bill spent a considerable length of time at the Environment Committee; there were endless submissions that they did a really good job working their way through. The second reading was a few weeks ago. We’ve now got the committee stage, and when they’re eventually done, we’ll get on to the third reading. It’s just followed a standard, ordinary parliamentary process. I accept the bills are complicated and they’re important, but I resist the idea that they are being rushed through, in the same way that I resist the idea that they are “eviscerating” Māori-Crown relations.
For example, we have reached agreements in relation to the preservation and upholding of settlements with the river iwi Te Ture Whaimana and, likewise, Ngāti Porou and the related arrangements to the Whanganui River. Those are listed in the bills. There’s still a bit of work to do with other iwi, obviously, but this is not a problem that is new to this Government. This same problem afflicted the previous Government, to be honest, when it came to the Natural and Built Environment Act and the Spatial Planning Act.
The great challenge is how you give effect to settlements that were signed in the age of the Resource Management Act (RMA)—so the planning and the environmental statute—and you’re changing the underlying statutes. As I said in the previous debate, there are some people who say, “Well, that’s just the way it is. You’ve locked in formaldehyde the RMA.” That can’t be true as a proposition of law, and it can’t be true in principle.
So we are changing the underlying statute, which is fine. Then the question is: well, how do you make sure that the Crown’s upholding its settlements? It’s actually in the coalition documents between the three parties that make up the Government, that we uphold Treaty settlements. They are very solemn legal agreements that the Crown has entered into, and that’s why clause 9 is there to say, “Crown to seek to enter agreements to uphold Treaty settlement redress or arrangement”, “The Crown must,” etc. And then there’s clause 10, which means that Treaty settlement redress will operate with the same or equivalent effect, to the greatest extent possible.
Now, obviously, that’s a judgment as to what that means. It’s a contextual-based judgment; it’s a fact-based judgment as to the precise circumstances you’re talking about. And there’s a bit of work to do around that, but it’s a best-endeavours, good-faith legal obligation on the Crown, and decision makers operating under the new statute, to make sure that we’re upholding Treaty settlements. I’ve spent a considerable amount of time talking to iwi leaders and talking to rangatira and iwi Māori about this issue. If you go back to Lord Cooke’s dicta, good faith counts for a lot, and that’s what we’re trying to do.
Thank you, Mr Chair. First of all, I’d just like to say I’m thrilled that I’m an employment lawyer. I have been trying to come to grips with this particular area of law, and so I want to ask about the clauses that talk about the schedules. There is a decision that’s been made under clause 5 that the schedules are actually references straight to the schedules in the Planning Act. I wondered how unusual that was, as a method, rather than it having its own schedules, because I haven’t come across it before. I appreciate the area is complex, but it doesn’t seem good practice that you would have to go beyond this Act to find schedules that relate and are binding upon it. My understanding is the second part schedule, 11, of the Planning Act is also relevant, and that will be because of transitions around the Resource Management Act.
I just want to ask what process the Minister had been through in terms of deciding that those schedules would be in another Act rather than perhaps even arduously copied and pasted into this one, and whether that was a practice that was followed from other pieces of legislation. I appreciate they’re related to each other, but this is highly unusual. We’re trying to allow people to be able to get to grips with the law without the involvement of lawyers, and I’m finding it rather difficult.
Well, fair enough; it’s a good question. The advice is it’s unusual but efficient, and it is, because it means—
Hūhana Lyndon
For whom?
Well, it’s efficient for everybody.
Hon Rachel Brooking
Not efficient for the users.
Well, hang on a minute. Come on, you know how most people read law these days. No one goes and looks up the actual physical statute—only old fuddy-duddies have physical copies of statutes in their offices. The vast bulk of lawyers will look at it online. You’ve got the cross-tabs and the clicks, and you just click the schedule and it brings up the Planning Act schedule. The Parliamentary Counsel Office (PCO) has built a whole new website, and it’s meeting rave reviews, by the way, I’m told—the new PCO legislative reading thing, or whatever’s it’s called.
Hon Dr Duncan Webb
Oh, sit down, Attorney-General.
Yeah, OK—all right. But, anyway, my point is that it’s efficient, so we don’t have to repeat it all. It’s unusual, but the short answer is, to be honest, I didn’t have a role in that. Policy decisions are made by Ministers in Cabinet, but the drafting is done by the legal beagles—the excellent drafters—at the Parliamentary Counsel Office. Thankfully, I am not a legislative drafter.
I just want to start on a positive note for this contribution—it won’t last for long. I too am very pleased that I am not a parliamentary drafter, and would like to congratulate those parliamentary drafters for the amazing work that they do.
I wanted to go back to some remarks that the Minister was making about the equivalence clauses and in response to the Treaty clause—so clauses 8 and 9—before moving on to new clause 10A. He used some formaldehyde metaphor that I’m not sure I totally understand, but his point was, I think, that if you have a Treaty settlement and that Treaty settlement refers to clauses in the Resource Management Act (RMA), you must still be able to change the RMA, despite the fact that those clauses are mentioned in the Treaty settlement, and I agree with that proposition. Then he said that that was an issue that the last Government had as well, and that is true. However, the difference between this equivalence and our equivalence is that all of the other provisions in the legislation undermine what the RMA was doing in terms of both environmental protections—and we’ll get into that limits argument later—but also Māori involvement provisions throughout the different pieces of legislation.
So we have that change at clause 8. There’s a specific requirement, but there’s no equivalent to the RMA, which is to take into account the principles of the Treaty. We have “give effect to”, but “take into account” is gone.
Section 6(e) of the RMA, which talks about Māori interests in land and water and taonga, is not replicated fully in these reforms. There is not the equivalent of Mana Whakahono ā Rohe. Section 33 transfers have gone. Joint partnerships—they’ve gone too. All of these instruments that are in the RMA and that were in our reforms, they have gone. When the Minister says, “Well, equivalence is an issue that both Labour had to deal with and this Government had to deal with.”, that was a very different context, and context does matter.
We have had many iwi submitters say that the equivalence cannot work with those wider settings of these laws, which is why either you need to do a whole lot of new section 10As—well, that’s only for settled iwi—or you need to bring back those provisions. You need to bring back section 6(3), you need to bring back the Mana Whakahono ā Rohe provisions, and you need to bring back the section 33 transfers, but, instead, that is not what this Government is doing. My question to the Minister on this point is: does he agree that this legislation goes backwards from the Resource Management Act on Māori participation?
In our reforms as well—which were very different from these—mana whenua representatives were at the table in the making of the plans, and, of course, that has all gone backwards, as well. The RMA might be here with Māori participation and we were over here, and my question is: does he agree that this legislation is on the other side of that participation spectrum, which goes to equivalence—
Hon Dr Duncan Webb
The “enshittification” of it.
I won’t say that. That’s my question and I’ll come to another one in a minute.
Madam Chair, that is a judgment that others will make; it’s not one that I intend to make. All I’ll say is what I’ve said two or three times now, which is that we’re trying to make it clear where everyone’s role in the system is and the areas that should be focused on. I think we’ve been pretty clear about what those roles are—far clearer than the Resource Management Act and other bills in the past.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Just for anyone watching at home, with the Minister’s frequent references to Madam Chair, I can assure them I’m a Mr Chair.
Hon Chris Bishop
Oh, sorry—sorry, Mr Chair.
MARIAMENO KAPA-KINGI (Te Tai Tokerau)
Thank you, Mr Chair. I might be one of those fuddy-duddies, believe it or not, that does have a hard copy of the Children, Young Persons, and Their Families Act actually at my house, and so I do fit in there somewhere—just as a comment to the Minister.
Hon Mark Patterson
The Luddites strike back!
MARIAMENO KAPA-KINGI
Ha! Te Tiriti o Waitangi settlements piece—I do want to make some comments and then ask a question. Mr Chair, you may have heard that I used an expression in the previous debate. The feelings of that saying make me want to make that statement, but I won’t, because I think it’s probably already settled in the minds of people sitting in the Chamber today.
But with “Māori interests” and words like that, the implications will fall differently on Māori hapū and iwi. I do hear, Minister, an intent in you when you’re responding, and I am responding to that in a kindly way—at this point, anyway—because the context matters hugely, and I just heard Rachel Brooking make that same statement. It matters hugely and I hear that you’ve expressed that you’re meeting with many rangatira and iwi leaders, and, I think those are good things. But, honestly, the bigger context of this is that the last three years have been absolutely horrible for Māori—just horrible..
The thing that’s missing the most, most, most—which, I think, is fundamental to what you all need, and we all need—is trust. And it’s just simply not there. It has been at its lowest—in fact, not only for Māori but for many, but definitely for Māori. Definitely for Māori, the trust is so, so low, because the harm has been an accumulated harm. When you’re dealing with those dynamics, the responses, Minister, that you may have gotten, and feel a little bit of comfort in as you move forward this way, is, I would imagine, even just the tolerance that Māori have, to be able to have certain conversations and to get something moving. But there’s such a high level of tolerance on this side, or this battle, and I’m talking about hapū, and I’m talking about iwi Māori, and Māori communities in general, Minister.
The trust is so low. My question, then, is: is now the time to do this? Is now the right time to bring this through? I mean, honestly, is it? I’m keen to get a real sense of it from you, personally as well as politically, because I think that’s what our whānau are saying, and this is what our hapū are saying when I go back to our marae committees, and they’re like, “Meno, we cannot trust virtually anything that’s been said.” We might nod and go, “Look, yeah, let’s get going.”, but, in fact, in the deeper conversations that are had when the time is given to those, Minister, I can assure you that trust is so low and tolerance, on our side, is so, so high. Is this the right time? Is now the time? Can I leave that there? Thank you for that.
Madam—Mr Chair. A couple of—
Hon Rachel Brooking
You did it again!
I know, I know, sorry—Mr Chair. A couple of brief comments. The question was: is now the right time to do this? The answer, in the Government’s view, is yes. Our planning system has held New Zealand back for far too long, and it’s held iwi Māori back from using their whenua for far too long. Some of the more enjoyable conversations I have with iwi around the country is on the strictures of the Resource Management Act (RMA) that are getting in the way of development. As my good friend Matua Tuku says to me all the time, he says, “You know, we’ve got economic interests too. We’re farmers. We’ve got developments.” You know, they’ve got Ruakura—they’ve known all too well about the RMA. I mean, ask Ngāi Tahu about Hananui Aquaculture. The last Government set aside some settlement area for a salmon farm, and there was a big show and tell and song and dance about it in 2021, I think it was, and everyone got very excited. Then they rocked off to the Environment Court to get a consent to do the salmon farm and they got turned down.
Do you know, since we did the commercial aquaculture settlement back in 2006, I think it was, not a single area of Māori commercial aquaculture has been developed; not a single one. Not one. When I discovered that, I got furious about it, and, frankly, I think it’s a disgrace; I think it’s absolutely disgraceful. Just as an aside, I find it baffling that the Waitangi Tribunal is spending endless years on the kaupapa Māori housing inquiry, for example—and I’m the Minister of Housing and I know all too well about issues we have with housing in this country, including those affecting Māori—we don’t need five years’ worth of work and endless millions of dollars spent on it.
What is a contemporary breach in New Zealand? Twenty years of the Crown saying, “Yeah, great, aquaculture is amazing and we’ll help you settle your claims and develop these areas.”, and 20 years on, the planning system has not let that happen. That, to me, is a contemporary breach of the Treaty. It’s disgusting—disgusting.
Anyway, the good news is that Hananui Aquaculture, which has hundreds of millions of dollars of salmon farms in Rakiura / Stewart Island, has now got fast-track consent. Everyone said it was going to be a disaster for Māori and a disaster for the environment; it’s now got fast-track consent and they’ll be getting on with that. So it’s great news.
But here’s my challenge: how do we design a system so that there’s not just Hananui, and that the legitimate aspirations of iwi at the top of the South, for example, around aquaculture, are given effect to? And there’s others as well: Tainui at Ruakura, and the developments in the Waikato. You think about Tūwharetoa; think about Ngāi Tahu and its various different takiwā. I don’t want to list them specifically, but any post-settlement governance entity with aspirations—as they all have, when I meet with them—to look after their people and provide jobs and prosperity: how do we give effect to those aspirations? The answer is so often, as it is with everybody else, not just iwi Māori, is about the planning system, which has not allowed for enough growth and development and prosperity.
My message to Māori is the same as it is for everybody else, which is that we can have a planning system that is far more enabling of growth; we just have to choose it, and that’s what this Government is choosing to do. We think we’ve got the balance right when it comes to Maōri interests, which the members can see laid out in clauses 8, 9, and 10, and it’s the same as it was in the Planning Bill, and we’ll continue to stand by those decisions.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
I know it was a very broad-based, contextual question, and a justified broad response, but henceforth we need to get just a little bit tighter, please, on these questions.
That’s me—thank you, Mr Chair. I actually have quite a narrow question—in fact, very narrow, around clause 6. I just can’t quite get my head around clause 6(2)(a). This is an important clause, “Act binds the Crown”, and so the Crown, in its activities, is subject to the constraints of this bill. So that’s subclause (1)—“This Act binds the Crown except as provided [below].” Then subclause (2) states, “This Act does not apply to any work or activity of the Crown that—(a) is a use of land within the meaning given in section 17;”.
So I went to have a look at clause 17, and it doesn’t give a meaning of a use of land. It gives a description of restrictions on land use. Subclause (2)(a), to my mind, just does not marry with clause 17, because clause 17 says, essentially, that a person can’t use land in a manner that contravenes a national rule or a rule in a plan or a proposed plan, unless it’s expressly allowed by a permit or other exceptions. But nowhere does it—I can’t see the body of land use, or the group of uses, that is exempt under section (2)(a). It is quite important, because if an authority is going to, essentially, prosecute the Crown or an instrument of the Crown, or a Crown entity, for breaching something in this Act, except the use within the meaning given in clause 17, we need to say—it’s just the language is terrible—that the use of the land, within the meaning in clause 17, is this use.
I see you’ve got advice. Either it’s just clumsy drafting and it’s going to have to come out a bit later on, or something’s gone wrong.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I do want to respond to some of the comments made by the Minister, which may be more wide-ranging, but he did make them. And that is about the Hananui aquaculture, near Rakiura / Stewart Island. I think what the Minister was doing was he was saying he was angry about aquaculture settlements, and that’s a good thing to be concerned about. But he was using this as an example—and the Minister does this a lot, using a strawman—to say, “Well, because it didn’t get consent under the RMA, that means that the RMA is terrible and it needs to end and we need to replace it.”
I would like the Minister to consider whether, in fact, that was made under a version of a fast-track consent, and whether some of the speed of that decision making led to a decision that said, “Well, we don’t have enough information on biodiversity and the impact on the hoiho.”, which is a very threatened, very special penguin, particularly as they like to hang out in Ōtepoti, in my electorate. We’re concerned about that, and there were time constraints in that decision-making process, and also there were some landscape effects.
Now, I know that these bills, in combination, will change the landscape effects, and I’m not arguing with the Minister on that in this case—but if there was a real question about biodiversity, is he saying that that first application should have been approved, even though the time limits and everything else pointed to issues with that biodiversity, and that goes to this Act, because this is the Natural Environment Bill, and was that decision made under the Resource Management Act (RMA)?
And he’s then talking about his fast track, which is not this legislation. So is he saying, as well, that he thinks that type of application that another body felt had some issues with the amount of information provided, and I’m not commenting on whether that was right or wrong—that that information wouldn’t be required under this legislation?
Hon Chris Bishop
No, I’m not saying that.
Well, it sounded like the Minister might have been.
Anyway, I’m going to turn to a different issue, and that is that the Minister was saying, in relation to a question from Lan Pham, that, in fact, this legislation wasn’t rushed, and “Why is she saying that things are rushed?” But we are looking at an Amendment Paper that we got late last week, and there are significant changes in this Amendment Paper. So I do challenge him on saying, “Oh, there’s absolutely been no rush.” We are here, of course, in committee stage, and we were sitting till midnight last night and we are here at 9 o’clock in the morning. So this is going through a process, and I don’t think he should diminish the amount of changes that have been made subsequent to the Environment Committee report back.
I have two questions on new clause 10A, “Te Ture Whaimana” in Amendment Paper 710. I accept what we’ve heard, that there’s been some talks with the Waikato River iwi to implement this. I have no problem. But the question is: should there be more of these clause 10As? I know there’s some Ngāti Porou, and I think the Minister mentioned the Whanganui River—I’m not sure where that is. But is this the device, is this the mechanism, that needs to get round the problem that I was talking about earlier over the equivalence, when these bills are not equivalent even to the RMA; is the mechanism more of these specific clauses like 10A? That’s one question.
A second question is in relation to—I haven’t got, still, any amendments coming, but there were amendments in the other bill, two plan changes that relate to these water bodies, how much pollution can go into the river that’s under control. That is also rushed. That is going to my “rushed” point. How those changes interact with these new provisions, I think, is important. I understand that that was in the other bill. However, I’m going to talk about it now very briefly. Because Schedule 1 refers back to the schedules in the Planning Bill, I think I am able to refer to it. We have these changes to those plan changes, and we have heard, on this side of the Chamber, that that river authority is not happy with the pause on a plan change that would reduce pollution. So if you pause the plan change, then that’s going to increase pollution. It’s a very basic way of thinking about it, but I think it’s accurate.
The Minister has come to us with this 10A and said, “We’ve had these sensible discussions, as we should, in good faith.”—good, good, good. But then, on the other hand, we are saying, “Oh, but all the regulation is going to lead to more pollution, which is going to undermine this very agreement.” How in the world does that work?
There are a number of questions there; one is: should there be more 10A equivalents; the second one is: is this pause on the plan change going to result in more pollution and does that, in effect, undermine this 10A? He didn’t answer me if he agrees that—well, maybe he can confirm whether he says to my question of “Does this legislation go backwards from the RMA in terms of Māori participation?”, “Well, it’s more specific in the clause 8.” Sure, but it doesn’t have a whole lot of other things in it. So does he agree it goes backwards, with my premise?
And then if he wants to comment on whether his strawman of the Rakiura aquaculture—what exactly it is in this legislation, not the fast track, that would enable that activity and if that is to do with reducing consents and conditions and considerations of biodiversity or not. That’s very important. I love the hoiho.
Just on Rakiura, I wasn’t saying it should have been granted consent under the Resource Management Act (RMA). I’m not the factual decision-maker on that. I was just making the generic point that there is a deep irony about everyone making a song and dance about the commercial aquaculture settlement of 2021, or whenever it was, and then it got turned down under the RMA. I’m not saying it should have been—you know, I’m not super familiar with the case; I’m just making the point that we want to see development of aquaculture, and people involved in that industry, including Ngāi Tahu themselves and other groups, would say to you that the RMA has been a massive stumbling block, which is partly why we’re changing it. I wasn’t trying to pre-decide the outcome or anything like that.
In relation to Duncan Webb’s question, I’m advise that the provisions he was talking about are rollovers from the RMA directly.
In relation to Te Ture Whaimana, new clause 10A is included because of the Kiingitanga Accord requirement to consider Te Ture Whaimana clauses. It’s a highly complex and unique arrangement. I’m not considering any more specifically like 10A.
In relation to some of the Hon Rachel Brooking’s other questions, it is fair to say that the river iwi are not happy about the changes we’ve made around Plan Change 1 (PC1), but the Government is in a genuine bind on this. I met with the river iwi many times over this issue. We’re in a genuine bind because we do wish to change the resource management system and planning system, and we wish to do that in an expeditious and practical way, and, of course PC1 is coming to the end of its process just as the system is changing. So the path we’ve taken is, essentially, a middle path, just to say, “We’ll just taihoa for a bit, hold off on that, while we change the underlying system architecture but use the work that’s already been done on PC1 as the basis for the new natural environment plan in the new system.” Not everyone is happy about that, I accept that. Some people are very happy about it; other people are not. It’s one of those invidious decisions that ends up on Ministers’ desks and Governments’ desks that you have to make. We stand by that decision.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to acknowledge the Minister responsible for RMA Reform’s changes to the bills when it comes to Te Ture Whaimana, because I think, you know, they are, at least, this bottom-line semi-safeguard, if you can kind of call them that, given the broader picture of the retreat from environmental protections. But it is quite extraordinary to hold that with, as the Minister mentioned, the kibosh that the Government has just put on Plan Change 1. I acknowledge that the Minister is saying, you know, this can all be picked up in the new system, but it’s very clear that the time frames on that are going to get us nowhere fast, and, in fact, it’s likely we’re going to go backwards.
What I want to move on to is new clause 10B in Amendment Paper 710. These are the rules that control fishing. Now, this, again, was part of the last-minute amendments that came into place just at the end of last week. The implications, as far as I understand them, are that fishing impacts when it comes to indigenous biodiversity in the marine environment are now beyond the jurisdiction of councils being able to set rules to actually protect that marine biodiversity. It means that those places that have since put in place protections post the Mōtītī decision are likely to have to have those revisited.
Now, what I’m interested to hear from the Minister responsible for RMA Reform is what specifically happens to those areas with those existing marine protections? We’re talking Northland, Bay of Plenty, and Marlborough. Do they remain in place, and once these new plans come in, do they have to then remove them or is there ability for them to somehow use something in the Acts to actually mean that they have some form of continuation?
The aspect that I’m really interested in hearing from the Minister about is that there’s an argument that, instead of relying on the protections of these Planning and Natural Environment bills, we can instead rely on the Fisheries Act. Now, we’ve seen demonstrated time and time again that it’s often, usually, when fisheries are at the point of collapse when the Fisheries Act has enough impetus in it for things to actually change. It doesn’t also deal with broader effects of fishing, such as natural character; it doesn’t deal with life support and capacity, or the maintenance of indigenous biodiversity; and it has absolutely no relationship to climate change. So I’m really keen to hear from the Minister because I know that the communities are reeling from this change.
I can answer that question quite simply. Current council fishing controls in Northland, Bay of Plenty, and Marlborough will remain in place during the transition period until the new system comes online as part of their respective Resource Management Act (RMA) plans. Existing RMA plan change processes involving proposed fishing controls and plans that are not subject to plan stop will also continue to progress during the transition period.
CATHERINE WEDD (National—Tukituki)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
No, we’re still going, and we’re still getting new material. We haven’t heard any repetition at all, but, members, we do need to be making sure it’s new material.
Thank you, Mr Chair. There was so much excitement in the House there, I may have misplaced which question I was going to ask. I think it was in relation, again, to the Minister responsible for RMA Reform’s comment that things aren’t rushed, and this amendment that we’ve had very late in the piece relating to the Plan Change 1 and the Plan Change 2. Is it Plan Change 2? This comes through in terms of, as I noted before, schedule 1 of this bill that says, “See also Schedule 11 of the Planning Act 2025, which sets out amendments to the Resource Management Act and other legislation.”, and that includes those plan stops that the Minister only introduced in an amendment on the day that we were starting the Planning Bill. This is very fresh and this is very rushed, and he was just speaking about it and saying, “Well, we’re taking a middle ground.”
These plans have been in development for years, and what they are fundamentally doing is to manage pollution and to stop pollution from going into the rivers. It’s very simple. Now, the Minister says, “Oh, well, they’ll come on stream at some point in the future, just not now.” Why I am worried is, why is there a need to put them on pause if, as he said is in his opening statement, this bill is going to allow a development within environmental limits? Those plan changes are about environmental limits in terms of what pollution there can be and what controls on it there are. Is he saying, either, that by pausing these plan changes pollution will increase, and if so, what is the time frame to stop that; or is he saying, “Oh, these plan changes, they’re not actually going to make any difference to pollution anyway, so we can just continue on.”?
These are these are important questions because my observation is that you’ve had some very loud lobby groups say, “We don’t like the direction of these plan changes. We’re going to have to change some of the things that we do, so what we want to do is this cynical move that has happened time and time again throughout this Parliament.”
This Government has stopped plans where it looked like they were going to deal with pollution, and this seems to be the case again at the last minute where the Government rolls in and says, “Oh, look, we’ve been lobbied. There were going to be more controls on pollution. We’ll just talk about a pause. We’ll pause those controls on pollution.” Will there ever be any controls and will the pollution increase in the meantime? My worry is that the answer to those questions is no, there will never be controls, and yes, the pollution will increase in the meantime. I would like the Minister to tell me why I’m wrong.
Very briefly, I mean, what I just said before, at least twice, which is that the plan changes are coming to the end of their process, but the system is changing. The Government has to figure out a pragmatic way—it’s a bit like the plan stop processes. Some are relatively simple, they mesh well into the new system, we’ve let them go through to the keeper and happen, but others are highly complicated. The Gisborne forestry plan change is extremely complex and complicated and will take five years to do. So rather than have people implement a new plan which has to be changed when this new system comes in, we’ve tried to be pragmatic. I accept it’s a bit messy on the way through. When you change a system for the first time in 30 years, it is, but we’ve got to make pragmatic decisions here, and that’s what we’ve done.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
The time has come for me to leave the Chair for the lunch break. The committee will resume following question time at 3 p.m.
Sitting suspended from 12.57 p.m. to 2 p.m.
House resumed.
Motions
Nepal—Flooding and Landslides
I seek leave to move a motion without notice or debate on the floods in Nepal.
SPEAKER
Is there any objection to that course of action being followed? There appears to be none.
I move, That this House express its grave concern about the flooding and landslides in Nepal’s Rasuwa District and the Nepal-China border area; extend its deepest condolences to all those affected; stand in solidarity with local authorities undertaking search and rescue operations in the affected areas; and support the Government’s offer of New Zealand assistance, alongside international partners, once the requirements on the ground become clearer.
Motion agreed to.
Oral Questions to Ministers
1. Children
LAURA McCLURE (ACT)
· to the Minister for Children
What update can she provide on Oranga Tamariki’s performance against her ministerial priorities?
Hon KAREN CHHOUR (Minister for Children)
The latest Oranga Tamariki performance report shows steady progress. The report shows that 97 percent of children in care have been visited by their social worker within the targeted time. The speed of responding to critical and very urgent reports of concern has improved from 80 percent in quarter two to 87 percent in quarter three. This has been achieved while Oranga Tamariki continues to respond to historically high demand, with reports of concern increasing by 48 percent over the last two years. Caregiver satisfaction also remains strong, with a 4 percent increase in caregivers reporting that they are satisfied with the support from Oranga Tamariki, and fewer caregivers reporting they are considering stopping being a caregiver. Lastly, the number of children and young people with serious and persistent offending behaviour continues to trend down—now at a 25 percent reduction since 2023, well exceeding the Government target of 15 percent by 2029.
Laura McClure
Why is it important for children and young people that Oranga Tamariki performs well against these measures?
Hon KAREN CHHOUR
Oranga Tamariki is involved with the most vulnerable and at-risk children and young people in this country. New Zealanders expect our care and protection agency to ensure they are safe and cared for. Since becoming Minister, my number one focus has been on the safety and wellbeing of children. The evidence shows that regular social worker visits are one of the most important factors in keeping kids safe. Regular visits mean social workers can build trust and relationships and see firsthand how things are going in a child’s life. Caregiver support is also particularly important. Even before I became a Minister, I heard of stories of caregivers telling me they did not feel supported by Oranga Tamariki. Caregivers open their hearts and homes to provide a safe, loving, stable environment for young people, and they deserve to be supported in their important work.
Laura McClure
Does the Minister expect these performance measures to continue to improve?
Hon KAREN CHHOUR
Yes, I do, particularly due to the extra investment and resources that this Government has put into Oranga Tamariki—for example, new tools, like the new All About Me Plan, which gives young people more ability to have a say in their own care. This is the first step in a much larger upgrade of the case management technology used by front-line social workers. This technology upgrade, along with others, will soon be rolled out and it will strengthen performance by enabling better tracking of social worker visits and actions. Greater focus on early safety planning, alongside increased resourcing and technology improvements, should lead to even greater improvement in responding quickly to reports of concern.
Laura McClure
What other updates can the Minister provide on improvements at Oranga Tamariki?
Hon KAREN CHHOUR
There is an awful lot to list and I won’t list them all now, but the last few years has seen a large investment in our front-line social workers and their training and development—this includes the introduction of allied support worker roles, which frees up the front line to focus on their core social work. There has been significant work to improve safety in our youth justice residences; this includes everything from the basic stuff like renovating buildings that have not been properly maintained since they were built over 20 years ago, to improving the quality of staffing by introducing standard operating practices, improved recruitment and training, and introducing uniforms for staff. This improvement has been noted in reports from the Children’s Commissioner-Mana Mokopuna, who visit and monitor youth justice residences. These reports give me confidence that, while there is still more work to do, we are on the right track.
2. Auckland
· to the Minister for Auckland
Does he agree with Auckland Mayor Wayne Brown, “I can point to very recent examples showing that the National Party, as part of the Government, is failing to deliver for Auckland”?
Hon SIMON WATTS (Minister for Auckland)
No. This Government is delivering for Auckland, whether that’s saving Auckland ratepayers almost $900 million on their water bills through Local Water Done Well, growing the Auckland economy by fast tracking ports at the Port of Auckland wharf expansion, or saving Aucklanders $4.5 billion by changing the earthquake-prone building rules. This Government is delivering for Auckland.
Hon Carmel Sepuloni
Does he agree with Mayor Brown that the Auckland City Deal is “meaningless if the Government cannot honour even a relatively modest commitment to explore an agreed proposal”; if not, why not?
Hon SIMON WATTS
No, because we’ve already delivered tangible outcomes as a result of the Auckland City Deal. It is a landmark deal that gets coordination between central government and local government to deliver for Auckland. That deal will make a positive impact for our largest city in this country. Examples of that include the opening of the new advanced technology innovation centre we did last Friday. This is going to be a game-changer in regards to innovation in the city of Auckland, which is the gateway to our country.
Hon Carmel Sepuloni
Was Mayor Brown correct when he told the Minister, “his boss doesn’t know what a deal is”?
Hon SIMON WATTS
No. What I would say to the mayor also is that when you think about a deal in the context of long-term relationship, the city regional deal is a 10-year relationship and there’s a lot of water to go under the bridge over the next 10 years. What I can commit to is that as a Government, we are backing Aucklanders. We are backing Aucklanders in the economy. It is the backbone of our economic engine and we will continue to support that city.
Hon Carmel Sepuloni
If he intended to breach his deal with Auckland City Council only months after it was signed, why should any other council trust a deal with this Government?
Hon SIMON WATTS
I don’t agree with the premise of that question because no one’s breached—[Interruption]
SPEAKER
The constant barrage has to stop. Interjections should be rare, reasonable, and apparently, if possible, humorous.
Hon SIMON WATTS
Firstly, I don’t agree with the premise of that question. No one’s breaching any deal. The outcome of the deal structure is in place. It is a strategic and legacy agreement between central government and local government that will deliver for Auckland. For the first time in a very long time, we have alignment between central government and local government in terms of the key projects that will make a difference in our country’s biggest city. We should be supportive, optimistic, ambitious about Auckland, because if Auckland does well, New Zealand does well.
Hon Carmel Sepuloni
Does he stand by his statement that the intention of the Auckland deal was to create intergenerational partnerships that survive decades; if so, why did his deal only last four months?
Hon SIMON WATTS
One thing is that speaker’s not too funny, but the second part of the reality is that this Government is delivering for Auckland: $900 million in savings around Local Water Done Well; $4.5 billion around earthquake-prone building rules; fast tracking of the port—$6.6 billion of extra national value as a result of that project alone—fast tracking the north-western busway, unlocking about $10 billion of infrastructure benefits. I could go on, but on this side of the House, we are delivering for Auckland and we are proud of that.
Arena Williams
Does he stand by his statement to Newstalk ZB on Wednesday that he will be making an announcement on iwi representation at Auckland Council very soon; if so, why?
Hon SIMON WATTS
I’ve got a lot of announcements in the pipeline because I’m a very busy Minister, as we are on this side of the House. We are a very busy Government and I make no apologies for that, so let’s wait and see.
3. Finance
DAVID MacLEOD (National—New Plymouth)
· to the Minister of Finance
Does she stand by her answers to oral question No. 1 yesterday?
Hon NICOLA WILLIS (Minister of Finance)
Yes—in particular, when I said that to raise core Crown revenue to 33 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in four years’ time, a future Government would have to increase the tax taken that year by at least $10.4 billion. That is a big increase. It equates to over $100 more tax per household, every week.
David MacLeod
What would it take to raise that amount of additional tax?
Hon NICOLA WILLIS
To get core Crown revenue to 33 percent of GDP, a future Government would probably have to go to the biggest tax bases. One option, for example, would be to increase GST from 15 percent to 18 percent. Doing that and bringing in a capital gains tax, raising tax on businesses by scrapping Investment Boost, and denying interest deductibility on rental properties would altogether raise an additional $10.4 billion, and so the future Government would have achieved its goal of getting core Crown revenue up to 33 percent of GDP. Sadly, with that increase in GST, households would be paying more for almost everything they buy. Taxes would be up by more than $100 a household.
David MacLeod
What is another alternative?
Hon NICOLA WILLIS
Yesterday, I mentioned another way of getting revenue to 33 percent of GDP in four years’ time. That would be to raise the current income tax rates—raise the current 17.5 percent rate to 20 percent, raise the current 30 percent income tax rate to 33 percent, and raise the current 33 percent income tax rate to 35 percent—bring in a capital gains tax, scrap Investment Boost, and deny interest deductibility on rental properties. That combination of tax increases would raise the additional $10.4 billion required by the future Government’s revenue policy. So there are certainly options to raise large amounts of revenue, but the problem is they are all bad.
David MacLeod
What would be the impact of raising income tax rates by so much?
Hon NICOLA WILLIS
The immediate impact, obviously, would of course be on people’s after-tax pay. The median full-time wage and salary earner brings home just over $82,000 a year. The income tax increases I’ve just mentioned would increase their tax by almost $1,800 every year. Higher marginal income tax rates also reduce the return from working more hours, taking a promotion, or acquiring new skills, and so people would stop doing those things. Higher income tax rates could also make New Zealand less attractive to skilled migrants and would encourage more Kiwis to leave. In short, raising income tax rates to meet a target of revenue being 33 percent of the economy would be terrible for the economy and terrible for everyday Kiwis.
Tangi Utikere
Will the Government be proceeding with its planned increases in fuel excise?
Hon NICOLA WILLIS
I’m glad to hear that the Labour Party have come around to our longstanding position, which has been made clear: we will not be lifting fuel taxes on 1 January next year. I also note that one of the first actions this Government took was to reverse the planned fuel tax increases that the last Government had planned and to put a moratorium on those tax increases. Not only did we do that but we also removed the Auckland regional fuel tax. I’ll stand on our record.
4. RMA Reform
· to the Minister responsible for RMA Reform
Does he stand by his statement, “Of course, our standards of living, and the living standards of our children and their children, depend on a healthy environment”?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP (Minister responsible for RMA Reform)
Yes. I stand by my full statement that “our standards of living, and the living standards of our children and their children, depend on a healthy environment. But their futures also depend on whether they can afford a home, and on food and energy security, access to transport and public services, and the ability to make a living”. Our country’s future depends on a healthy environment, on housing, infrastructure, energy, and economic growth. The Government’s Resource Management Act (RMA) reforms are the biggest tax cut any Government will deliver in a generation. Every superfluous consent is a tax. Every unnecessary notification is a tax. Every year of delay is a tax. New Zealanders have been paying it for 35 years and this Government is saying “no more”.
Lan Pham
Does he consider the millions if not billions of dollars that councils are facing to pick up new drinking-water sources to be a tax on the public from a failure of environmental protections?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
No, I think the member is confusing different concepts there.
Lan Pham
How does he reconcile his comment just then with his Amendment Paper that will authorise breaches of environmental protections and remove the ability to cap pollution within environmental limits?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Well, very easily, because the member needs to read the actual guard rails for national standards breaching limits, which says they must only be for activities that have a net public benefit, they must consider the wider implications for natural resource use, they must consider the likely opportunity costs, and they must clearly identify the limits that the standards enable a breach of.
Lan Pham
Does he accept that enabling breaches of an environmental limit for any reason defeats the purpose of having limits and puts at risk human and ecosystem health?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
A couple of points: one, the member is factually inaccurate. It’s not just for any reason; they have to be for activities that have a net public benefit. The second point I would make is that the Natural Environment Bill requires the setting of environmental limits. One of the great failures of the RMA is that there are no limits, and the Natural Environment Bill says there have to be environmental limits across air, fresh water, coastal water, biodiversity, and land. Now, there’s going to be a debate about what those limits are—I fully accept that, and the Greens will adopt a particular position in relation to that—but can we just agree with the basic concept that the setting of limits is important, the bill enables it, and that is a massive step forward on the RMA.
Lan Pham
What has changed since his own expert advisory group recommended that there should be “A requirement to cap resource use to ensure a limit is not breached.” and today, with the Government now introducing their last-minute amendments to scrap those requirements?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
The Government took further advice.
Lan Pham
Given environmental NGOs, iwi, hapū, and planning experts have strongly opposed his changes that further destroy environmental protections, does he think he knows better than these experts and his own advisory group?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
No, it’s not a question of knowing more or thinking I’m superior to them. I respect the views of the Environmental Defence Society and others, in the same way that I respect the views of those on other sides of the aisle: infrastructure providers, energy generators, farmers and growers up and down the country. Part of the challenge with planning reform and the planning system, and the environmental management system more generally, is that it involves trade-offs. As we have discovered through the RMA over 35 years, those trade-offs are difficult; they are complicated for the country to grapple with. There are trade-offs that are made between different values and different goals. Part of what we’re trying to do in this planning reform effort is to surface those trade-offs more visibly, make sure the planning system confronts them at the top—at the spatial planning and regional planning level—rather than fight them out at an individual resource consent level. Is it perfect? No. Is it a better system than what we have now? Absolutely.
5. Housing
RIMA NAKHLE (National—Takanini)
· to the Minister of Housing
Will the Government introduce a stamp duty?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP (Minister of Housing)
No.
Rima Nakhle
Why doesn’t the Government support a stamp duty?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Ah, well, a stamp duty is a tax on home buyers. It’s the old rule: tax things you don’t want. A stamp duty makes it harder for Kiwis to buy a home. Just take a random example. For a family buying an average-priced home in Auckland, just pick a random number—say 5 percent. That would cost the home buyer about $59,000. Now, banks, at least in Australia, lend on the house, not on the stamp duty, so that $59,000 comes straight out of the home buyer’s savings and is, of course, additional to the deposit. For most families, that is years and years of additional savings. A stamp duty makes it harder for people to buy houses.
Rima Nakhle
Supplementary. [Interruption]
SPEAKER
We’ve got a question being asked, Mr Jones; please just constrain it.
Rima Nakhle
What do tax experts say about stamp duties?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
This issue has been extensively studied. Australia’s Treasury, for example, and economists more generally have described the stamp duty tax as inefficient. It’s one that distorts economic activity and changes people’s behaviour for the worse. They can discourage work, stop people from taking a better job, stop people from moving house, stop people from investing, and hinder workforce mobility. Inefficient taxes shrink the economy and create a cost to society. Treasury has modelled Australia’s major taxes, and I can tell the House that stamp duty on conveyances—in other words, the transfer or sale of property—is the worst tax. It creates 70c of economic damage for every dollar raised. Chuck that through David Seymour’s cost-benefit analysis. It doesn’t come out well.
Rima Nakhle
What experiences overseas has he seen about stamp duties?
SPEAKER
Sorry, too much noise. Just ask the question again.
Rima Nakhle
Ask the question again? Of course. What experiences overseas has he seen about stamp duties?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
When Toronto added a second stamp duty on property purchases, purchases by owner-occupiers fell and purchases by investors rose. I refer members to a study published in the Review of Economic Studies. In Britain, researchers found stamp duties cut the rate at which people move house, thus affecting mobility. It means growing families are stuck in a two-bedroom house when they need more, or an older couple in a home they can’t afford to leave. Stamp duties are bad policy, and we won’t be introducing one.
6. Health
· to the Minister of Health
Is it correct that Health New Zealand’s projected deficit for the 2026-27 financial year has deteriorated to $475 million, and what proportion, if any, of that deficit will be closed with cuts to front-line services?
Hon CASEY COSTELLO (Associate Minister of Health)
on behalf of the Minister of Health: The Government has agreed to increase Health New Zealand’s projected deficit for 2026-27 to $475 million, as set out in media reports and Health New Zealand’s publicly available statement of performance expectations. That is a deliberate decision to deliver more healthcare for New Zealanders, so I reject the premise of the second part of the question. This decision is to protect services.
Hon Dr Ayesha Verrall
If his Government has added only 54 fulltime-equivalents (FTEs) of nurses in two years while the deficit was $350 million, what happens to nursing numbers when the deficit has grown to $475 million?
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
I will address the nurse number question that the member has put. This matter has been traversed in the House a number of times now, and the member’s assertions don’t become more true the more times she says them. There are 2,162—
Hon Dr Ayesha Verrall
Point of order, Mr Speaker.
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
—additional nurses on a net basis.
SPEAKER
I was just about to suggest that the Minister answer her question again, without reference to anything that might have been said by the Opposition on this matter.
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
This matter has been traversed in the House a number of times. There are 2,162 additional nurses on a net basis employed by Health New Zealand since 2023, which equates to a net increase of 1,640 fulltime-equivalents. We have grown the number of nurses at Health New Zealand by more than 1,600 FTE, and as at 14 August, there were 2,378 FTE nursing roles actively being recruited across Health New Zealand.
Hon Dr Ayesha Verrall
After cutting hospital maintenance from $120 million in 2023 to $97 million in 2025, how many further cuts is he planning to turn around a deficit of $475 million?
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
Again, the point around the deficit is to ensure that services are not being cut. This means we are operating on the delivery of services so that we do not reduce. This is not being funded by loss. This is not being funded by Apple Pay or credit card. This is on the reserves that exist within the health system, so that no front-line services will be cut.
Hon Dr Ayesha Verrall
If 1,000 data and digital staff lost their jobs when the deficit was $350 million, how much further will support for these critical systems be cut when the deficit is $475 million?
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
As we have stated, this decision was a deliberate decision. Health New Zealand could balance its books tomorrow, but it would only get there by treating fewer patients than it has proven it can treat, and that was not an option considered by the Minister. The investment driving this year’s position is in additional elective treatments, winter preparedness, and primary care. This is care being delivered to New Zealanders right now, and the Government has not been prepared to trade off to a faster route to a number on a page. Therefore, we will not allow services to be cut, and that is why the deficit is being used in this way.
Rt Hon Winston Peters
Exactly what sort of mentality would describe $475 million more in health as a deterioration in investment in health?
SPEAKER
Well, without being personal, the Minister can address the question.
Rt Hon Winston Peters
Well, what sort of mentality, without being personal, would describe it that way?
SPEAKER
Well, that’s exactly the problem.
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
This Government has agreed to increase Health New Zealand’s deficit position from break even to $475 million in 2026-27. This is entirely funded by cash reserves and, therefore, does not involve debt.
Hon Dr Ayesha Verrall
If care and support worker numbers in Health New Zealand fell by 213 fulltime-equivalents while Health New Zealand was running a $350 million deficit, will there be greater cuts when the health system is running a $475 million deficit?
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
I’ll reiterate the position again. The decision that has been made is deliberate. Health New Zealand could balance its books tomorrow, but it is choosing to ensure that quality of service is maintained, that we do not cut services. The member is implying that the better option would be to return to balanced books and cut services.
Rt Hon Winston Peters
Very slowly and with crayons: is $475 million more a cut or an investment?
Hon Kieran McAnulty
Why should we follow the rules when that’s allowed?
SPEAKER
Excuse me.
Rt Hon Winston Peters
You wouldn’t be able to work it out, four-flusher.
SPEAKER
Sorry. If you’ve got a point of order, stand up and take it. Don’t snipe from the side.
Hon Kieran McAnulty
Point of order, sir.
SPEAKER
What’s your point of order?
Hon Kieran McAnulty
The point of order is quite clear, that you have said to this House on a number of occasions that there is to be no lead-in before a question is asked; it certainly isn’t supposed to be using questions to clearly attack other members of the House. Both of those things were in breach in that and you said nothing. Now, this is another example of that member being allowed to do things that you expect from others. It is not acceptable, sir.
SPEAKER
And that is completely unreasonable on your part, and if you want that applied to every question that gets asked from the Opposition, then that’s where we’ll go. In the meantime, the Minister should answer that question.
Hon CASEY COSTELLO
As I’ve stated, the $475 million was a Government decision to ensure that services do not get cut and that the funding is completely delivered by cash reserves, and, therefore, no debt is involved.
Hon Kieran McAnulty
Point of order. You’ve just indicated that if that is what the Opposition would like, then that is what we’ll do. That is what the Opposition would like, sir. We draft our questions according to the requirements of Speakers’ rulings, and all we ask is that the requirements be applied consistently across all parties and, specifically in this instance, across all members.
SPEAKER
Good.
7. Revenue
SAM UFFINDELL (National—Tauranga)
· to the Minister of Revenue
Is the Government considering increasing the corporate tax rate?
Hon SIMON WATTS (Minister of Revenue)
No, this Government is not considering increasing the corporate tax rate. New Zealand’s company tax rate remains at 28 percent, where it has been since a previous National Government lowered it. IRD’s own 2025 tax system review says that higher taxes on inbound capital raise the return investors require. We are focused on growing the economy, attracting investment, making it easier for businesses to invest and hire, fixing the basics, and not on raising taxes on businesses that employ hard-working Kiwis.
Sam Uffindell
What impact would raising the corporate tax rate have on the New Zealand economy?
Hon SIMON WATTS
Raising the corporate tax rate would be a handbrake on the economy when we can least afford it: less investment, lower labour productivity, and lower wages, with the tax liability ultimately being borne by hard-working Kiwi workers. New Zealand already has one of the higher company tax rates in the OECD. Increasing it up from 28 percent would make this country a worse place to invest. That means fewer jobs and less growth.
Sam Uffindell
What would raising the company tax rate mean for everyday Kiwi workers?
Hon SIMON WATTS
Well, it’s a mistake to think that only the big corporates and their owners would be harmed by an increase in the company tax rate. Any increase would also affect small businesses and make it harder to start a business in the first place. It would also impact every worker. When businesses hire fewer people and make fewer investments because they are instead paying that money in taxes, that means fewer opportunities for workers. This side of the House wants to see more people in work, not less. We want to make sure that more people are starting and growing businesses, not less.
Sam Uffindell
What tax changes for businesses has the Government introduced instead?
Hon SIMON WATTS
Well, good news: instead of a tax increase, this Government has delivered Investment Boost. This Government’s Investment Boost has significantly lowered the tax burden on new investment. Investment Boost actually cuts the average effective marginal corporate tax rate by about five to six percentage points, and that takes it from about 28 percent to below 24 percent.
Hon Dr Deborah Russell
Will he rule out increasing GST?
Hon SIMON WATTS
I’m glad the member asked about future appetite around taxes, but on this side of the House, I can be very clear that we will not be increasing any new taxes—
SPEAKER
Just a moment—just a moment. Just answer the question without any sort of flicks at the other side of the House.
Hon SIMON WATTS
Yeah—we will not be increasing any new taxes.
SPEAKER
Good, and that’s the end of that question. Oriini Kaipara [Interruption]—Oriini Kaipara, and no one else.
Social Development and Employment
Question No. 8
ORIINI KAIPARA
Tēnā koe e te Pīka. Ki te Minita mō ngā take Whakahīato Ora me ngā Mahi—to the Minister for Social Development and Employment: what impact, if any, will the Government’s use of automated decision-making to make benefit decisions have on whānau access to income support, and unemployment?
SPEAKER
No, the member needs to present the question to the House as written.
8. Social Development and Employment
· to the Minister for Social Development and Employment
What impact, if any, will the Government’s use of AI to make benefit decisions have on whānau access to income support, and unemployment?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
Point of order, Mr Speaker. That isn’t the question.
SPEAKER
Well, it’s the question I’ve got in front of me.
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
The final sentence: “and the impact on employment”?
SPEAKER
No, that’s correct. Look, the other day I took a question off the National Party because they’d got it wrong. In that case, they got it dreadfully wrong, because it was a supplementary that was asked instead of the primary. Read the primary as it’s written on the paper.
Oriini Kaipara
That’s exactly what I read.
SPEAKER
The yellow sheet of paper?
Oriini Kaipara
Yeah, that’s exactly what I read. I didn’t add anything into it. However, I will start again.
SPEAKER
OK. There must be two bits of paper floating around. Answer the question.
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
Thank you, Mr Speaker—
SPEAKER
Sorry, before you do, I do apologise to the member for that second intervention. The first one was correct.
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS (Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment)
on behalf of the Minister for Social Development and Employment: The ministry does not use generative artificial intelligence (AI) to make decisions about people’s benefits. It uses automated decision-making—ADM—for some straightforward, rules-based processes where no discretion is required, while decisions requiring judgment continue to involve staff. This means faster and more accurate access to support that beneficiaries need, while retaining human judgment and safeguards.
Oriini Kaipara
Is the Government sending a message to the private sector that it is OK to replace entry-level roles with automated decision-making, and, if so, what impact will this change have on Māori and rangatahi unemployment, which is sitting at 10.8 percent and 25 percent respectively—both 11-year highs?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
On behalf of the Minister, the use of automated decision-making enables Ministry of Social Development staff to process more quickly and more accurately the support that beneficiaries need while still retaining the safeguards and human judgment on decision making.
Oriini Kaipara
Have any mistakes been made?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
On behalf of the Minister, that’s a fairly broad question, but if the member would like to put in writing what particular mistake she might be aware of—let me know.
9. Housing
· to the Minister of Housing
How many of the social houses funded in the 2024 and 2025 Budgets have been delivered?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP (Minister of Housing)
Since coming into office, the Government has delivered around 8,000 net new social homes; 5,000 net new social houses delivered by Kāinga Ora; 2,900 delivered by community housing providers. In relation to Budget 2024 and 2025, as of this week, 633 places have been delivered so far; by 30 November 2026, we expect this number to be at least 1,000, which is great progress.
Hon Kieran McAnulty
Does he accept, as outlined in a recent report by Community Housing Aotearoa, that homeless has reached its highest ever record level?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
As the member knows, there are a variety of different measures in relation to homelessness—for example, from Census 2018 to Census 2023, the number of people living in severe housing depravation, which is a statistically robust measure of homelessness, went up by around, from memory, 37 percent.
Hon Kieran McAnulty
Point of order. Sir, I asked him specifically around “Does he accept that homelessness has increased to the highest level?” His response was to a datapoint from the previous Government—
SPEAKER
Yes, I appreciate that point. I think the Minister could either not answer because it’s not in the public interest or give some answer to that specific question, even though it is in the nature of a yes or no.
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
I’ll just repeat what I said, which is that there are a variety of different measures around homelessness. I referred to the most statistically robust measure of homelessness, which is severe housing deprivation as measured by the census.
Hon Kieran McAnulty
Why, when Community Housing Aotearoa have said that homelessness has now reached its highest ever level, will he not rescind his instruction to Kāinga Ora to not increase the number of houses it has?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Because, in relation to the second limb of the question, the Government is interested in growing social housing more generally, not a narrow fixation on the number of State houses. We have funded significant investments across all three Budgets in growing the social housing pipeline, which is why there is now around 4,800 to 5,300 total homes funded across Budgets 2024, 2025, and 2026. We are delivering them in a cheaper way, thanks to the support provided with the Community Housing Funding Authority, which I note the member has decided to match recently, and I welcome. We’re delivering them in a cheaper way, and a more value-for-money way, and delivering them to the areas which are needed most—for example, last week, Tama Potaka and I announced well over 100 homes in Tairāwhiti alone because that is the area that is in severe need.
Hon Kieran McAnulty
How can he, on one hand, see homelessness increase to the highest ever record level, admit that there is no guarantee for shelter for those who need it. and claim to want to fix it, while only delivering, so far, 633 houses, and refuse to rescind his instruction to Kāinga Ora not to increase the number of homes?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Well, the member is conflating about three or four separate issues there. I just refer him to what I said in the last answer, which is that we funded over 4,800 social homes across Budgets 2024—
Hon Kieran McAnulty
You delivered 633.
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Yes, as the member may well discover at some point, it takes time to build houses. Funding a house does not immediately mean it turns up—for example, I am advised that for social houses funded in Budget 2020, some were not delivered until 2025, five years later. So the funding provided in Budget 2024 started on 1 July 2025, which is just over a year or so ago, and 630 homes have been delivered. If the member wants to talk about delivery, I’d just put up 100,000 homes and compare it to the record.
Hon Tama Potaka
Can the Minister please confirm that the recent Ministry for Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport Homelessness Insights Report noted that the number of those rough sleeping in Auckland has decreased over the past 18 months, and this is influenced by the successful use of 300 Housing First places announced by said Minister in September 2025?
Hon Kieran McAnulty
How many of those have been filled?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
All of them, actually. In response to the question from Tama Potaka—[Interruption]
SPEAKER
That’s enough. The Minister’s quite capable of answering on his own without the barrage from the background.
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Yes, I can confirm that. Let’s just be honest with the House: we have a homelessness issue in this country. I’m not denying that we have one, I’ve never denied that and I never would, because the facts are obvious. We’ve had a homelessness issue in New Zealand for the better part of 20 to 30 years, and we need to be honest about the fact that the solution is not just writing a cheque. Between 2017 and 2023, the country spent—wait for it—$30 billion on housing support, and the number of people living in severe deprivation increased. So if it was just a money issue, we would have solved it a long time ago. The honest answer is it is land supply, it is infrastructure, it is better social support, it is social investment, it is backing our community housing providers, it is doing a range of things—all of which, by the way, the Government is doing.
10. Housing
· to the Minister of Housing
Does he stand by his reported statement that it doesn’t sit comfortably with him that there is no guarantee of shelter for people on any given night; if not, why not?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP (Minister of Housing)
Yes, in context. What I said was—and, actually, what I’ve just repeated in response to the last supplementary—we have an enormous challenge around housing in this country. I’ve spent much of the last three years doing my best to try and fix it, including things like fast track and building more social homes. Last week, we announced 820 new social houses around the country, including in the areas that are in severe housing need. We’ve expanded homelessness outreach services, including in Auckland—the Auckland City Mission and Kāhui Tū Kaha. I’m not going to pretend for a moment that there is not a challenge here; there is. It’s a long-running social challenge for New Zealand, we’re making progress, but there’s a lot to do.
Tamatha Paul
Was he trying his best when the Government decided to restrict access to emergency accommodation?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Emergency accommodation is there. There are around 400 people living in emergency motel accommodation right now. It is there for those who are in genuine need. We did make a change, because the Government’s view was that spending $1 million a day, which is what we were doing, and trapping people, over 4,000 at its peak, in grotty, dank motel rooms, often filled with crime and squalor, was terrible for the families, disastrous for children, and recklessly irresponsible for the communities which those motels were in. The only people who benefited from that disaster were motel owners, who enriched themselves on the backs of human misery. So I’m proud that we put an end to it.
Tamatha Paul
Was he trying his best when his Government decided to empower the police to move on rough sleepers when they have no guarantee of shelter?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
In relation to the second part of that question, we’re working hard with a range of community providers in Auckland, including some of the groups I just mentioned, like the City Mission and Kāhui Tū Kaha. We’ve funded immediate transition housing support in Auckland, for example, and I’m aware of a letter from her colleague the Hon Julie Anne Genter in relation to a similar service that could be funded in Wellington, for example, as well. Those services do work, and we’ll continue to support them.
Tamatha Paul
Does he expect someone who is rough sleeping out in the cold and wet weather, when they are moved on, if there is no guarantee of shelter available to them, to be able to move on?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
I’ll just refer the member to the answer I previously gave, which is that we fund an extensive range of supports in our major centres, and now—thanks to the work of Mr Potaka—increasingly in our regional centres, as well, to help those who are doing it tough, who are in need of support, and who don’t have a bed for the night.
Tamatha Paul
Are the immediate access transitional housing beds available in the whole country enough to meet the persistently high number of people rough sleeping when all of those beds are in Auckland and there are only 65 beds?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
No, they’re not available in the whole country. Not everywhere in the country has the providers or the services that could sustain those, but if there are providers out there who are prepared to offer what is quite a difficult service to provide—I want to say that in the best spirit—then we’re prepared to look at that, obviously.
Tamatha Paul
What will he do, if anything, to address his discomfort that there is no guarantee of shelter for homeless people?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
What I will do is do what we are doing—fast track, going for housing growth, sorting out our infrastructure system, changing our social housing system—so that rather than having a potpourri approach to social housing provision, we take a place-based approach, look at the data, and say, “The East Coast has housing need; we’re going to spend some money there and build some houses. The Far North has severe housing deprivation; we’re going to invest some money there.” We’re going to look at the cohorts who need social housing the most: the victims of family violence, the former prisoners, and the people in acute mental health beds who can’t leave the mental health facilities they’re in, because they’ve got nowhere to go. We’re going to direct the system to make sure people like that have social houses that they can go to. Our social housing system is not working effectively enough for the very people it is designed to help. The good news is that we are fixing it. I invite you to come on the journey with me.
Hon Tama Potaka
Can the Minister please confirm that this Government has committed, again, to funding more than $14 million of additional transitional housing services in locations such as Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch, Hamilton, Whakatāne, Tauranga, Waimakariri, Napier, New Plymouth, and now Masterton?
Hon CHRIS BISHOP
Yes, I can confirm that, and I’m very proud of those investments.
11. Social Development and Employment
· to the Minister for Social Development and Employment
Does she stand by her statement that “in terms of unemployment, Māori are disproportionately affected”; if so, why?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS (Associate Minister for Social Development and Employment)
on behalf of the Minister for Social Development and Employment: Yes, we acknowledge that many Kiwis are finding it tough at the moment. That’s why our Government is so focused on fixing the basics and building the future. We are seeing positive signs. Our economy is growing. The Ministry of Social Development’s community coaching programme and expanded case management services have helped improve employment opportunities for young people, including Māori. I’m confident our approach is working, because despite challenging times, we have seen an increase in the number of Māori exiting the jobseeker benefit on to work.
Cushla Tangaere-Manuel
Can she confirm that under her watch, Māori unemployment in Tairāwhiti has reached nearly 10 percent?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
As we acknowledge, there is a disproportionate number of Māori that are implicated by unemployment. Things like being predominantly in sectors such as manufacturing, construction, infrastructure, which are more susceptible to changes in employment cycles, means that unemployment has been higher—much higher—than we would like it, but that’s why we are putting in place a number of things to assist. Things like Mana in Mahi, things like He Poutama Rangatahi, things like Flexi-wage, and things like driver’s licence support, Community Job Coaching, 1,000 additional Youth Guarantee places, saving Apprenticeship Boost, and doubling trades academies are all focused on ensuring that there are pathways to employment for Māori.
Cushla Tangaere-Manuel
Can she confirm that under her watch, young Māori not in education, employment, or training has reached 23.1 percent?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
Again, young people are disproportionately impacted by high unemployment, and, again, that is why we have that full range of programmes there to support a pathway for young Māori into employment. But the biggest thing that will ensure that more young people, more Māori, go into employment is growth in our economy. That is why we are so focused on ensuring that the economy can grow—so that employers have confidence to take on more staff. But something that we will not be doing is putting in place stamp duty, an international company tax—
SPEAKER
That’s enough—that’s enough.
Cushla Tangaere-Manuel
Can she confirm that there are nearly 10,000 more Māori on jobseeker support compared to when she took office?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
On behalf of the Minister, we have been very clear that Māori and young Māori are disproportionately impacted by unemployment. That is why we have to be so focused on ensuring that our economy grows, on ensuring that we take away red tape—so that businesses have the confidence to grow and hire more people. It is absolutely critical that our economy continues to grow to enable lower unemployment and to ensure that more Māori are employed. We are seeing signs of it in regions like Canterbury and Otago and Southland, where the economy has come back stronger and, therefore, the unemployment rate is dropping.
Cushla Tangaere-Manuel
Why, when the number of Māori unemployed and on jobseeker keeps rising under her watch, did she cut Māori trades training, an initiative that addresses the very concerns she claims to have?
Hon PENNY SIMMONDS
I will read that full range of supports, if the member would like, again: Mana in Mahi, He Poutama Rangatahi, Flexi-wage—a whole range of programmes, training initiatives, employment support that is designed to help prepare people for work when it is available so that they can take up those opportunities.
12. Commerce and Consumer Affairs
· to the Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs
Does he stand by all his statements and actions?
Hon CAMERON BREWER (Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs)
Yes, in the context they were given.
Arena Williams
Will he continue to defend high food price increases, and what other price increases on essentials is he asking Kiwis to wear?
Hon CAMERON BREWER
I have never defended high food prices. We are very encouraged—and I’m grateful to have the opportunity, again—by the latest Statistics New Zealand food price index, which showed grocery prices increased just 1.9 percent in the year to July 2026. It’s a big improvement from 12.3 percent in the year to June 2023.
Arena Williams
So does he share the goal of the finance Minister, as stated on 27 May 2025, to “reduce food prices for Kiwis”, or his comment this week that he will defend sustainable food price increases?
Hon CAMERON BREWER
I have never gone out there defending food price increases. What I promoted was sustainable grocery prices, and that is what we are getting to a point of—1.9 percent in the year to July 2026 is a big improvement from 12.3 percent under the previous Government.
Arena Williams
Can seniors, who are increasingly visiting the doctor malnourished and in need of vitamin injections, afford these sustainable food price increases he commented on this week, as he defends those price rises while the supermarkets profit?
Hon CAMERON BREWER
Again, we are seeing some progress as far as grocery prices go, and I take you back to 2023, when overall annual food prices went up by 12.5 percent, when grocery food prices went up 12.8 percent, when fruit and vegetables—in 2023—went up by 22 percent in one year, when restaurant meals and ready-to-eat food went up 9.2 percent, and when meat, poultry, and fish went up 11 percent. That was her record.
Arena Williams
Who is correct: the Minister, who said just then that we are seeing some progress on grocery prices, or the carer who said, “When we talk about proteins, we talk about eggs, fish, meat—they’re almost out of reach now to a generation of pensioners.”?
Hon CAMERON BREWER
This Government will continue the good work it’s doing to put downward pressure on grocery prices. The latest stat we have is 1.9 percent—just 1.9 percent—as an annual increase in food. Yes, we’ve got some work to do, but it’s a big improvement from where we were at under the last administration.
SPEAKER
That concludes oral questions. We’ll take a moment for those who need to go to other business to do so quietly.
I declare the House in committee for the consideration of the Natural Environment Bill and the Emergency Management Bill (No 2).
Bills
Natural Environment Bill
Committee of the whole House
Part 1 Preliminary provisions, and Schedules 1 and 6 (continued)
Debate resumed.
Part 1 Preliminary provisions, and Schedules 1 and 6 (continued)
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Members, the committee has resumed. When we suspended for the lunch break, we were considering Part 1 of the Natural Environment Bill. This is the debate on clauses 3 to 10—“Preliminary provisions”—Schedule 1, “Transitional, savings, and related provisions”; and Schedule 6, “Statutory acknowledgements”. Once again, the question is that Part 1 stand part.
Before I take a call, I’m just going to note that the previous Chair mentioned to me that we are past talking about the purpose in this bill and that we’ve moved forward from there.
Yes, thank you, Madam Chair—that seems like a fair assessment. I’m just going to take a very short call here; I’ve had some more substantive calls. I’m going to go to Schedule 6, but we’ve had some conversation on Schedule 1, and Schedule 1 incorporates Schedule 11 of the Planning Bill. There were quite a lot of amendments to Schedule 11 of the Planning Bill that directly affect these issues in the Natural Environment Bill. Other speakers may have contributions to make about that; I think I’ve done my dash.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
That’s fine—just make sure I know what page you’re on, because you know this better than I do.
Yes, and I’m not there yet, but I will get there now. So Schedule 6 is at page 331, and it’s just a simple question to the member in the chair, Simon Court: this list of statutory acknowledgments—and I think it’s the same list that is in the Planning Bill as well—is it curtailed at all? Are there ones missing, and if so, why? Why are they missing, is my question.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
To the member the Hon Rachel Brooking, it’s the same list as in the Planning Bill.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Speaking to that schedule, the bill does seem to draw directly on the schedule that is also appended to the Planning Bill, as the member in the chair, Simon Court, has said, but there are different considerations for the natural environment that are recorded in arrangements with iwi organisations. For example, the Tāmaki Makaurau settlement bill, which settles all 19 iwi and has statutory acknowledgments which are only about the natural character and the outstanding character of, say, the Tūpuna Maunga in Auckland and the Hauraki Gulf, are not planning considerations in nature. They have been left out of the Planning Bill, but it does not make sense to not include them in the schedule for the Natural Environment Bill when they will be directly engaged. Things like the Ruapehu settlements, things like the Aoraki Matatū maunga that is a schedulised part of the Ngā Tahu Claims Settlement Act, which is a 1996 Act, are much more similar to the Te Ture Whaimana arrangements, which have been agreed and lifted up to the primary legislation.
The question is not just about the cultural commitments that have been included in Schedule 1 and not just the commercial considerations, which are also in Schedule 11, but about those arrangements which are unique in nature, that exist, that are not planning instruments, that are about outstanding natural landscapes and are about the way that natural environment—say, visual amenity—will be included in a community’s regional plan. Those have not been included in the Natural Environment Bill because it has just been lifted from the Planning Bill.
So the question really for the member in the chair is: what else is missing? Did he consider, and was he advised on, the difference between just including this core group of arrangements which are purely planning arrangements? Was there a larger list that he looked at and struck out?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
For the member Arena Williams’ benefit, yes, the Minister and I did take advice and consider it at length. The reasons why certain Treaty settlements should be specifically referred to in the bill, such as the Waikato River settlement, and why others which were less complex could essentially be resolved were the Crown has obligations to uphold Treaty settlement redress to the greatest extent possible—and we’ve provided time frames for that. It’s set out in clauses 9 and 10.
Thank you, Madam Chair. At the very close of the discussion before the break, we were talking about Te Ture Whaimana in Part 10. And there’s a specific question regarding that because, as the Minister articulated and acknowledged, the tension in the pausing of PC1—Plan Change 1.
My question is: given that Te Ture Whaimana is the vision and strategy for the Waikato and Waipā Rivers, which is legally entrenched for the Waikato and Waipā Rivers through the Treaty settlement legislation, including the Waikato-Tainui Raupatu Claims (Waikato River) Settlement Act 2010 and the Nga Wai o Maniapoto (Waipa River) Act 2012—the Waikato River Authority was established through legislation as an independent statutory body to be the custodian of Te Ture Whaimana. It’s particularly crucial because the Crown has made a statutory settlement commitment relating to the rivers, including commitments that Te Ture Whaimana be given effect through the regional planning framework.
So the question is: how is it possible to give effect to that Treaty settlement while pausing Plan Change 1, which is the regulatory pathway developed to give effect to Te Ture Whaimana? And what assessment has the Government taken on the impact on that Treaty settlement, and what certainty does the Government have that it is not a breach of the Treaty settlement to stop the regulatory pathway for effecting Te Ture Whaimana?
Now, of course, the key issue here is that in the legislation, this section of it has the appearance of giving with one hand and taking away with the other, and that is certainly the way that it’s interpreted by Waikato-Tainui.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. It’s always wonderful when a self-appointed spokesperson for iwi Māori turns up in the Chamber.
Steve Abel
Point of order, Madam Speaker.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Point of order, Steve Abel. I know what the point of order is going to be, and I don’t think that was a fair response, Simon Court. So I ask you—
Steve Abel
I am certainly not appointed as a spokesperson for Waikato-Tainui. We have had direct correspondence with Waikato-Tainui, and they appreciate any member of the House raising their profound concerns with this issue.
I’ll respond to the member’s question.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Simon Court.
The legislation’s very clear. We’ve covered extensively in discussion on exactly the same mirrored clause of the Planning Bill that Te Ture Whaimana is intended by Parliament to be the primary direction-setting document for the Waikato and Waipā Rivers and so on, and it has the same effect in the new system.
The member raised a question: what about Plan Change 1 (PC1)? In the legislation, it says that when the Waikato is making a new plan, plan-makers, decision-makers will have regard to PC1. But we’re also clear: there’s a new system. We have concepts like environmental limits, and so, of course, when a new plan is created, Te Ture Whaimana will continue to be the primary direction-setting document for the Waikato and Waipā Rivers. It will be in the context of the new system.
That’s because this Government is very clear: we seek to have a system which provides transparency, particularly around the trade-offs for setting environmental limits, whether it’s fresh water or other domains; whereas currently, there is very little transparency. When an ecological limit or bottom line or standard is proposed by council and then adopted, it’s not clear whether trade-offs around economic prosperity, around social values, around community values have actually been taken into account.
Te Ture Whaimana is intended by Parliament to be the primary direction-setting document for the Waikato and Waipā Rivers. Decision makers will have to have regard to Plan Change 1 and that’s also in the context of the new system.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I’m going to take a supplementary from Steve Abel, but I will warn we’re getting very close to the end of this part, to all members. And I just want questions.
You will recall, Madam Chair, a very specific part of my first question was what assessment the Government had made as to the risk to a Treaty breach the pausing of Plan Change 1 would be, given its vital necessity in fulfilling the obligations of Te Ture Whaimana, being it is the regulatory pathway to fulfilling that Treaty obligation. So it’s just asking the member in the chair, Simon Court, to clarify what evaluations and what advice has he received on the risk to a Treaty breach of the pausing of Plan Change 1.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I thank the member Steve Abel for the question. During the course of developing policy and taking decisions, Minister Bishop and I have had extensive advice on a range of matters, including the Crown’s obligations to Māori, including the Crown’s obligations to iwi who have a Treaty settlement with the Crown, and on how to make sure that to the greatest extent possible, we continue to give effect to the settlements. So I can assure the member that we have had extensive advice.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The only other person that was on her feet in the last call was Arena Williams. And I’ll take a question only, not a speech.
Yup, questions about clause 10B, inserted by Amendment Paper 710, at page 44. I want to ask the member in the chair, Simon Court, about the Te Arawa Lakes settlement and the regulations under it—that is a 2006 settlement. I think what’s happening with (c) and its insertion alongside the completely new insertion here, is to allow for—essentially, if any other instruments are inconsistent with those regulations, then the regulations prevail. But what we’ve got here in the Te Arawa Lakes settlement example is a set of regulations which are made by both the iwi and the council. So we have a way for iwi here to make rules which prevail not only over and above the national policy statement and the national coastal statement, but also the primary legislation—is that right?
And I want to ask: the six taonga ika, which are protected by that piece of legislation, which are kōaro, kōura, īnanga, tuna, morihana,and kākahi—is that intended to just be in the context of Te Arawa Lakes, or is it the case that those regulations prevailing over other instruments are intended to set a standard for fisheries which in a customary context are being protected by that 10B(1) provision, which the member has introduced?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you for the question. I’ve been advised that these clauses are the same as the Resource Management Act and the rules cannot amend customary fishing rights.
CATHERINE WEDD (National—Tukituki)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Motion agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I just remind members on both sides, and at the end of the Chamber, to be quiet while we’re voting. Thank you.
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 1 set out on Amendment Paper 710 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to clause 3 set out on Amendment Paper 686 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendments to clause 3 set out on Amendment Paper 712 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Hūhana Lyndon’s amendments to clauses 3 and 9 set out on Amendment Paper 739 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment to clause 10 set out on Amendment Paper 739 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment replacing clause 4 set out on Amendment Paper 688 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment replacing clause 4 set out on Amendment Paper 714 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Hūhana Lyndon’s amendment replacing clause 8 set out on Amendment Paper 748 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment inserting clause 8(1) set out on Amendment Paper 689 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 8 set out on Amendment Paper 703 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 54
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Hūhana Lyndon’s tabled amendment inserting new clause 10A is out of order as being the same in substance as a previous amendment.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 1 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 54
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 54 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 15 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 4 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Part 1 as amended agreed to.
Part 2 Foundations
Part 2 Foundations
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Members, we come now to Part 2, which is the debate on clauses 11 to 90—“Foundations”. The question is that Part 2 stand part.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I just note that, as you just did, Part 2 is “Foundations” and there are no schedules to this part. In fact, I think all the remaining schedules go with Part 4, so we’ll leave the back of the bill for now.
Anyway, I want to get on to the goals. We were talking when the Minister was in the chair before, rather than the member who’s in the chair now, a lot about the interaction between the purpose statement and the goals and an absence of hierarchy, and how this is a big, in my opinion and the opinion of almost all the experts who gave advice to the Environment Committee, hot mess—my words.
I think we need to have some discussion on that, but before I go into that I will refer the chair to my Amendment Paper 687, and this is a replacement of the goals with some different goals. But, actually, the replacements are very similar except that they go to clause 11(1)(f), which is “to provide for Māori interests through—”, and my goal harks back to section 6(e) of the Resource Management Act; and then in clause 11(1)(d)—rather than what was originally “no net loss in” but changed in AP 710 “to protect … biodiversity:”, I have “to protect and restore … ecological integrity,”
I also have made a change to the first paragraph, which is paragraph (a): “to enable the use and development of natural resources, including for the production of food and fibre (including aquaculture):”, and the change here is to insert “, within environmental limits”. That’s important because, as the bill was introduced, there was the term “within environmental limits” and then this got taken out at the Environment Committee by majority. That is a real problem, because we’ve had the Minister in the chair earlier today talk about how he is committed to pieces of legislation that do allow for and enable development within environmental limits.
So here is that phrase. It was in the bill as introduced—“enable the use and development … within environmental limits” and that has now been removed. One of my questions to the member in the chair, Simon Court, is: why has that been removed, and does that use and development of natural resources still have to be within environmental limits?
I note that in question time just now, Lan Pham was asking the Minister responsible for RMA Reform about limits, and he was saying that this is “a massive step forward on the RMA”—that’s the quote from him—to have limits. But where are they in the goals now that they’ve been removed? That’s one question, and that’s a huge issue. I’m sure other people will have other amendments on that issue, as well.
Would he consider having the wording from section 6(e) of the RMA in there rather than what is in clause 11(f) of this bill, and then I have another change—which I also had in the Planning Bill—in Amendment Paper 687, and that is to insert a new clause 11(3A) at the end, which says, “Where goals are in conflict, the purpose of this Act (as set out in section 4)”—which I would have changed—“must be used to reconcile the differences between the goals.” That is an attempt—an inelegant attempt—to try to have some sort of hierarchy here which would go to the purpose and then the goals, rather than having to rely on the Minister all the time, through national direction, to try to resolve any conflict between goals.
Those are a few questions on it. I won’t address the term “no net loss in significant indigenous biodiversity” in this contribution, but I would like to ask the member in the chair to answer that question about why we have got rid of “within environmental limits” if that’s the whole purpose of the scheme. Can we bring it back, and can we bring back section 6(e), and can we also have my idea of having some sort of hierarchy at subclause (3A)? Thank you, Madam Chair.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I thank the member the Hon Rachel Brooking for her questions. I’ll just start with her question around why the “within … limits” phrase was removed from the first goal, to “enable the use and development of natural resources, including for the production of food and fibre ( including aquaculture). It’s quite simple: limits play an important role in the system, but they are not the only way that the natural environmental impacts on the natural environment are managed. There are other tools.
If we conceive the system as a funnel—I know the member has proposed that maybe it’s not a funnel, but that’s how it’s conceived—we start with the goals, we move down to national direction, national policy direction, standards, spatial plans, and regulatory plans. There are many opportunities in the system to identify where impacts on the environment can be managed in the context of the Natural Environment Bill and the Planning Bill, which we discussed this morning. It is not all about limits; they are but one tool.
The member had a question about hierarchy. There is no hierarchy in the goals. We’ve been very clear—I refer the member to clause 11(2) in Amendment Paper 710, “Subsection 1 does not require a key instrument to seek to achieve all goals in all places at all times.”
Arena Williams
Hope you like that wording.
I invite any member who wishes to ask a question to ask that question, but I’ll respond to the member that I’m responding to in the first instance.
It’s important, when we consider that there are many things we do in the natural environment, which is what this bill is all about, that we still need to produce food, we need to operate infrastructure, and we need to have access to natural resources for social, economic, and health reasons. So, rather than trying to imagine that every time we seek to access natural resources for human wellbeing, we have to somehow work through a hierarchy of goals before we get to work out whether we should be able to access these resources and use them for human flourishing, we’re very clear that there are trade-offs to be made.
Those trade-offs are to be made at the national policy direction - setting level, and I urge those listening and watching the debate to have a look at the Ministry of Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport website, where an illustrative national policy direction setting out the key themes has been provided for non-statutory consultation, so that those interested in how this is going to work can see for themselves. I urge the member to download a copy and bring it to the Chamber. A lot of the questions that we’ve been getting over the past few days will, I believe, be resolved by looking at that document as a starter for ten.
Thank you, Madam Chair. It’s really great to get on to this “Goals” clause, because it does have implications for the entirety of the bill. I think the direction, which is under it—because we’ve established that the “Purpose” clause is a clause with no purpose, it’s really important that the goals themselves have potentially some form of direction. I’m really interested in the Minister’s responses to one of my first Amendment Papers proposed for the goals in clause 11. Really, this is around—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Which number is the amendment?
Sorry, the Amendment Paper is Amendment Paper 670. The aspect that I’m interested in is what the member’s perspective is about whether the goals are, essentially, meaningless if the Minister only has to seek to achieve all of them and can prioritise them in any manner they see fit.
My Amendment Paper would delete the words “seek to achieve the following goals”. I accept that in the national direction, the Minister has this huge discretion, but what could possibly be the justification of doing that if, basically, there is no other direction elsewhere in the bill other than that simply being the Minister’s whim? If there was further direction about the actual achievement of the goals, could this be one way forward where there is actually some impetus on decision makers to actually achieve something?
I want to pick up as well on the first goal, which is paragraph (a), and I want to pick up on this specifically because it was hugely disappointing at the select committee—and sorry, just for people’s understanding, this is the clause around enabling the actual use and development of natural resources. What came in, not actually at the select committee level but on top of the select committee—came straight in as ministerial direction—was this reference to “the production of food and fibre (including aquaculture)”. That was, essentially, a shout-out to these industry lobby groups.
The reason why it was that is that officials made it really clear to us at the select committee—and some of the select committee members are here and will appreciate and remember this—that this is meaningless. They said that the goal already includes the use and development of food and fibre, including aquaculture, but they still wanted it established at the heart of this legislation just as a shout-out.
My question to the Minister is: what is his perspective on the heart of our resource management legislation having such inappropriate shout-outs to industry, and whether he would consider my other Amendment Paper, which is to reinstate “within environmental limits” within that clause, because that is the one that was removed and that’s the one that would actually set up our country and our economy to function.
Now, I’m really interested in that. I’ve got other amendments on these clauses, but I’ll leave it there for now.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I thank the member for her contribution. I know she has a great interest in the natural environment. The Natural Environment Bill is something that I know she wants to see improved. Now, her contention that the goals are meaningless—absolutely reject. The goals provide direction on the outcome sought under the Natural Environment Bill and support delivery of its purpose. It should be clear to all members of the committee. If I have to say it again, I’ll say it again, but that’s the purpose of the goals.
The member contended that in seeking to achieve the goals, instruments such as national policy direction are made on the whim of a Minister. Nothing could be further from the truth. There is an extensive process set out about the making of national instruments, including matters that the maker and decision maker must consider.
The member’s question around food and fibre: according to many New Zealanders, and it is the belief of this Government, that food and fibre production is nationally important.
The member had a further question around: would the Government be prepared to consider her Amendment Paper proposing to add back in the “within limits” phrase to the goal “enable the use and development of natural resources, including the production of food and fibre (including aquaculture)”? No, Lan Pham, we will not be prepared to consider that. As I explained to the member Rachel Brooking, in answer to your previous question, limit setting is one important feature of the system, but limit setting is not the only way that we protect the natural environment and allow for development and growing food and all of these other things to be done in a way that responds to community need, to our economic imperatives, and to the social outcomes that we seek to realise from being able to develop and use and enjoy our natural environment.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to ask the member in the chair, Simon Court, about clause 11(1)(f), which is the goal “to provide for Māori interests”. I have a couple of different questions about how that is intended to work when it is one of many goals. This might have made a little bit more sense in the planning context, but the environmental context it is a little bit different where you have, often, through the development of our resource management law, over many, many years, alignment between Māori interests and kaitiakitanga, that it was the formulation, I think, at section 6(e) of the Resource Management Act (RMA). And so we have built into our planning system a degree of those environmental protections, safeguarding, stewardship, those concepts being closely associated with Māori interests as well.
So, first question to him is: does he expect the courts to now pass that out? Is that going to be dealt with quite separately under his regime? Really, it’s a question about—we’ve spoken a little bit about how the goals are all given the same importance; that clause 11(1)(a), here, “to enable the use and development of natural resources” is meant to be of the same importance as the goal (f) “to provide for Māori interests” and the goal (e) “to safeguard against natural hazards”. With that in mind, how does he justify the Parliament not resolving, here, the conflict, but the Minister having a role in resolving that conflict? What I’m getting at here is, under the RMA, in the King Salmon decision, it was possible for judges to have what they called an overall broad judgment, because Parliament had already indicated its hierarchy of decisions, and so it was possible for the court to say, “Well, you can’t just say that economic development is the purpose that you’re relying on because they are similar”. So the court was able to use a broad judgment because there was that hierarchy. Now there’s not that hierarchy. So what I’m asking the member in the chair to clarify is whether in Parliament not resolving the conflict it intends for the court to provide, now, an entirely holus-bolus broad judgment, where it is required to make the decision or whether it’s intended to be looking at the national policy direction.
A follow-up question to that, in relation to Māori interest only, is could one Government’s national policy direction on how you’re meant to give effect to the Māori interest provision swing wildly between, say, a National-led Government and a Labour-led Government? This is a practical question because when we’re looking at how the courts are meant to interpret this, they would usually not make that assumption that Parliament’s job is to resolve how that goal is interpreted, not a Minister’s interpretation. And yet that seems to be what leaving (f) as a goal that is equally as important to (a) actually sets up.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
In so much as Simon Court knows what any Minister’s future interpretation might be.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair, for the guidance.
The question that the member asked was in relation to the Resource Management Act, section 6E, I think you described it as, where there’s a hierarchy. There is no hierarchy in the goals. When looking at clause 11(1)(f), in the way that the legislation intends to provide for Māori interests, the member points out that it is different to the Resource Management Act. That is true, that is intentional. We’ve been highly specific about that and we are confident that the way that Māori interests have provided for is in the spirit of Crown and Māori relationship.
Now, it says quite specifically, “Māori participation in the development of national instruments, regional spatial plans, and natural environment plans”. It’s very important. The member answered her own question. Do we intend that that is particularised through national policy direction? The answer is yes.
The member asked another question: do we expect the courts to make things up that are not in the law? No, absolutely not. The Attorney-General was clear in the speech that he gave to the Auckland Law Society, that it’s Parliament’s job to be clear in its law making, clear in its intent—
Arena Williams
That’s why there was a hierarchy.
—clear in its lawmaking, clear in its intent, which this legislation is, and the hierarchy or, potentially, if we had to rephrase it for the benefit of those listening or watching, I could, potentially, assume the member means resolving conflicts between outcomes and objectives.
So if the member thinks that every single potential conflict that we could possibly imagine could be resolved in legislation, that legislation would reach from the floor to the ceiling of this Chamber. We are not doing that for the member’s benefit, for Arena Williams’ benefit; we’re not doing it for anyone’s benefit. There certainly would be no benefit to New Zealand. So I urge the member to cast forward to when this legislation is implemented and when the national policy direction, that has the force of law and has gone through statutory consultation in the future and would provide for the conflict resolution that the member so desperately wishes to see in legislation.
I’ll come back to it: Parliament’s job is to make laws, make them clear; the courts’ job is to is to enforce the law. The Attorney-General was clear, I am clear, and that is our intention for this legislation.
Now, if members would bear with, I understand Minister Bishop wishes to return to the chair. If someone could go and grab the Minister, I would gladly vacate and let the members ask questions of the Minister.
Point of order. Thank you, Madam Chair. Earlier today, I raised a point of order asking if we would be told when amendments from the Minister would be tabled. It appears that one has been tabled—I might have missed it; I don’t want to accuse anyone of not telling us that it had been tabled. We were given a nod or some noise in the affirmative that we would be told when amendments were tabled. It looks like there was one tabled at 2.11 p.m. on 27 August, and it is a very simple one: it is to delete clause 37. But when you go to the amendment bill—I guess it’s going back to the version as reported back from the select committee—there is no clause 37 in his Amendment Paper. So the point of order is whether we can have clarity on what the—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
We’ve accepted the point of order around when was it tabled in the House, and I understand it was 2.11—
Hon Chris Bishop
We were in question time then.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Yes. But in terms of the remainder of the question, then we start getting into the question to the Minister.
Sure. OK, well, are there going to be any more tabled amendments?
Hon Chris Bishop
No.
OK. That’s my point of order.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
And no.
OK. Thank you.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The Hon Rachel Brooking—we’ll start your five minutes again—
Hon Chris Bishop
There might be one.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Oh, there was just a response that said there might be one.
OK, going back to the point of order—and I don’t mind about the time, because I’m not going to take five minutes—if we could be told—
Hon Chris Bishop
There may be one more.
OK, if we could be told—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
There may be one, and I think the issue why the awareness wasn’t there with this one was that it was during question time today in the House, so we weren’t in committee. So as soon as we get it, we’ll let you know.
That’ll be great; thank you.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The Hon Rachel Brooking. I think we’ll start your five minutes again, because we’ve been clarifying a few things—there we go.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Going back to the goals, now that the Minister is in the chair—after I think being requested by the member to come back—I would be interested in what seems to be a difference of opinion between the Minister and the member, and that is that the Minister has been saying, throughout this, that he wants there to be development within environmental limits. He said at question time that it’s a massive step forward, from the Resource Management Act, that there are limits. But the member in the chair just said: “It’s not all about limits. It is but one tool.”, referring to limits. So if there is, in fact, a difference of opinion there, that would be useful to elucidate.
That’s one point. Now, going back to clause 11, “Goals”, I’ve already asked a question on it, but I have another published Amendment Paper, and that is 704, and it’s now changed again. My question relates to paragraph (d). So on page 44, paragraph (d), as it was reported back, refers to “no net loss in indigenous biodiversity”. I think my amendment was to get rid of the “net” there—“no loss in indigenous biodiversity”. But now it’s been changed by the Amendment Paper to protect “significant indigenous biodiversity”.
So it would be good for the Minister to comment on why that change has been made and what happens to the concept of net loss, when throughout much of the rest of the bill, there is talk of offsetting and compensation. How does that, then, link to the goals? Is it to do with protection or is it to do with something else? Do we, in fact, need no loss in indigenous biodiversity, and also its protection—do we need both of those terms? And then—
Hon Chris Bishop
I’m happy to take a call.
OK, I’ll let the Minister go. I’ve got one more question on this.
I’m happy to take a call on this one, but I think it’s an important point and I’m pleased the member’s noticed it. We received quite a bit of feedback, both through the select committee process and also, subsequently, in engagement with stakeholders from the broader environmental non-governmental organisation movement, or ENGOs, as they are known. The “no net loss”—
Hon Rachel Brooking
They’re great, aren’t they? Great resource.
—OK—concept was difficult and confusing. I mean, it sort of begs the question: if your goal is no net loss, are you therefore saying that things are fine at the moment, because clearly they are not? So if the goal is, like, literally just to keep things so we can’t have any net loss—if your starting point is pretty bad, which I think most people would say it is, then the goal of no net loss is a relatively unambitious target. But then other people thought it meant other things.
So, anyway, we just took all that on board and said, “Well, OK, let’s just be clear about this. It’s a goal to protect”—which is a stronger, more directive frame, but obviously the devil’s in the details with the national direction and standards that flow from that. That is how some of the concepts that the member mentioned around offsetting and things come into it. It may be that in particular parts of the country, you don’t want to lift biodiversity protections over time, and in other parts of the country you’re prepared to make the trade-offs. I mean, the short answer is it depends, but the net loss concept was causing complications and confusions, and it’s a bit odd to have a quantification concept in a goal as well. If you look at the rest of the goals, it’s to protect, safeguard, enable, provide for, support—there are more active verbs rather than just to have no net loss. It just sat a bit uncomfortably. That was the feedback and we agreed, so we made the change.
Just two supplementaries on that. My other question was around whether the “no net loss” concept does feed in to ideas of offsetting and compensation, and we can deal with that later, but if the Minister wants to comment on that, in a minute.
My second supplementary is: with this change, does it now need to be significant indigenous biodiversity, so the “no net loss” was just to indigenous biodiversity and there was no caveat or qualifier of “significant”? I take the point about what he just said in terms of verbs, and the like. Where does it fit with new paragraph (ca), which is to support and enable the enhancement of the natural environment? Does he see that the protection of insignificant indigenous biodiversity, or indigenous biodiversity that doesn’t reach that significance test—would that still be caught by (ca), which is “to support and enable the enhancement of the natural environment”?
It’s a good question. The short point is, the way I would characterise it is the natural environment is a broad concept, indigenous biodiversity is a subset, and the goal is sending a message that the system should protect significant indigenous biodiversity, because that’s something special and unique to New Zealand, and something that’s worthy of protection and worthy of specific recognition and mentioning in “Goals” as worthy of protecting.
This is not to say non-significant indigenous biodiversity is not important—it is—but it’s just a marker. And you can see this through the national policy direction framing document as well—that significant indigenous biodiversity is something that is part and parcel of the system.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Lan Pham has indicated she has a supp.
Thank you, Madam Chair—absolutely, on this topic, and really keen to consolidate it in one, because it is a really important topic. Thank you to the Minister for his comments around accepting that the starting point, where we are at with biodiversity, is pretty bad—those were his words. Does he accept, though, that simply protecting only areas of significant indigenous biodiversity will, in itself, lead to a loss of biodiversity, particularly when we know that the bar for even identifying these areas of significant biodiversity is so much higher and has so much more cost and barriers for councils under the regulatory relief framework?
I don’t want to go to regulatory relief yet, because we’re going to get there more fulsomely, but what I am interested in is the Minister’s concept and understanding of that, in particular. He’s just said that significant biodiversity is important. The member Rachel Brooking talked about, well, what about that biodiversity that doesn’t meet that bar?
I have an Amendment Paper that would help with this so that we’re not only protecting significant areas but we’re protecting those areas of indigenous biodiversity generally. What I’m proposing, which I’d really appreciate the Minister’s feedback on, is in Amendment Paper 712, and this is the last bit of that. First, it’s about amending the goals to protect areas of significant indigenous vegetation and significant habitats of indigenous fauna along with the protection of wetlands.
Now, why it’s so important to specify these things is we know that depending on the region that you’re in in the country, the remaining biodiversity is somewhere between 1 percent and at best 10 percent. There are some regions who are managing to buck that trend, like Te Pātaka-o-Rākaihautū / Banks Peninsula. We know that due to an incredible effort at the community level with councils and iwi and the papatipu rūnanga there, they are actually changing the biodiversity trajectory and getting more towards 20 percent biodiversity.
Now, what is critical with this Amendment Paper is that it’s actually changing the definition of “significant indigenous vegetation” and also “significant habitat of indigenous fauna”. Given we know that any shred of biodiversity that we have remaining in this country is important—sorry, is the Minister clear where I’m—
Hon Chris Bishop
Yeah. I thought you were amending the definition of Part 1, but you’re not.
Yeah. Thank you—thank you. I’m really interested in that, because what we’ve heard really clearly, even in the environmental non-governmental organisations responding to these last-minute Amendment Papers that have changed the settings with no net loss changing to significant indigenous biodiversity, they’re saying you can’t have one without the other. Now if you’re raising the bar to significant only being protected, if you don’t have that no net loss at least to hold the line, then we will be without the general vegetation clearance rules that, as I understand, are no longer available under these Acts. We’re in a real serious situation when it comes to biodiversity decline, so I’m really interested in the Minister responsible for RMA Reform’s thoughts on that.
Yeah. I mean, I understand where the member’s coming from, but the short point is I don’t think we need the definition in the goals, as the member essentially proposes. Some of the stuff that she was talking about I would regard as falling within clause 11(1)(d), “indigenous biodiversity”, but also 11(1)(ca) which is “support and enable the enhancement of the natural environment:”.
The key is not so much the precise words in the goals; the key is the national direction that flows from that, and the key is that the goals are the hook for the national direction. You can’t do anything that’s not in the goals, but it’s very clear that the stuff the member was talking about would fall within both of those goals.
Does the Minister responsible for RMA Reform accept that for biodiversity generally that does not meet the significance threshold, which is the majority of scraps of biodiversity—the remnant pockets that remain—biodiversity is at risk under these goals?
No—no. No, I don’t, because for the reasons I just said, which is that it would fall within—I’ve answered this like three times now. It would fall within “support and enable the enhancement of the natural environment”, which is a broader heading of things. There’s a specific goal which I think the member actually should support, which is to say that for areas of significant biodiversity, that’s a specific goal of the legislation, to enable the protection of significant indigenous biodiversity, because that’s something that’s unique to New Zealand and is special and we need to protect, for the reasons that the member, I’m sure, agrees with around why biodiversity is important.
So, Minister, are general protections for biodiversity that are not mapped available as a tool to protect those remnant areas, those scraps of a part of a wetland here or dryland ecosystem here—are they available under these Acts? Really keen on that.
I just want to ask about these great words here. These great words: clause 11(2) uses the words “in all places at all times.” Simon Court, the member in the chair prior to the Minister responsible for RMA Reform, and I had a bit of a back and forth about this and he invited me to take a question on this. I do enjoy these words. They are likely your words personally, Minister. Where did they come from is the first question. Is that a permission to trade off? Where you’ve said that above from clause 11(1)(a) through (f) it doesn’t make sense to have a quantification concept, those are also not trade-off concepts. There isn’t a limit that needs to be balanced, and yet this does seem to introduce that.
Specifically, I want to ask about “places”. Are we to interpret places there to mean that there are places where the goal of safeguarding the environment’s quality is the goal and isn’t the goal? Like, are there places where the goal should be specifically, say, in line with clause 11(1)(a)? Is that the intention of that inclusion of the word “places”?
Then in the inclusion of the word “time”, do we mean, like, is there an example of a time when safeguarding, say, the life-supporting capacity of air and water would not be necessary? You can imagine the situation when this also sets up for national instruments to give preference in a non - nationally consistent way because that use of the idea that some places will, I guess, be of greater natural value than others and at different times seems to introduce an entirely new way of thinking about that. How does that compare—because this is broadly something that most people would agree with, but how are we meant to understand how that’s going to affect the places that communities really care about where they are seeking greater environmental safeguards when you might think that this clause 11(2) gave them more protections, but that they needed to be traded off against other areas? Is that what people can expect from that?
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I’m going to take a call from Steve Abel. I will just say that we’ve spent quite a bit of time on the goals, but I’m not precluding Steve Abel from asking a question in that space. This is my indication that I think we need to move on from the goals—and a wee one from Rachel Brooking.
Yeah. The goals are very important. I hear your point, Madam Chair.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I know they’re important, but we’ve spent substantial time.
I still think we don’t have exact clarity, and I think Arena Williams’ question is important as well. The previous member in the seat, Simon Court, articulated that there was no intention to have a hierarchy in the goals. If the objective is to avoid trade-offs, which is a problem of the sort of death by a thousand cuts issue that we have with the environment—we’re constantly trading off economic activity for environmental protection—then I put it to the Minister responsible for RMA Reform that having at least a first hierarchy weighting given to clause 11(1)(b) is necessary. Lan Pham’s Amendment Paper 711 directly addresses this. It makes sure that the logic of the life-supporting capacity of air, water, soil, and ecosystems is the first goal or the most important priority in the hierarchy.
If that is not done, then I think, Minister, we risk the sort of hubris that there can be some sort of lasting human thriving without us first safeguarding the life-supporting capacity. We all agree we want human society to thrive, but it cannot reasonably do that without supporting a life-supporting capacity.
First of all, just the clarity as to why there is no hierarchy, and would the Minister consider making what is currently (b) something that needs to be achieved as the priority in the goals? That gives logic to the intention of the legislation, given it’s the Natural Environment Bill.
I have a second amendment, which specifically makes sure that in paragraph (d), to protect and enhance—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
What’s the number of the amendment?
Sorry, 724. It’s another excellent one from Lan Pham—724, that (d), replacing clause 11(1)(d), becomes “to protect and enhance indigenous biodiversity”, including urban trees and urban biodiversity, to make sure that they are captured. The Minister laughs; he laughs so much that we love urban trees, but he’ll know all about it when they start disappearing even more. I wonder if he would consider that. But the greater overarching principle is the problem of a thousand cuts and that we need to protect the principle of life-supporting capacity as the priority.
Yeah. I mean, I sort of feel like we’ve covered this a lot, including in the last bill and now this bill. There is no hierarchy, OK? That’s a deliberate policy choice, and we’ve sort of canvassed as to why that is. The member started his contribution by saying, “Oh, there seems to be a desire to avoid trade-offs.” The opposite is the case. That’s the point: all of this stuff involves trade-offs and there are trade-offs about the goals. This also deals with Arena Williams’ point, which is that that’s the whole point—that you may, as a decision maker, decide that one goal or one part of national direction that gives effect to the goals is more important in some areas than others at a particular time, and it integrates into the Planning Bill, as well.
The point is to confront those trade-offs at planning level—spatial planning and land-use planning level—and have those debates and discussions as communities. At the moment, a lot of those difficult trade-offs between—and there are trade-offs in all this stuff, right? I mean, we’ve talked about it in question time, we talked about it in the Planning Bill; there are trade-offs on all these things. If there weren’t trade-offs, we would just write a planning and environmental statute and we wouldn’t have the air-quality issues and we wouldn’t have nitrates in the water and all the rest of it. Everything would just be like “kumbaya” and happy days. There are trade-offs. I think we can all agree on that.
The point is not to avoid the trade-offs, because they exist. The point is, where in the system do you confront those trade-offs? The point of the system we’ve designed, which is reflected in the goals and the national policy direction and the funnel architecture—which is in this part of the bill, as well—is to do it at the spatial planning level. It’s just a statement of reality that you don’t have to do all at the same place and at the same time. And as Arena Williams says, I mean, it may be, for example, that in some parts of the country the natural hazard risks are so vast that you say “Well, you can’t build here and you can’t build infrastructure and you can’t build housing” and all the rest of it. That is not—that is not—achieving competitive land markets in that particular area, but it is prioritising the natural hazard goal.
To take the example from Steve Abel that maybe Lan Pham was keen on, it may be that there are real areas of significant indigenous biodiversity that are very special, or there may be a site of significance to Māori that is particularly significant to the local mana whenua—an old pā site or a mahinga kai food-gathering site or an old battleground site, for example, where there’s burial grounds and ancestrally important taonga. We might say, “Well, nothing’s going to happen there. That’s protected.” Well, that is giving effect to one of the Māori interests obligations, but it is also trading that off with development rights. That’s the point. You know, trade-offs are everywhere in the planning system. Every day you see them, and members can think of their own examples. That’s the point, is that you don’t have to—and if you boil it down to a granular level, clearly you can’t—achieve every goal all at the same time in the same place. So that’s what it means.
Arena Williams
What’s the time bit mean?
What’s that?
Arena Williams
What does the time bit mean? Like, are you meant to have—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Stand up when you’re asking the Minister. I haven’t granted you another question, but you should just—
I can’t believe I’m saying this, but it’s just, like, a question of temporal reality. Time goes by—I mean, we’re really sort of Through the Looking-Glass in a nomenclature sense, but it’s just a statement of fact.
Steve Abel
Madam Chair, is it possible to have a brief supplementary?
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I promised the Hon Rachel Brooking one small question on the goals. We’ve had comprehensive answers on clause 11. After this question, we’re moving on to clause 12 and beyond.
Yes—oh, I’m disappointed the Minister’s leaving the chair, because I did want to ask him a question about trade-offs.
Arena Williams
It’s a temporal reality.
It is. Oh, I was hoping for the Minister.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
We’ve got a very capable Parliamentary Under-Secretary here.
It’s nothing to do with the capability or not, it’s to do with the particular focus on trade-offs—and views on limits, where I think the two differ. I will go to my point about goals and save up my question for later. And that is—I’m interested in soil, Madam Chair, and I know that you are, too.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I’m not in this debate.
I know—I know, but you can’t help but be interested in soil, because it’s so important. I think everybody here agrees on the importance of soil, and particularly related to the food production element, as well.
We have production of food in clause 11(1)(a) and we have life-supporting capacity of soil in (b). My question is a simple one, and that is: with the demise of the national direction on productive soils, where in the system does preserving productive soils fit? I’m happy to be told that it’s in the Planning Bill; of course, the two overlap a lot. But here, we have the soil goals—two of them, if you take “production of food”, which, to me, reads soil; and soil being specified in paragraph (b). So that is my question, as to where it sits.
The other question that I would like to ask both the Minister and the Parliamentary Under-Secretary is about trade-offs—the Minister did quite a long contribution there. On trade-offs, I totally agree with the Minister that a whole lot of the resource management system is about trade-offs. However, if you’re then saying we’re going to introduce limits, isn’t that something different to the trade-offs? That’s a simple question.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Just on the subject of soils, that’s covered in goal (1)(a) in clause 11: “to enable the use and development of natural resources, including for the production of food and fibre”. This concept of highly productive soils is currently covered by a national instrument under the Resource Management Act.
It’s quite clear that New Zealand does need to recognise and provide for growing, particularly for growing vegetables. There are some places in New Zealand which have incredibly good soils for growing, and so it’s important—as the Minister was describing—in terms of the key instruments seeking to achieve this Act and seeking to achieve the following goals. Providing for growing on highly productive soils will surely be one of the matters that planners and decision makers turn their minds to as they look at their regions, particularly when it comes to spatial plans and regulatory plans—identify places that are suitable for growing, are suitable for building houses, are suitable for building infrastructure, and, as Minister Bishop pointed out just a short while ago, where they are not suitable for certain activities or certain operations because of risks such as natural hazards.
OK, thank you. Moving on, then, away from clause 11 and on to clause 12, I would direct the member in the chair to my Amendment Paper 745, which adds in a new paragraph (d) to subclause (3), which is a “must”—so: “person exercising or performing a power, function, or duty under this Act in relation to a matter […] (d) must consider the polluter pays principle”. I’m interested, of course, in the member in the chair’s view on including the polluter pays principle, particularly as he is from a libertarian party; I would think this is something that he would support. If not, why not?
Then moving on to new clause 12A, which is natural resource permits, my first question on this is where it comes from. This clause is all underlined in this Amendment Paper 710. I’ve got two little questions on this. New clause 12A(1) starts with, “A person exercising or performing a function, power, or duty under this Act who is deciding a matter relating to a natural resource permit must comply with section 12(3)(a) in accordance with this section.” If you go back to clause 12(3)(a), that states that the person “must consider the relevant provisions of the key instrument that directly affect the matter”. OK. Why do you have to repeat that? Is it because it just relates to a permit?
But then it says, “For the purposes of section 12(3)(a),”—which is the one I just read out—“the person must first consider the provisions of the following key instruments”. The member can tell me if I’m right, but I presume the need for clause 12A is because it’s specifically about, what I would call, consents, resource permits, and it’s just trying to replicate what is in clause 12. But then it says—and this is the bit I don’t quite follow—at (3), it says, “This section applies despite section 12(3)(b).”—and 12(3)(b) is: “must consider any relevant provisions of a higher order instrument,”. It just reads to me that the new clause 12A is doing exactly what (3)(b) is saying, so why would you need 12A new subclause (3) saying “despite section 12(3)(b)”? I’m just curious as to why has 12A been added and how is it different from 12 and why do we need to have a “despite section 12(3)(b)”, when it seems to be that 12(3)(b) is the whole thing that the Minister and the member in the chair keep saying about how you don’t want to look up too high, you don’t want to go back to a purpose statement; you just want to look to the instrument above you.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’m pleased to answer the member’s question about “polluter pays”. The Government agrees that polluters should pay, but there are enforcement provisions in the legislation, which, no doubt, we’ll get to later on during this committee stage.
But, in response to the member’s Amendment Paper, which requires that a person exercising or performing a power function duty under the bill must consider the “polluter pays” principle or the funnel, which is the concept by which we see the implementation of the legislation and its delivery on the ground sets out how key instruments must be implemented or considered when making decisions and when the goals can be considered directly, but is not intended to include discreet decision-making principles, like “polluter pays” and the funnel. The principles the Government intended to be considered in decision making are set out in clause 13. The “polluter pays” principle is not required to apply to all decision making, noting many decisions are not related to pollution. Clause 323A already sets out that the framework for the management of contaminated land will be based on the principle that those who produce the pollution or contaminate the land should bear the cost of management and prevention.
Just coming to the member’s question about clause 12(3)(b) and its relationship with new clause 12A. Clause 12(3)(b) talks to the fact that there are a number of higher order instruments, national policy direction, standards, and plans; and 12A, which is “Natural resource permits” directs “person[s] exercising or performing a function, power, or duty” and so forth. When considering a permit, they must “first consider … following key instruments to the extent that the provisions directly affect the matter: (a) the natural environment plan and any proposed natural environment plan; and (b) national standards”, and so on. But it doesn’t talk about national policy direction, and that’s because, when considering the permit, what we intend is that many of the activities that are common, and where the effects are well understood and the way to manage those impacts on the environment on certain activities are well understood, they can be set out in standards which, essentially, provide for “If you comply with the standard, then the activity you’re carrying out has known controls, then you comply.”
So that’s why “Natural resource permits” at 12A refers to standards but not national policy direction, which sits above the standard. So there is a reason why 12(3)(b) talks about higher order instruments, but 12A talks specifically about natural environment plans and national standards, because when we’re looking up the funnel, we only want planners and decision makers and those performing the powers, functions, or duties to look up to the next most relevant instruments.
Thank you. Just on this clause 12(3)(b) and looking up the funnel, my question is: why is that still a “despite”? I think it doesn’t need to be a “despite” to this, because (b) is “only to the extent that, the matter is not addressed by the instrument listed beneath it;”. Given what the member Simon Court was saying, you wouldn’t need to look up anyway, and the whole point of (b) is it’s telling you not to look up unless you really need to look up because it’s not addressed, and he’s just saying, “Well, it’s going to be addressed.” So I don’t know why you’d have a “despite (b)”. That’s the point that I was making because it seems to be doing exactly what he says.
Anyway, I’ll move on, and that is to procedural principles—
Hon Member
Oh!
—oh, although other people might have things to say about 12A.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Move on with your question.
But I’ll move on to procedural principles. That is, in part, in answer to a question for the member in the chair. He agreed that the polluter should pay, but that clause 12 is about key instruments in decision making; it’s the wrong place to have a “polluter pays” principle. I accept that. So, then, does he agree that it should be in clause 13? I think I heard him say something about how “polluter pays” won’t apply to everything in this legislation, so you wouldn’t have it as a procedural principle. I do think, then, I’d be interested if there’s somewhere else that you could put a “polluter pays” principle. However, I would also challenge him that everything in clause 13, “Procedural principles” will affect every single decision made under this legislation. So I think there is still an argument for putting the “polluter pays” principle in clause 13, despite his counter-argument is one thing.
Then, I want to now move to my Amendment Paper 698, and that is, to “Delete clause 13(1)(e)”, which is to “act in a pragmatic way that supports practical solutions:”. Again, noting, of course, that we’re on a separate piece of legislation than the Planning Bill, the phrase “pragmatic” is very subjective and this is a regulatory regime that is being created here. I am concerned that by using novel language that is not often found in statute, if ever, that the Government is opening itself up to litigation and it could be easily avoided by deleting (e). I know that the member thinks that it’s good to have timely, efficient, consistent, and cost-effective processes—that is already provided for in (b). I think that the member would also want decision makers to act proportionately to the scale and significance of the matter to which the function, power, or duty relates. That is already included, and these are phrasings that are well understood. I’m sure the member, as well, in the chair would like to ensure that all documents are succinct and use plain language that can be readily understood by the public. That is already included, and I think—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
So the question is about the word “pragmatic”—is that correct?—and the Amendment Paper?
Yes. So (e) is “act in a pragmatic way that supports practical solutions:” That came through from the Environment Committee and it could simply be deleted, because, if you delete it, then you are achieving (a), which is “ensure all documents are succinct and use plain language that can be readily understood by the public:”. So I would ask for the member in the chair’s consideration of my Amendment Paper 698 to delete 13(1)(e).
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ll just come back to the member the Hon Rachel Brooking’s question around the use of the term “despite”. It’s been clarified that that term is in there because, sometimes, national standards will apply without necessarily having a rule and a plan. The intention is that national standards that cover common activities, where the effects are commonly understood and can be managed in a consistent way, will not necessarily require rules and a plan. That is the reason for including the word “despite”.
I’ve answered the question that the member raised about the “polluter pays” principle; I think I’ve addressed that fulsomely in my previous answer. I do want to come to the member’s question around the use of the term “pragmatic”, in clause 13(1)(e). The member’s contention is it’s not a well-understood term. I can refer the member to the Merriam-Webster dictionary. Pragmatic means “dealing with the problems that exist in a specific situation in a reasonable and logical way instead of depending on ideas and theories”.
Arena Williams
That’s not an answer.
It means to take a practical approach, as opposed to an idealistic approach to solving problems.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Just to point out that when the member, or a Minister, answers a question, those asking the questions do not need to like the answer, and saying that’s not an answer—it was an answer; it might just not be an answer that the members like. Lan Pham.
Madam Chair, thank you for that. I just want to pick up specifically on where the Minister was at, because I absolutely support my colleague Rachel Brooking’s concern about clause 13(1)(e). With procedural principles generally, we heard that, yes, it is standard to have a set of procedural principles, and it makes sense to. What we also heard is that they’re generally much shorter, and by lengthening them, and putting in subjective language, it will actually add complexity and potential for legal challenge, particularly in the council space. This is for any person performing functions, powers, or duties under this Act.
I’m really interested to hear from the member particularly about that council aspect, because I think due consideration has to be given to this. The member will know that there are certain individuals that like to attach themselves to council processes, and sometimes their concerns and problems are absolutely valid; and then there’s another kind, who are really out to tie up legal challenge and bureaucracy because they can: they have the money, the resources, but there isn’t much validity. This long list of procedural principles, which we heard from a number of submitters, and also the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment (PCE), could be greatly tightened if they actually wanted to reduce this risk—what is the member’s response to that? I understand that he, in particular, is very allergic to unnecessary bureaucracy, and this seemed like a classic case of where it could be streamlined.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. The member is absolutely right. In many cases, development applications or proposed activities and the way to manage effects on the environment could be readily accepted by a competent and capable decision maker, particularly in councils. Those decision makers are often very wary of making a decision, and then, faced with a litigious objector, they could find that decision being litigated through judicial review or other ways. That’s something that Minister Bishop and I have identified as one of the reasons why the resource management system has congealed, has slowed down, is costing so much money. It costs New Zealand about $1.3 billion per annum just to consent infrastructure, and a large part of that is because decision makers feel that they have to be overly cautious in the way that they make decisions or potentially choose to notify an application, when, actually, the way to manage the effects of an activity are well understood.
One of the ways we want to change the culture that decision makers exist in, and the culture of the organisations that support them—and we’re talking about councils—is to actually provide them with some defences against those type of—I wouldn’t call them vexatious, often they’re genuine objectors, but where those objections or the matters they raise can actually be dealt with in a pragmatic and practical way. This clause 13 was actually proposed by the expert advisory group. These are resource management professionals, planning professionals, who have experienced this time and time again, where it was described to us that the council planners, while they might know that an applicant’s proposed conditions would be eminently acceptable, are very wary of the risk of being challenged by objectors, and so they choose an overly cautious approach. We’re clear: we want to help decision makers; we want to help councils; we want to provide them with defences when they make good decisions. If they can demonstrate they follow these procedural principles, we’re confident that’s going to help to not just speed up the system, but actually provide a lightening of the load these decision makers carry, and provide some positive framing for them when they make decisions, and give them some support when they defend their decisions against objectors.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The Hon Rachel Brooking—I’m just keen to understand any tidy-ups from Subpart 1 before we move on to Subpart 2 shortly.
Yeah, I’ve got some on clause 15. On this issue of “pragmatic”: the member in the chair has given a definition, and my only question to him is: does he agree with me that it is subjective? That’s one question. The second question is: he just inferred that this wording in clause 13 had come from the expert group. Now, we are looking at Amendment Paper 701—you can’t see the track changes from the select committee report, but the select committee report is on the Table, and I’ve just checked it, because it was my recollection that this came through the select committee process. It wasn’t in the bill as introduced, and my contention is it is subjective.
Anyway, going to clause 15, and I’ve got an amendment on clause 15(1)(a) as well, which I will go to. Clause 15 is “Considering adverse effects of activities”: “A person … who is considering the effects of an activity—(a) must consider how—(i) adverse effects are to be avoided, minimised mitigated, or remedied”, which is subparagraph (i). At subparagraph (ii), there’s “adverse effects are to be offset or compensated”. Now, in between these two subparagraphs, (i) and (ii), there is an “or”. I would like the member in the chair to say why that’s not an “and”, because at the moment it could be that the consideration is just about offsetting, and not also “avoidance, mitigation, remedy”. Why is there an “or” there, and not an “and”? That’s at clause 15(1)(a), between subparagraphs (i) and (ii).
It would be useful for the member in the chair to talk us through clause 15(1)(b), which is that they “must not consider a less than minor adverse effect except where their cumulative effect results in a minor or more than minor adverse effect”. “Minor adverse effects”: this is a common parlance of resource management. That’s not an issue, but it’s how you bring in the cumulative effect. How will you know that there might be a cumulative effect that would result in a more than minor adverse effect? How do you know that the “except” applies? Clause 15(1)(b) says, don’t consider minor adverse effects, except—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
There’s so much noise to our right, we can’t hear the speaker.
Oh, I’m happy to start again!
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
No, we don’t need you to start again, but we do need this side to be quiet.
The question there is—[Interruption] Oh my goodness!
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Or go outside!
My question about the cumulative is: how do we know when the “except” applies? How do we know that there won’t be something cumulative going on? When will the “except” apply? So, two questions here. One is: can the “or” be an “and”, and when does the “except” apply? But I’ll keep going. Clause 15(5) states, “In this section, a less than minor adverse effect means an adverse effect that is objectively acceptable and reasonable in the receiving environment with any change being slight or barely noticeable in the receiving environment.” How does that definition relate to the cumulative effect, which results in a “minor or more than minor” adverse effect? A “minor” or “more than minor” is different from a “less then minor adverse effect”, which is defined.
So if the member can talk us through how this is going to work, and, in particular, in relation to those cumulative effects, because we know the cumulative effects are a major resource management difficulty. How you deal with them is a big headache for everybody who’s ever been in this space, but it is nevertheless very important because it is the cumulative effects that can end up doing so much damage.
Then, I do also have an amendment on clause 15A, which is “Considering climate change effects” before we move to Subpart 2, but I think I’ll come back to that one because I’ve got an Amendment Paper on it too. So my questions are about: is it subjective? Can we change the “or” between subparagraphs (i) and (ii) to an “and”? When does the exception in clause 15(1)(b) apply?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you. All good questions. The member did start off with a question around: is the definition of “pragmatic” subjective? Look, I quoted a definition from The Merriam-Webster Dictionary. There might be slight variations on that, but the point is we want decision makers to be supported, and when they find a solution that works, that manages environmental effects to acceptable level, that their decision can be defended.
Then, I just want to clarify procedural principles. When I described it as being derived from the expert advisory group’s advice, that was a concept that the expert advisory group proposed to Ministers. We sought advice from officials and it’s been incorporated into the legislation. I understand there’s been some changes since introduction. We’ve added some additional detail around conditions and technology—for example, using appropriate technology, including digital tools and systems, because we’re absolutely focused that the new planning system and the new natural environment system are supported by data, by digital tools, and when users come to the system, that they can easily access information, they can get rapid responses, and that we can have a much better understanding about the environment that we’re operating in, which will help when it comes to making decisions—those difficult trade-offs that are sometimes necessary about where infrastructure goes or where activities go, and their impacts on the environment. So just clarifying procedural principles: the original concept came from the expert advisory group. It’s been taken up by Ministers and developed as we’ve gone through the legislative process.
I want to come to Rachel Brooking’s questions on clause 15, which is “Considering adverse effects of activities”. In clause 15(1)(a), the member’s question was: between subparagraph (i) and (ii), rather than “or”, why didn’t we use “and”? Well, we want to be absolutely clear that there is no hierarchy in the way effects are managed in the new system. In an application for a development or activity, if an applicant proposes to avoid an effect or to remedy an effect after the fact, where that’s acceptable, they can do so. But if they propose instead that the effects are better to be offset or compensated for, particularly offset in another location, then that should be considered on the same level, without prejudice, by decision makers.
I’ll give the member an example. There are many places around New Zealand where we want to carry out, say, extractive activities like a quarry, which involve long-term operations, extensive excavation, and modifying the site by moving large amounts of overburden soil, often stockpiling it for many years at a time, and then progressively extracting quarry rock, which is absolutely vital for construction and industry and roads. During that time frame, rather than carrying out, say, an extensive replanting exercise to achieve one of the other goals for example, it might be much more appropriate to identify somewhere where, by investing—say, an indigenous biodiversity enhancement in another valley somewhere—you can get much more impact from that investment, either through offsetting or compensating on another location, than having to manage all the effects on one site, which actually might be better. It might be much more efficient, and make a lot more sense just to do the quarrying here and to invest in indigenous biodiversity or in building constructed wetlands to replace natural assets that might be disrupted from a quarrying activity.
So we want it to be absolutely clear that offset compensation and avoiding, remedying, or mitigating effects where practicable are all to be seen in the same basket of opportunities for applicants and decision makers. I’m sure there’s many members who will be able to think of places where they might have thought, “Why on earth are they planting zealandia along the side of the motorway when there is a valley up the road which could benefit much more greatly.”—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The member’s time has expired.
Madam Chair?
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Simon Court.
—where they could they could benefit much more greatly by investing in the planting of that restoration somewhere next to an existing forest park or next to somewhere that has already had some of that investment.
I want to address the member Rachel Brooking’s questions about cumulative effects. How would we know when cumulative effects in clause 15(1)(b) are to be considered? Well, I answered a similar question during the debate on the previous Planning Bill in this committee stage. The answer I gave was that when monitoring and enforcement data tells us that there may be an issue with communicative effects building up, and when planners and decision makers are looking at an activity, trying to decide whether that additional effect is going to potentially lead to an effect greater than is permitted, they will have monitoring and enforcement data. I’ll give an example there. You look at councils that have issued consents from multiple small water-takes, lots of bores in the region. They have lots and lots of information about the impacts of all of those small water-takes cumulatively on groundwater, and potentially on the natural environment. So there are some examples that I’ve given. Thank you, Madam Chair.
I thank the member in the chair, Simon Court, for his fulsome answer. That was a very useful answer, as well, to the questions around clause 11, too, and how places and times are meant to work together. I want to quickly take him through some questions about the procedural principles. The thrust of it is that there’s no requirement here for the information that’s thought to be the best available information. So I want to just test out some of what that means for the new system and in the context of the Natural Environment Bill. It’s a bit different to the planning context where the information is standard form. We’re now talking about environmental consents, which will rely on expert advice. I also want to flag that there are a couple of questions on clause 15A—one from me, one from my colleague the Hon Julie Anne Genter.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I do remind the member that the previous person in the chair did give notice to move on to Subpart 2.
Yes, that’s why I’ll make it very, very quick.
Lan Pham
Point of order, Madam Chair. I just want to clarify that at that point, we hadn’t even been on clauses 15 or 15A, and we haven’t had any calls over here about both of those very significant sections. I just want to flag that for the chair—there are very important things there.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I’m just reminding members of the previous advice given to the committee.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m just asking—as quick as I can—who bears the uncertainty of the requirement that it doesn’t have to be the best available information? In the situation where you’ve got environmental information and you know that the discharge is going to affect the aquifer and the effect on the aquifer is going to have a significant impact, over time, on a mahinga kai, but the council knows that it will cost $5,000 to get a report on that, is it available to them to know that it is an unknown but to move on?—that’s the question.
Then, about clause 15A, my question on this is that it’s not an instrument here; it’s a person. So if that person is proven to have considered, say, greenhouse gas emissions, that would seem to invalidate the decision. The problem here is that that’s not written information, that’s not a series of emails; that’s what’s in the head. Did we mean that in the formulation of a person? Because a person considering the effects of climate change is quite different to including it in an instrument.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
If I could just quickly respond to member Arena Williams’s questions around “Procedural principles”, clause 13(1)(d), “sufficient and necessary” means exactly what it says. There will be cases where, as the member raised the issue of the impacts of, say, a groundwater take on a nearby river where you have an active hydrogeological connection between the water take, the underground water, and the surface water, then, no doubt, a decision maker will need to be satisfied that they have sufficient and necessary information about the impact, say, of an increased water take or a new water take on the likely flows, and, therefore, the life-supporting capacity of the water. Hopefully that satisfies the member.
The member also had a question around clause 15A, “Considering climate change effects”. What’s the difference between a person exercising or performing a function, power, or a duty, or an instrument? Well, we’re talking about considering adverse effects of activities, and unless the member’s proposing that we outsource the whole thing to artificial intelligence, humans are still going to be involved in considering effects.
Thank you, Madam Chair. This is my first contribution on this bill in the committee of the whole House stage, and I specifically wanted to speak to and ask questions about clause 15A. It’s a follow-up to what the member in the chair has just replied to Arena Williams. What I’m interested to know is, does clause 15A prevent any national guidance or policy instrument set by the Minister or the Government from explicitly seeking to reduce greenhouse gas emissions? I know we’re allowed to take in, according to this clause 15A, that it’s possible to consider positive effects of an activity, and I’m just wondering, could there be a national policy statement or other national standards on reducing emissions, or does that fall afoul of clause 15A(a)?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Just for the member’s clarification, in the new system, we’re referring to national policy direction as opposed to national policy statements. We’re not about making statements. This Government is about signalling clear intent and providing direction. That is what national policy direction means. The member’s question was, could a subsidiary instrument to primary legislation essentially provide direction and create a standard for doing something that primary legislation doesn’t provide for? No.
But it does say that they “may consider any positive effects of activities that are associated with avoiding, reducing, removing, or displacing greenhouse gas emissions.” Well, one, we did, at the Environment Committee, my colleague Lan Pham asked officials if there is anywhere else in the world that only looks at positive effects of reducing greenhouse gas emissions without taking into account negative effects of increasing them, and the answer was no. Maybe the member in the chair has some place they’d like to refer to that does do this.
If I understand from what the member in the chair has said, it’s impossible for Government to have national direction that provides for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Even though it would be taking into account the positive effects of reducing emissions, they couldn’t do that without in some way also considering the adverse effects of increasing greenhouse gas emissions. If they’re doing a planning standards or guidance or direction that’s informing regional spatial plans, is it possible to only take into account one part of it and one side of the coin? And if not, does that prevent a future Government, under this legislation, from providing any sort of planning guidance that might lead to reduced emissions? Finally, I’ll just speak to Amendment Paper 722, which would delete this clause. That’s in the name of my colleague Lan Pham.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
This jurisdiction has a number of legislative and regulatory tools to consider both positive effects of an activity associated with avoiding, reducing, removing, and displacing greenhouse gas emissions. That will be this legislation when it passes, we anticipate. We also already have legislation and regulations that manage adverse effects of climate emissions. That is the Climate Change Response Act and the emissions trading scheme (ETS), and the Minister and I have been very clear that we are seeking to remove scope overlap, and that’s why this clause is clear.
I want to give the member some confidence that, in the Resource Management Act (RMA), it’s been very, very difficult to be able to justify or get acceptance to, say, modify a natural water course in a way so that it becomes a wetland, or so that a wetland can be constructed and associated with a natural water course. It’s very difficult to get consents to work in a water course. I have personal experience of that as a civil engineer trying to get consents, but in the new system, and if we look at the national policy direction (NDP), the illustrative NPD that we’ve put out—the non-statutory consultation—it provides some guidance as to the role of constructed wetlands. Because if there’s anything that can help take up carbon, it’s building wetlands, and so I hope the member can take some heart that we are considering how we might mitigate our impacts from greenhouse gas emissions by building things such as wind farms and installing batteries around the network, but we’re not intending to regulate or have councils consider the adverse effects of those emissions. In the planning and environmental management system, they’re properly dealt with under the Climate Change Response Act and the ETS.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Just one little, tiny question to the member’s response then when he said that a great thing you can do for climate change is to build wetlands, How about not destroying them? That’s my one question. Does he agree that that’s useful to do as well?
Anyway, moving on. Generally, on subpart 2, “Duties and restrictions”, and my first question is just a very general question to the member—an easy question—and a lot of this follows the same format as the Resource Management Act, and if he can confirm that to me, because as I read through it, it looks very familiar, and I probably, therefore, can’t read it quite as correctly as other people would with fresh eyes. Anyway, I have a question. I’m jumping along to clause 25, and this is the only one I have questions on at the moment, but I don’t want to say that other members don’t have questions on subpart 2. I just had the one question and that is about existing activities, and existing activities are allowed.
Now, I know that there will be changes to the time frames of permits, but in general, existing uses for things that come under the Natural Environment Bill are very different from existing uses for things that come out of the Planning Bill, and to think in terms of what district councils deal with as opposed to what regional councils deal with—and this is the regional council bill—but where you can get an existing use right for a house that is on a piece of land and it’s not going to change, that is quite different from an existing use right for a water take, say, because water takes do not last forever. They last for up to 35 years under the Resource Management Act, whereas, for a land use consent, once you’ve got it, you’re done.
That is the difference with the types of consents with the new name now, “natural resource permits”, and existing activities. What I’m interested in is, at clause 25(1)(a), this enables an existing activity to continue if a new rule comes in, and before that new rule comes in, the activity was permitted, or “could have been lawfully carried out” and “was lawfully established;”, and the effects are the same or similar, and “the activity has not been discontinued for a continuous period.” That is all similar language to what we find in the Resource Management Act, but I just want to know how long that certain existing activity can be allowed.
Normally, you could say it could be allowed for 35 years, say, or until it’s going to be reviewed by a review process or something like that, but at the moment it looks to me—and I would be very happy to be corrected—as though that there is not a temporal element to this. The question is: how long can someone continue with something that has been permitted but a new rule has come in to say that it’s not permitted any more and that you need a natural resource permit? That’s my question on Subpart 2.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ve been advised that clause 25 is largely a carry-over from the Resource Management Act.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to ask about clause 19. This is another clause which is similar in many ways to section 13 of the Resource Management Act (RMA), but it has a difference in that it doesn’t have the second tier, but the RMA section did have it. The member in the chair will know that I’m enthusiastic about wharves and I know that he knows a lot about wharves, and so I want to ask him about this. The difference in his new provision seems to be that the old protections of not being able to disturb the lake bed, say, when you are doing maintenance on your wharf now no longer apply, and so the first question to him is: is that a deliberate choice?
Really, the question is an ideological one. Does someone who owns property that adjoins the lake have a bundle of property rights that now include being able to maintain their wharf? It is very contentious for some councils who have to manage that type of asset. At what point does maintaining your wharf, which is already existing, then become disturbing of the natural area and how is that going to be managed now that there’s not the sort of second tier prohibition on disturbing the lake bed that there was under the old system?
This is also a new formulation of it. Instead of that being prohibited under the old system, but a national environmental standard or a consent could expressly allow for it, it now goes for broke, but you must either be following the regulations or have a permit. What I really want to know with regard to those existing use rights, how do they port over, because we’ve now got wharves that needed to be expressly consented and they have been, but the maintenance of them was not something that you needed to deal with, because if you were maintaining them and not creating an adverse effect on the environment around it, then you were in the clear. Now, this is a different system, where you need to follow the regulations.
It’s a bit more interesting when you get to the question of those lakes which are not always surface water, and there is a temporal aspect to this, too. There are some lakes that have either been drained and now have significantly less under-water, and the effect of that is that an owner now has a bigger area which is their property under the new formulation, I think. But in the situation where you have any that was, say, farmland but that is not covered by water, does his new regulation apply, because under the old system you didn’t need a new permit to create any structures on that. But under his new system, it actually seems more restrictive in that situation because now he’s set out what kind of regulations will apply where surface water on a farm now creates a lake.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I just want to come back to an answer I gave to a question on clause 25, which I’d said was largely carried over from the Resource Management Act. The member asked a question around how long an existing use might continue. That’s in clause 25(1), and it is until that rule becomes operative, and then if a rule, for example, required that the activity that was previously permitted or was lawful required a consent, it could continue until that consent decision was arrived at.
I’ll just come to the member’s question on, was it on clause 18 or clause 19—but let me answer them both. Let’s cross them both off because the answer is the same. These activities would be provided for—and the member mentioned a wharf and maintenance and various things—in a national rule, or a rule and a plan. Any rule or proposed national plan has the legal effect of a water services standard on the basis that where effects are well understood and where the way those effects are managed means that they can be managed to an acceptable level. If we can specify that in a water services standard and a national rule, or a rule and a plan, then it doesn’t make sense to force people to apply for consents for things—in the case of the Natural Environment Bill—when the way to measure effects is already well understood and we can establish those at either a national or a regional level.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m moving on to the next clause, clause 20, “Restrictions relating to water”. I have a few specific questions on this clause. My question is around clause 20(4), where a person is not prohibited from taking, using, damming, or diverting water any water, heat, or energy, provided if, in the case of fresh water, two aspects apply.
I have a specific question about the second aspect of that, being the prescribed level and what that means. Just for context, the test which it’s talking about is that “if both of the following apply:”, and the first one in subclause (4)(b)(i) is around “water, heat, or energy” and the “individual’s reasonable domestic needs” or, potentially, stock water needs for animals, but the second part of it, in subparagraph (ii), is around “the actual or likely adverse effects on natural resources of the taking or use are no more than minor or do not exceed any prescribed level;”.
Now, that prescribed level is what I’m really interested in understanding, because, as it makes it clear—or I presume it’s saying this. Further down, it talks about the prescribed level being able to be—sorry, this is in subclause (5)(a). It means: “adverse effects that [may be] more than minor; [or] prescribed in national standards.” Now, the concern with this is that we’re seeing across the board throughout this bill environmental protections that would be standard that are actually, essentially, having their scope widened and widened and widened in different ways. I want to check: what are some examples of this prescribed level—which I think is clear. Could you prescribe a level where effects are more than minor, what are some instances that are actually contemplated, and why is this allowance enabled? Thank you, Madam Chair.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I don’t have any tangible examples for the member right now, but at the moment consents are often required for activities—as I’ve pointed out in a number of my answers—where the activity is well understood and the effects of that activity on the natural environment are well understood, and so the purpose of clause 20(5) is to be clear that where a level of adverse effects is not more than minor, then a person is not prohibited from these activities set out in subclause (4).
“More than minor” is a threshold that has been chosen to reflect the level at which we wish to protect water. Further details will be able to be prescribed in national standards—which, again, will be open for consultation—after taking on feedback from stakeholders and making sure that any national standard that is arrived at and promulgated under this legislation will manage effects to an appropriate level.
I want to move on to clause 21, “Discharges”. The thrust of the question is about the fact that the regime has ported over some of section 15 from the Resource Management Act, but it now makes the goal of Māori participation at the same level as the use or making of discharges.
The question is: if the discharge regime is working properly, is it possible that it will comply with the relevant numerical limit in the national rule but it still might contaminate tuna [eel] or other traditional kai that mana whenua are trying to protect, to the point that they can no longer safely use them for kai, or that they will be dead and not there to be protected in the future? In clause 21, which is the provisions governing discharge permits, the consent authority is required to protect the continuing ability of mana whenua to gather and consume mahinga kai, rather than simply protect water against specified levels of contamination. That would be a more effective role in this regime, where there isn’t a balancing of those goals, but that’s not what is presented here.
I want to ask this in this specific example. At other points in the legislation, the Te Arawa Lakes settlement is provided for, and that allows iwi to set regulatory levels alongside their local authority. But in the case of other iwi—say, Ngāi Tahu, which have a particular interest in tuna [eel] in Lake Ellesmere, or other iwi who have particular interests that are recognised in statutory acknowledgments—what is the power of a local authority to consider the discharge regime that’s set up here alongside those procedural rights of Māori, which are only “to participate” and not to actually have the right to continue to protect and use kai, alongside those of other users who would make discharges into water?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I thank the member Arena Williams for the question. Māori interests are provided for in the goals. Treaty settlements are provided for in the legislation. Where those settlements have identified, say, places that are suitable for traditional mahinga kai gathering areas, if they’re in a settlement, it’s highly probable, if not certain, that those areas identified in a settlement will be matters that must be taken into account by plan makers. I think we can be confident about that.
There is also a provision for sites of significance to Māori to be identified in addition to what is in a Treaty settlement or in a statutory acknowledgment, so I think we can have a great deal of confidence that the concerns that the member has raised can be addressed through the provisions already in legislation.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I just want to clarify—and I think this is what the member said. In Lake Rotorua, if Te Arawa is guaranteed in their settlement that they have rights specifically designed to protect the customary gathering of those taonga species, and if the discharge is authorised under clause 21 and it meets the numerical requirements that are set, as he says, at the plan level, but those koura and those eels become unsafe to eat or, indeed, are gone in the future, is the regime working?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
It’s envisaged that where, say, the provision Arena Williams has described in the Te Arawa settlement include places that are identified for mahinga kai, those should be provided for and the water quality in those areas protected so that those values which support mahinga kai can be achieved.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m going to jump along now, but I do want to thank the member in the chair, Simon Court, for pointing out for me the word “until” in clause 25 for me. I might be a little bit tired—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I don’t know why!
—but it’s helpful. Classification of activities is at clause 32, and I have Amendment Paper 706 for a permitted activity and this is to change the “or” to an “and”. That is that something can be a permitted activity, or a decision maker should consider classifying an activity as a permitted activity, if “(i) the activity is acceptable, is anticipated, or achieves the desired level of use, development, or protection;”—and this is the change—“and (ii) the adverse effects of the activity are understood and can be managed:”. I would like the member in the chair to consider this amendment, please.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to pick up specifically on clause 32, where my colleague Rachel Brooking was. This is a really significant part of the bill, in terms of a change which has huge implications. That’s particularly around permitted activities. I really would like to understand from the member in the chair, Simon Court, because we did have quite significant changes to this clause as part of the select committee process, and it was really disappointing to see where the committee actually got to on this.
I particularly want to understand the permitted activity thresholds, and the first one is in clause 32(2)(a), which classifies where a decision maker should actually consider these permitted activities. The first is whether the activity is acceptable, anticipated, or achieves the desired level of use, development, or protection. I think that’s pretty uncontroversial. The part that I’m really interested in is the second part, which is the aspect where the adverse activity, or, sorry, the adverse effects of the activity—it’s been a long day—are understood and can be managed.
Now, as to the words “can be managed”, I’m interested to hear from the member and his officials: is that specifically about them possibly being managed, or is it that to qualify as a permitted activity, they are being managed or they must be managed? This is really significant when it comes to so much more of our consenting framework under these bills being permitted. I think it’s a really important aspect that I’d like to clarify.
The other aspect which I’d really like to hear the member’s comments on is this. When the bills were first introduced, there was another aspect to the permitted activity rules, and that was one where it was “where there is sufficient allocation for any anticipated cumulative effect without breaching an environmental limit”. This was absolutely key to permitted activities not being entirely opened up to cumulative effects that do breach and impact environmental limits. If you want to summarise one massive problem and issue that is yet to be adequately addressed, it is that one.
When we had submissions, Federated Farmers, in particular, singled in on this, saying that they wanted this gone, and it disappeared. I would like to hear from the member why, when there is such change in the system, why was this bottom line around actually ensuring that we don’t fall into the same mess that we have been in for the last few decades—why did this have to be removed? Thank you.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. Clause 32 is around guidance for classifying activities. Just to answer Rachel Brooking’s question, I think it was, about why it says “or” when considering whether a classifying activity is permitted, it’s to retain flexibility, and so we won’t be accepting the member’s proposed amendment.
Coming the member Lan Pham’s question about a decision maker considering classifying an activity as a permitted activity, there are many activities that are common and well understood, where the impacts can be anticipated and are accepted, and the activity achieves the desired level of use, development, or protection. We might look at gravel extraction from rivers. There are many members of this House who have spoken around the challenges of extracting gravel from rivers. This isn’t gravel that’s always been there. If you drive up over the Remutakas, north of Wellington, and you drive down the other side into the Wairarapa, you will see multiple channels, enormous gullies, on each side of the Tararuas, which generate a constant discharge of rock on to the plains below. Because we’ve built cities and roads and we’ve developed the land and we now live, mostly, healthy—most of us—and, for some of us, wealthy lives, we have to accept that if we’re going to let the mountains fill the rivers full of gravel, we’re going to have to get some of that out, or it’s going to cause the bridges to be washed out, it’s going to cause towns to be flooded, it’s going to end up spilling after flood and storm events all over productive farmland and wrecking the productive farmland.
Now, it may well be—and I’m not foreshadowing what the national standard could look like—that we can develop a permitted activity criteria when classifying activities, that removing gravel from a river is acceptable as a permitted activity on the basis that if we look at 32(2)(a)(ii), “the adverse effects of the activity are understood and can be managed:”. What this Government intends to do is to reduce the number of activities that require consents where the effects of those activities are well understood and can be managed at an acceptable level. The questions the member has asked, and my responses in reply, sum up the problem that we’re trying to solve and the clarity we’re trying to provide.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to thank the member Simon Court for his very fulsome answers; they are very helpful to us on this side of the Chamber to understand his reasoning for pieces of this legislation.
I would like to just go to clause 21, “Discharges”. My interest is around biosecurity responses. I’m interested to know where—I assume this would be the part in this legislation that would cover this—if not in here, in this piece of legislation provides for flexibility for biosecurity responses that might involve chemical treatments if we have an emergency biosecurity response where we need to, for some reason, discharge a chemical into whether it be the air, land, whatever, sea—where in this legislation allows the flexibility for that to happen?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In response to the member the Hon Jo Luxton’s question, in terms of discharges, we have covered that at clause 21, which, basically, says that “A person must not discharge any of the following unless the discharge is expressly allowed by an instrument specified in … a natural resource permit:”. I urge the member to refer to clause 21, which provides quite a high level of detail about the process around that.
Sorry, I just have a follow-up question. I’m sorry, the member Simon Court may not have heard my question in full because I think he was speaking at the time, but my question is: with regard to when you have an emergency biosecurity response, where in this legislation provides the flexibility to allow an emergency biosecurity response that might require involving chemical treatments, and whether they can be discharged? Whereabouts in this legislation might provide flexibility for that to happen?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ve been advised that provision for that is in clauses 301 to 304, or thereabouts. If the member the Hon Jo Luxton wants to come back and further questions about that, I’m happy to answer them.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Or we could move straight to that now!
Thank you very much, Madam Chair. I had a question about the Amendment Paper 710. In Part 2, Subpart 3, clause 29 is deleted. Clause 29 had definitions of “Objectives, policies, rules, and methods”. Now, the definition of “rule” or meaning of “rule” has moved to clause 31. It seems like there’s no clause 29 now; it just goes 28, 30. “Objective” is not defined in the definitions, in this particular use it means. “Policy” and “method” were in the definitions but have been deleted, but clause 30 still refers to “Application of objectives, policies, rules, and methods”. I was just wondering if the member in the chair, Simon Court, could help us understand these drafting decisions, and if this specific meaning of “objectives”, “policies”, and “methods” is elsewhere in the new Amendment Paper. I can’t find it.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Yeah, I’m happy to respond. Look, that clause was deleted. It sets out what an “objective”, “policy”, “method”, and “rule” is. It was deleted because it was considered unnecessary and added complexity at the stage of the legislation. It can be redirected through national standards or non-statutory guidance, if such matters are still required.
Thank you. On this point, I’ll just take us through it for a wee second. Clause 37, “Rules relating to restricted discretionary activities”—37 in the report back from the Environment Committee is struck out, OK? Then, we get to what we’ve been going through, which is Amendment Paper 710. In 710, we’ve got clause 36 followed by clause 39, so there is no 37 or 38. But then we have this tiny little Amendment Paper that I did a point of order on earlier, which was at 2.11 p.m. today, 27 August 2026, and it says, “Delete clause 37”. So that is why we’re confused. There’s something here about—it says, “This proposes to delete the rest of clause 37 of the Natural Environment Bill. The substantive clause in 37(1) and (2) was struck out in the bill that was reported back in the Environment Committee.”
Arena Williams
But there’s no rest of the clause.
Yeah, it’s all struck out, yeah. So that’s the question. Just what are we doing?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The member the Hon Rachel Brooking raises a valid point. I understand that the Minister Chris Bishop, in his time in the chair, explained that—
Hon Rachel Brooking
No, he didn’t.
Well, in that case, I shall take the opportunity to explain that when the bill was reported back, it had a number 37 and, what I understand, what officials have explained to me is that in preparing this legislation for tabling, the number was removed but the clauses haven’t been removed—but the number has been removed; there was no content associated with it. OK? Thank you.
Got it. Thank you, Madam Chair. So it’s not really “delete clause 37”; it’s delete the number 37. That’s my great drafting coming through!
OK. I’m going to move to clause 39, and that is—which would have come after 37 and 38, but that’s also disappeared—yeah, what’s happened to 38? Clause 38 was not in it as reported back, either. Maybe there’s never been a 38. Who knows? I know, of course, the numbers will be corrected before we get to third reading, so I’m not being rude about the numbers.
But new clause 39 is “Permitted activity rules that require registration”, and this “requiring registration” is all in track, and there are some changes. So just if the member in the chair, Simon Court, can explain what’s happening here.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you for the question. Permitted activities require registration in the Amendment Paper 709—that was redrafted to better reflect policy intent, to clarify that the scope of permitted activity rules and other requirements where a permitted activity requires registration, such as where an applicant needs to pay a fee or provide a certificate, a qualified person in order to demonstrate that they qualify for that status.
I think the answer to that was it was more of a redrafting than anything else. I’m getting a nod. Thank you for that. I think now it would be sensible for us to move on to Subpart 4, and that is environmental limits. It’s an important part of the bill in the whole scheme of things, because as we’ve heard, this is where Minister Bishop has been saying—and he said in question time today—that there’s a big difference from the Resource Management Act.
On that, my first question would be does the member in the chair, Simon Court, agree with the Minister that the Resource Management Act has not set any environmental limits, and, if so, does that then mean that he thinks that the National Policy Statement on Freshwater Management (NPSFM) doesn’t contain environmental limits? If he thinks that, in fact, the freshwater national policy statement does contain limits, will he agree with my Amendment Paper 699 to establish what is found in the NPSFM as the freshwater limits so that we can get off with a roar and a hiss and have the freshwater limits described in some form early on in the process, and, if not, why not?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
We’re not here to debate the Resource Management Act; we’re here to debate the Natural Environment Bill. I just want to make it clear that the Resource Management Act is not required to have limits; this legislation is.
That didn’t answer my question. The point is, if he can agree with me that there are limits in the National Policy Statement on Freshwater Management, then my question is: why not include them in this bill so they’re ready to go? That was the question.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you for that focused question on the Natural Environment Bill. Environmental limits are in the new system. The methodology for their purpose and the methodology for setting them out is found in Subpart 4. There is a distinct and important process for establishing limits for both human health and ecosystem health, which does not exist in the Resource Management Act. It’s important that as we go through the process of developing national policy direction, national standards that will describe a standardised approach for setting limits—one of the matters that we’re proposing is included as a standard in the new system—that that substantive work on secondary legislation, regulations, and instruments be allowed to happen so that we get the limits right.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Just a quick burning question before I also move on to environmental limits at clause 40 and 41 on page 63. The thrust of the question for the member in the chair, Simon Court, is that this is a deceptively important provision which sets out how regional councils, councils need to respond to national rules, and it gives us something of a hierarchy there. The question is: can a local council respond to local environmental conditions when there is a national rule in place? How is it possible for, say, the Waikato Council to respond to its badly degraded river catchment in future when there is a national rule and, indeed, a rule in primary legislation around setting a national rule for all of those other councils that want to create higher standards of protection, and that would have some impact on, say, freshwater discharges? Are they still empowered to be able to do that?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In the case of the Waikato, Te Ture Whaimana o te Awa o Waikato will prevail, but in relationship to other catchments, clause 41(3) is quite clear: “If a national rule allows an activity and states that a … permit is not required … or states that an activity is a permitted activity, the following provisions apply:” Basically, it sets out that if a plan states that an activity is permitted on the conditions specified in the plan, the conditions can only deal with the effects that are additional to or separate from the effects managed by a national rule. That’s because we don’t want, in the new system, to see councils making rules for matters which have already been covered by a national standard. That is intentional. We want to simplify the system and we want all system participants, whether they be councils, decision makers, planners, applicants, resource users, people working on the land, growing stuff so they can feed New Zealand. We want them, if at all possible and if it’s practical, we want to have national rules that say how effects can be managed to an acceptable level. That is the reason that we have provided for that. Again, that’s clear in (c): “if a plan’s conditions deal with effects of the activity that are the same as [the national rule] … the national rule prevail[s].” We want to avoid duplication, double-ups, councils making rules for stuff that at a national level we have already agreed how effects can be managed.
Oh, thank you, Madam Chair. I want to go to clause 48B. This is new from the Amendment Paper 710. It’s “Considerations for anticipated breach of environmental limit”. It says, “ For the purposes of this subpart, a decision maker may consider that a breach of an environmental limit is anticipated”—so it’s an anticipated breach—“only if satisfied that the breach”—so it sounds good; if you’re worried about there being too many breeches, it’s limited—“(a) is likely to be caused by a historic activity, an activity authorised by a natural resource permit, or both; and (b) is highly likely to occur; and (c) cannot be prevented by taking reasonable steps.”
Now, there’s a lot in this clause and I would like to invite the member Simon Court to start us off on it in terms of why it has been included here and what “a historic activity” is and if the historic activity can also be a continued activity. That’s the first question there.
I’ll attempt to deal with that now. I might need to take further advice on that. Clause 48B defines an anticipated breach as one which is locked in by past activities—historic activity or activities authorised by a natural resource permit. It’s highly likely to occur. That’s why we use the word “anticipated”. We anticipate it will occur. And it can’t be prevented by taking reasonable steps. To the member the Hon Rachel Brooking’s question: will that activity still be allowed to occur? There are provisions for activities to occur on the basis that there is an overall trend towards environmental improvement, but, again, there are other provisions in the Act where the system needs to respond to an anticipated breach by taking action. I’m sure we’ll get into that.
Thank you, Madam Chair. My first question on environmental limits is about clause 45, definitions of “best attainable information”. It also relates to clause 57B, so I’ll deal with those together. Clause 57B is on page 77. The question that this is trying to solve is: how much information does an environmental decision maker need before making a decision? But the usual standard in the Natural Environment Bill is not the best obtainable information or the best available information at the time; it’s just enough information in the procedural principles, and the regulations also repeat that definition. We’ve got this problem here—I think that arose at clause 13(d)—where councils and decision makers could move on if they anticipated that in future there might be some information that they didn’t know and that there was an unknown, and yet that known unknown would mean that they could move on and not seek that information. But here, with the environmental limits, the standard is much broader. I want to ask the member in the chair, first: is that the appropriate standard when then setting the limits become challengeable?
He made a very impassioned case for why the expert panel had suggested to him that these procedural rules should be set out in the primary legislation, and I agree with him that we should make it simpler for environmental decision makers to make decisions and not have to defend the procedure which they used. The availability of information is one of those procedural points, but here they’re held to a much higher standard than the one that was required under the Resource Management Act, and a much, much higher standard than the one that’s required in any other process in his bill. “Best obtainable information” means information which you could have gathered from any source that exists up until that point that you are requiring that. Even though he suggested to the committee earlier that the systems are much improving, the central government is making a big investment in the information that will be available, still “best information” then makes it contestable and makes it reviewable if the decision maker has not got some part of the information which someone challenging the decision has access to and didn’t take that into consideration.
So it would just be useful, I guess, if he would take the committee through why he’s used this much, much higher standard than the other information standards in the rest of the bill. Thank you.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. That was a great question. Look, the definition of “best obtainable information” is right here in 57B(2). The member asked, is this a much higher standard or do I consider it a much higher standard? Look, it’s the appropriate criteria for decisions in this context. Best available information means “information [decision-makers are] satisfied is as robust, transparent, and accessible as reasonably possible; obtained from information that is available or can be reasonably—reasonably—obtained at the time; and is obtained in a manner that is proportionate to the effects of the decision.” Because we do not want to carry over the behaviours and culture of the Resource Management Act, where decision makers are confronted with the risks, say, of judicial review or objections that come out of left field because they’re accused of not having had the information to make the decision properly. That, if the risk can be managed in an appropriate way, and they have the best obtainable information, here is a defence for them when they make their decision.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Really pleased to be able to talk to this section on environmental limits because this truly is what should be the heart of a functional resource management system. We heard very clearly from submitters across the board that they were really concerned about the entirety of the environmental limits section being insufficiently protective. This is really important and should be really important to the Government, who keeps insisting that these bills are not going to take us backwards when it comes to environmental protections.
So the aspects that I want to get to is, firstly, around the expression of environmental limits themselves—this is at clause 48. I have an Amendment Paper on this, which is about—because it makes it clear in the bills that these are states and attributes that can be expressed numerically or in narrative form. Now, what I’m really interested in is whether the Minister would consider a very minor amendment to open that up to environmental limits being able to be expressed spatially. Why that’s really important is because we want to get somewhere with this new system. And what is often the case is that because limits are often in tables in the back of, like, 800-page documents and what not, they’re completely inaccessible to the public.
Now, what is really important, and what I’d love to hear the Minister’s responses to, is if they are enabled to be expressed spatially, this could really open up people’s accessibility in understanding of—for example, where you had a critical source area or where you had a drinking water protection zone, people would be able to see spatially how that area around that specific point where the measurement is taken, is directly related. I think just allowing that kind of scope could help this really be something that is not just buried away in a table or what not.
The other aspect that I would like to understand is about the defined terms in environmental limits, because—and this relates to some other Amendment Papers that I have—I’m interested as to whether the definition of ecosystem includes air or atmosphere, because it talks about biological life—and I’m not going to repeat all the words that it says with that. It talks about physical and chemical habitat and it talks about ecological processes. What I’m really keen to understand with that is whether our atmosphere or our biosphere or however you want to describe it, but that tiny, tiny part of our Earth, that allows us to live and have a functional air that we breathe and ideally a climate that offers us a livable future; I want to understand whether human health limits or ecosystem health limits can be set for our atmosphere or biosphere, because I think, increasingly, we are seeing not only the impacts of climate change, but an increasing awareness of how vulnerable and precious and how protective we should actually be being about this very specific part of the world that enables literally everything else. So I’m really interested.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Look, I do appreciate the member’s interest in setting ecological and human health limits and would take the definition of ecosystem as read under clause 45, “ Defined terms”. The member’s question: can limits be set for air quality or air? Yes, we have existing limits, say, for particulate or for different emissions to air. We already have standards for those things under the Resource Management Act. We want to make sure that we have appropriate limits in the new system.
For the biosphere, as a concept, where limits are provided for ecological health. The matters that limits can be set for are set out in legislation—and just to be clear, for human health, it’s freshwater, coastal water, land, soil, and air; for ecosystem health, it’s freshwater, coastal water, land and soil, and indigenous biodiversity.
Lan Pham
Madam Chair.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Is this a follow up question?
Yes, it is. Thank you, Madam Chair. Just to round that out—thank you to the member for clarifying for air; completely aware of that—specifically, I’m interested in atmosphere. This is the subject of two of my amendments. I don’t believe they have numbers, but they were tabled at 11.53 on Wednesday. They are both proposing to change clause 50 and insert “atmosphere” into “Where ecosystem health limits must be set”, and the same when it comes to human health limits in clause 50A(3)—so both of those aspects. The reason why I, specifically, am interested in atmosphere as opposed to air is because of that protective layer, and because it is so necessary to everything else that happens on the planet.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I can provide further explanation to the member. Is atmosphere in scope of the Natural Environment Bill? Partly. Air is defined as to be part of the atmosphere. We live in the troposphere part of the atmosphere, where the air is, that we can breathe; but it does not include in the Natural Environment Bill, the outer atmosphere. So limits can only cover this aspect, the troposphere.
While effects on the atmosphere are technically in scope, as they are under the Resource Management Act, there needs to be evidence of an effect which substantially limits the circumstances under which that could be considered. Again, I note that the adverse climate change effects from greenhouse gases are specifically excluded from being considered in this legislation, because they are already dealt with under the Climate Change Response Act and covered by emissions pricing under the emissions trading scheme.
Thank you, Madam Chair. This is truly a very significant piece of reform, and I congratulate the member in the chair, Simon Court, and also share his enthusiasm to introduce these limits. That’s why this new part of the legislation—the definitions—is so important.
I’m at page 67, at the bottom of Amendment Paper 710, for “ecosystem”. There are two things that this is missing, and I’m making a pitch to the member in the chair, for you to include them. Firstly, to paragraph (a), “biological life”, the test here is “Are there eels in Lake Ellesmere?”, not “Are there eels in Lake Ellesmere which are edible?” The goals now have changed. There are Māori interests at the same level—I’m at clause 45, page 67—and so—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Can I just check which clause you’re speaking to?
Clause 45, page 67.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I’m kind of reluctant to keep heading backwards. We did say that at the beginning.
I will make it very brief. So that’s the first thing that seems to be missing here. Does the member in chair have any interest in including that here, because it’s not included in a goals hierarchy any more?
And, at paragraph (c), it doesn’t say “ecological balance”; it just says “ecological processes”. His definition at paragraph (c) seems to have an unintended consequence here. Taking the example of Lake Forsyth at the moment, which has a local rāhui because of the algal bloom in the area, that is also a biological process and there is biological life in the lake—abundant biological life in the lake. It doesn’t mean that the lake is healthy, but his definition of ecosystem includes a definition which is overrun with algal bloom and thus killing the other life forms in the lake. Why doesn’t his definition have a sense of balance and sustainability in there too?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Algae are important—they are one of the original creatures that lived on Earth—but algae in the wrong place, and too many of them, is bad.
Arena Williams
So say that.
We do not want to be so specific in the legislation about which algae are good and which algae are bad, but we certainly have provided for a definition of “ecosystem”, including biological life, which includes microbes, invertebrates, plants, fish, amphibians, reptiles, birds, mammals, and fungi. The member’s question was whether we should include eels specifically. I understand that eels are amphibians.
I’m going to grant the member some slack, because I don’t usually take heckled questions, but I would eat pretty much any of that stuff. I don’t think defining them as “edible” or “not edible” is helpful. They’re all edible. So if we could just move on from definitions to the member’s next question about a subsequent part.
A question from me. I am intrigued by what the member in the chair, Simon Court, counts as food, and I won’t think about it any more!
I made a contribution earlier about clause 50 and my Amendment Paper 699, making the freshwater limits those that already exist in the National Policy Statement for Freshwater Management (NPSFM), and the member in the chair said something about how he doesn’t want to go back to the Resource Management Act (RMA) and he wants to go through the processes that we’re going to be talking about for the setting of the limits. As we are nearing the dinner break, it might be useful for the member in the chair to do two things: one is to give an overview of the things that have changed since the select committee reported back that are found in this amendment, as a preview for us going into those different clauses. I think that would be useful. Another would be if the Minister could comment on how he sees different limits working for fresh water versus coastal water, versus land and soil, versus indigenous biodiversity, and versus air.
It seems to me that we are already familiar with limit setting for fresh water and air—we’ve had different instruments that have done that, and people can see numbers on a page and see it as a limit—but indigenous biodiversity is quite different, and land and soil can be different too. In terms of whether it’s a human health standard to do with contamination of soil, that’s clearly a number, and we can deal with that as a limit, but where does the member see the limits going on things that are not limits that we’ve seen any version of in the RMA before? Then, where we have seen limits in the RMA before—he might say they’re not limits, but something that looks like numbers that are a limit where you can’t get a consent; if there’s a number and you’re already meeting the number, you can’t get a consent if you go above the number.
To talk in speed limits—and this is a bad metaphor, probably—we’re used to speed limits: if it’s 100 km/h, you can’t go 120 km/h. Those sorts of numerical limits are quite easy to consider. Where does the member see the freshwater limits going, departing from the NPSFM? That’s part of the question. And where does the member in the chair see those other limits going that might be more descriptive—and going back to Lan Pham’s contribution about her proposed amendments, I think it would be a useful set-up for the rest of the discussion on limits. Also, going back to my original question, if the member could take us through the changes that have been made, at a high level, so we know where they are actual substantive changes and where they’re not.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you. I thank the member Rachel Brooking for the question. In terms of key changes made by the select committee, would the member indicate whether she would like me to take the committee through those or move on to key changes made by the Government through this Amendment Paper?
Hon Rachel Brooking
Government.
The key changes in the Government Amendment Paper is simplifying the environmental limits framework by removing requirements to set separate resource caps and streamlining the action plan provisions, giving councils flexibility to decide how best to manage resource use before a limit is at risk of being breached. That’s the overall direction in the changes in the Amendment Paper.
The member raised a really interesting question around what are examples of limits, and we acknowledge that air and fresh water already have limits provided for them. For example, I mentioned air has particulate matter, and air must not exceed 50 micrograms per cubic metre, expressed as a 24-hour mean, more than once in a 12-month period. It sounds very technical, but if you’re running a business like a sawmill or an operation like a quarry, it’s important that there are limits established for air quality that can be measured, because if those limits are exceeded, that’s a potential risk, say, to human health. But, when it comes to coastal water, the member is correct, there have not been any limits for coastal water. What are some of things we might want to see expressed as limits? This is an opportunity, I think, where across the House we can agree that we’re actually moving the environmental management system in New Zealand in a really positive direction.
I’ll give the example that’s been provided to me: at least a certain percentage of the 2025 seagrass extent must be maintained in each estuary management unit. That sounds like quite a high-tech way of explaining what is something we could all get around: sea grass is a really, really important habitat. I can see the member Lan Pham cheering about seagrass, and if you think about habitat, I mean, I’ve done a lot of diving over the years. There are places in the world where creatures like manatees depend on sea grass. Now, I’ve never seen a manatee in New Zealand. But maybe, maybe—
Hon Dr Duncan Webb
Looks a bit like you.
—maybe, Dr Duncan Webb—
Glen Bennett
“Honourable”.
—the Hon Dr Duncan Webb in perpetuity—maybe if we get enough seagrass, we can attract manatees to New Zealand. How would that be? How good! Again, that’s not one of the goals of the Act, but, if we cast forward, potentially.
The member asked for another example about land. This is one which we don’t currently have limits for, for land and soil. It’s been suggested that there could be a limit prescribing that average soil loss from hill country must not exceed so many tonnes per hectare per year. There are many concerns raised, and I remember them being raised around the Hauraki Gulf marine protection bill, during the select committee hearings on that bill, which is now an Act of Parliament. Many submitters were concerned about soil loss and sediment entering the Hauraki Gulf from land development and other activities like forestry, for example, and that there was no way of controlling that. So in the future, under the Natural Environment Act, as we intend it to become, there will be scope to provide limits for land and soil so that some of those—what we might call—wider ecosystem effects can be managed.
It is not to say that competent and experienced developers aren’t already fulfilling their legal obligations in terms of managing soil loss and managing erosion and sediment control from large-scale activities—earthworks, for example, in a subdivision, or forestry: cutting down the trees and making sure that they don’t lose sediment. But, at the moment, that’s all been managed on a site by site basis. The new system will be able to take a step back and have a wider look, say, at a region, and then it can be broken down by management units.
Another example that’s been provided for me that I can share with you is a limit for indigenous biodiversity. I might state that at least a certain percentage of the 2025 indigenous vegetation, and a certain type of indigenous vegetation, must be maintained. One of the privileges of being a member of Parliament is that I get to fly around the country talking to people to learn more about the problems in their regions or cities. Occasionally, I get to sit by the window and look out. It’s quite clear that there are large parts of New Zealand that are uninhabited that are full of forest—take the West Coast of the South Island, for example. Occasionally, when the plane’s gone off track, it might end up over Fiordland—but that wouldn’t be common—where, essentially, the land is uninhabited and is full of forest.
The question might come around to say: well, what would be the right percentage of indigenous vegetation to maintain in those areas? There’s probably scope for a bit more flexibility on those areas, but there are other places, and I have discussed this—I’m sure the member Lan Pham won’t mind me raising this: we had a conversation about the fact that when you look out the window and you look down at the Canterbury Plains, you can see these fantastic braided rivers coming down from the mountains, and you can see all the wonderful primary production activities, the fantastic pivot irrigators, you can see the cropping, and you can see the wonderful cities like Christchurch and all of those great places to live that I visited recently, like Selwyn and Darfield and Methven—Methven’s quite hard to see, but it’s there. You’ve got to get a bit lower; you got to get down to about 15,000 feet to see Methven.
One of the things you don’t see is extensive indigenous biodiversity—vegetation—along those river corridors. There are a number of reasons for that. At some point, following initial human discovery of New Zealand, the entire east coast of the South Island caught fire. So a lot of the vegetation that might have been there once is no longer there. So there may well be a case that when establishing a limit for indigenous biodiversity and the extent that it must be maintained, that could well become a positive limit; in other words, something to seek to achieve, over time.
I think that’s important context, because I recall, earlier this afternoon, Minister Bishop, when asked a question in relation to a previous part, said a lot of these matters are temporal; the things that we’re trying to achieve have a time scale. Sometimes, when our aspirations are too urgent and the cost of achieving the objectives, whether they be to protect indigenous biodiversity or to achieve a limit, become far too expensive and the trade-offs are simply not feasible. So one of the important things that we seek to do in the new system when setting environmental limits is to provide that they be achieved in a time frame that is aspirational, potentially, but practical and pragmatic in other ways.
The member asked for me to provide some additional comments and framing as we approach the dinner break. What I hope the members in the House will take away from this is that Minister Bishop and I have taken a thoughtful approach, we’ve taken good advice, we’ve considered the ambitions and the aspirations of many people, particularly, when it comes to improving our natural environment, and we look forward to continuing this journey, with all of you, as the legislation is passed—we anticipate in the next few weeks—and then implemented through national policy direction when we put that out for statutory consultation next year, setting the standards that will apply to all of those domains, limit setting and so on, and we start to see some real progress towards these environmental ambitions we all have.
Hon Members
Madam Chair!
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Members, I know how enthusiastic you are, but the time has come for me to vacate the Chair for the dinner break. We are suspended until 7 p.m.
Sitting suspended from 5.56 p.m. to 7 p.m.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Right, good evening, members. We are now resuming on the committee stage of the Natural Environment Bill.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to start off with where the member in the chair, Simon Court, left off before the dinner break. I’d like to thank him from the bottom of my heart for his beautiful display of his love for the natural environment and the importance of seagrass. It was great.
My question does relate to the member in the chair’s explanations of what some different sorts of limits might be. I do thank him for discussing the difference between those numerical limits that we are used to, such as for fresh water and air, and then these different—what he was describing as—limits for, say, indigenous biodiversity. The example given was the corridors surrounding braided rivers in Canterbury and how they don’t seem to have much biodiversity around them, and how that would be a good thing to have; and that we could also do better in our coastal environments with the seagrass and other things.
So my question is quite a simple question, given his explanation of what could be in these limits. I agree with everything that the member was saying in terms of how these are outcomes that I would also like to see, but they just seem to me—some of them; not the water or the air—to be more like targets or outcomes or something that is not yet achieved. Like, great, we want to get there; I in no way want to stop anybody from trying to achieve the things that the member in the chair was talking about. But when I think of limits, the limit is that if we’ve met the limit, then computer says no or the police car is coming to chase you or—you know, that is what the limit is, rather than how can we approve everything.
I was just wondering if he could comment on that difference between—he was talking about air pollution and you’re in a factory and you need your PM10 to be below a certain level; you can measure that. The member was talking about the importance of being able to measure these things, which I also agree with. That is clearly in limit. If you go above a certain PM10 limit, then you might stop what you’re doing. Whereas if you are saying, “We need more biodiversity along the braided river corridors in Canterbury.”, then that’s not going to stop you from doing something. I’m just trying to work out how he sees that sort of limit—the corridor around the braided river—applying to a planning framework and a framework whereby, as the Minister has described it, the development is enabled within those limits, and if, in fact, they should still be called limits or they should be called something else. I don’t disagree with the ideas, I’m just trying to work it through.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you to the member for asking that question. Limits, as I have outlined before, are but one tool in the system provided for in the Natural Environment Bill by which to achieve the goals of the Act. I’ll refer the member back to—we are going back, and I appreciate we’ve moved past this in the debate; I’m going to go back for clarification, since we’ve just started again this evening after the dinner break—clause 48, “How environmental limits are expressed”. I believe that’s the clarification that the member has asked for, either as a state attribute or a stress attribute: a “state attribute, being an identified biophysical state of the natural environment”, or a “stress attribute, being an identified level of biophysical harm or stress on the natural environment that is allowed within the management unit”.
Clause 48(1)(c) says a limit “may be expressed numerically or in narrative form subject to subsection (2)”, where a state attribute is clearly measurable, meaning it’s expressed in a way that readily enables the assessment of whether the limit is breached, in accordance with any requirements prescribed in regulations or the national standards. In the current resource management system, we do not have a way of describing and achieving a state which that limit—which, again, is not provided for in the Resource Management Act—is intended to achieve.
This is a new way of looking at things, and so we will have the ability to describe a state attribute that the limit is intended to achieve on the basis that it’s measurable. Simply describing an aspiration without being able to identify a pathway to get there or milestones along the way that we can measure and calibrate and potentially change the way we’re doing things is no more than a slogan. This legislation is not about slogans. It’s not about announcements. It’s about providing the technical tools—the legislative tools and regulations and national policy direction standards—that enable us to achieve these limits. As we have canvassed that extensively, I would appreciate questions on matters further on in this part.
Just a small follow-up to that. So is his understanding that a limit is not necessarily a backstop; from his description, it can be a whole lot more than a backstop? It can be a forward look, as well?
Thank you, Mr Chair. Yeah, I’m really interested in continuing on in the bill, and the clause that I’d like to pick up on now is clause 49A. These are about the considerations relevant to developing the human health limits.
Now, what we heard really clearly from submitters—across the spectrum, really—was concern about how weighty ministerial influence is in the actual setting of these human health limits. What I’m interested in, firstly, is the very start of clause 94A(1)(a), because this outlines that the Minister must be satisfied that the proposed human health limit will, as a minimum, prevent significant or irreversible harm to people and communities. Now, that sounds very reasonable. We want the Minister to be able—
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Did you mean clause 94 or 49?
Clause 49A—thank you. I’ve also got an Amendment Paper, Mr Chair, just while you’re situating yourself: it’s Amendment Paper 752, and that’s what I’ll be referring to now. Thank you.
What I’m interested in understanding from the member is in relation to the “satisfied” test for the Minister. We have a number of Government members currently—but, also, I don’t want to assign this to any one side of the House; there is risk in any one Government for people to be, shall we say, more flexible with their interpretation of what information and evidence actually is. I’m interested as to the member’s directions about what that test of “satisfied” actually means. Could it, for example, conflict with scientific evidence? I think what’s really important with this is that we’re talking about human health impacts. These aren’t political matters. They are clear health concerns which are usually, in some form, measurable.
Why I’m really interested in that is because I’m proposing, in my Amendment Paper, an aspect that we heard consistently not only from submitters but, particularly, the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, who encouraged us, as the select committee members, to take this setting of health limits—of ministerial direction generally, but particularly when it comes to these human health limits—out of the political sphere and put it with more independent bodies.
One way that I’m proposing to do that, which I’d appreciate the member’s comments on, is actually establishing a human health limits board, that is independent of Government. In that, I’m outlining that the Minister must consider in the appointment of that board—sorry, I’m losing my voice; that’d be terrible, wouldn’t it?—things like the type of matter that the board will be considering, the local community, public health, legal expertise, technical expertise, tikanga Māori—really basic things that could constitute an option to get this whole system out of political influence and just have a bit of an arm’s length between the Minister and this independent human health limits board.
The Minister would still have the ability to publicly notify the human health limit. There would be relevant health guidelines either published or advised by the Ministry of Health. Once the board had met the requirements that are outlined in my Amendment Paper—I’m not going to go through all of them—but then at that point, the board itself would be the one that decided on the setting of the proposed human health limits. I think this would be a really great application for such a serious issue and what the country desperately needs.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I appreciate the member’s suggestions, but what I refer the member to in clause 49A, “Considerations relevant to developing human health limits”, is there is a very thorough set of criteria that the Minister must be satisfied by. While I appreciate that the member might consider that technocrats might be able to work through the same process, the difference between outsourcing it to technocrats and having a Minister responsible is that the Minister in a Government is responsible. From a democratic point of view, it’s preferable to hold a Minister in Government to account for a process than it is to technocrats. There may be a difference of opinion across political parties, about whether democratic accountability for decision making sits best with elected members and a democratically elected and formed Government, or whether a bureaucracy should be making a decision.
To the member Lan Pham, I’ll just cover some of the matters. Clause 49A(1): “[When preparing a human health limit], the Minister must—(a) be satisfied that the proposed human health limit will, as a minimum, prevent significant or irreversible harm to people and communities;”. That is a very high threshold. It carries significant responsibility for the decision maker. Clause 49A(1)(b): “consider the relevant health guidelines;”. Once those criteria are met, that is essentially a gateway test.
Clause 49A(2): “the Minister may then decide the level at which the proposed human health limit is set”. With reference to clause 49A(3), firstly: “the proposed human health limit is set at an acceptable level above the minimum requirements by having regard to—(a) the relevant health guidelines”—so we can expect that they are evidence-based—“(b) the existing capacity of the natural environment to withstand or recover from pressure and disturbances”; and I’ll refer the member to section 57(1). There’s “(c) the impact of the proposed limit in accordance with section 56;”. These are interrelated, and there’s a lot of detail about the matters that the Minister has to take into account.
Most importantly, clause 49A(3)(d): “a cost benefit analysis of the proposed human health limit.” While we all expect that “significant or irreversible harm to people and communities” is avoided as the purpose of developing the human health limit, there is a cost to adopting limits that are far more risk-averse, far more conservative, than are needed to achieve that outcome of preventing “significant or irreversible harm to people and communities”.
I just want to refer the member to a recent event where decisions were made around projected risks to human health in New Zealand, during the COVID era, where decisions were made that it turns out were not risk-based, and had extraordinary cost, and for which the benefits were not realised. In many cases, the costs were concealed.
Now, here is a process that a Minister, a democratically accountable elected member, in a Government, will be held to account for, that actually tests all of these matters. I would propose that this framework is more robust than any other process in New Zealand’s law, for establishing a human health limit.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
I will just make a comment, that we’ve run for three hours now on this particular part. The fact that the member is giving fulsome answers shows evidence that we are still addressing new material. I will be asking members to start prioritising as we move through here. Arena Williams.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m at page 72/73, at clause 50A and clause 50B. I’ll ask them all in one go. Firstly, I want to ask the member in the chair about clause 50B. This is a genuine question. How does this clause interact with the regulatory relief provisions, because it seems to impose a positive requirement on councils to be satisfied that the proposed limit protects “life-supporting capacity of the natural environment”. There seems to be a positive requirement that they set a limit which might impose costs on those people that the member has outlined. But then, I guess the only protection that they have is if they don’t invoke a limit at all. Is that right, and therefore, does it create this disincentive to applying any limits whatsoever?
To move through my other questions: on the issue of regional councils setting the freshwater limit; the ecosystem definition seems to have restricted this to where there is biodiversity at any given time, not necessarily increasing that, and being agnostic as to what sort of biodiversity it is, and what health it has. The member in the chair misunderstood my question when I was asking him about whether the eels would be edible. The question that he seems to pose, in the definition of ecosystem, and in the application of clause 50, is if there are 50 eels at one stage, and then in the future there are another 50 eels, then that is the system working. The question is: is there a requirement for these limits to improve the health of the eels? In the context of Māori rights and interests in a lake like Lake Forsyth Te Roto o Wairewa, Māori have an interest in that area, being a mahinga kai area. Those eels being of sufficient health—it’s not in the human health limits, but it’s also now not in the ecosystem limits. I just want to him to explain how a council was meant to take that into account, because obviously they do. Plan Change 6 of Environment Canterbury’s plan allows for bespoke rules for setting the limits around Lake Forsyth.
This is a third question for him: his system now doesn’t allow councils to be able to set their own methodology. But in the case of something like Lake Forsyth Te Roto o Wairewa, it is a shallow lake, one that is particularly phosphorus enriched, which is subject to occasional scion of bacterial blooms. The issue here is that it is unlike the lakes around it and is also not comparable to other deeper lakes in the North Island. When he speaks about braided rivers, that is a consequence of the lake now being in the state that it is, that those braided rivers are getting shallower, and the sediment run-off into the lake is affecting its health and the biodiversity within it. Wouldn’t it be reasonable, in that case, for a regional council to set its own methodology. I understand that he is trying to design a system which has one national role for the methodology, but there will always be these outlier cases where it doesn’t make sense to follow the national methodology. There doesn’t seem to be any way out for a council who have a generally unique ecosystem that is not being contemplated the national level.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Really good question. I’ll answer that first, and then I’ll come back to the member’s question about interaction with regulatory relief.
The system does provide for communities when contributing to council’s limit setting, which we must accept will follow a national methodology. It is intended that be prescribed in standards, which are available to be developed under this legislation. The methodology is intended to be prescribed. We cannot have 67 territorial authorities, 12, 14 regional councils—forgive me, I’ve lost count of how many there are in New Zealand; there’s so many—coming up their own methodologies for determining limit setting. It’s going to be a standardised process, but within the process is the opportunity for communities, particularly whether there are important ecological or cultural values to provide more weighting, so that if the matter of eels in a shallow lake with impacts around nutrients or, as a member described, nitrification or algal blooms, if the community wishes to set a limit that focuses on ecological health for the benefit of creatures in the lake—eels—and then they can choose to do so.
As part of the process, they will be forced to confront the costs of that. Whereas in the current system, in the Resource Management Act, a council can choose a limit. But then it comes to, well, what does that mean for the rest of the community, in terms of people who grow food, businesses, your local council’s needs for infrastructure, and, potentially, to have somewhere to discharge waste water. I’m not saying that’s appropriate. I don’t know enough about the conditions of the particular lake, but the community will have an opportunity to make those trade-offs through the limits setting process, rather than saying “we want this really, really, really strict limit and we’re just going to ignore all the downstream or second order effects of that”. So communities will have the ability, at place, to protect important ecological values, if that’s the value they wish to protect, on the basis that they have confronted all of these other potential knock-on effects. We believe communities should be in control and have a say.
I’ll just come to the member’s question around clauses 50A and 50B around whether, when setting limits, our councils will be exposed during the decision-making process to, potentially—if the limits they set around indigenous biodiversity, which is the domain that the member raised—and if they seek to apply those limits to private property, will that application be subject to regulatory relief test? Absolutely. Again, that provides really, really important tension in the system. So again, it’s about exposing the costs and the benefits. There’s a benefit-cost analysis required in the limit setting process, so that if the costs of imposing such a limit are very high, that can be discovered through the limiting process. Then communities, planners, and decision-makers will have an opportunity to make choices and make trade-offs. If these values are so important, which in many communities ecological value is very important, in fact it’s the most important, then council’s decision-makers can proceed, but they will be confronted with the cost. It’s important that that’s known upfront; not something that’s kicked down the road to future generations or the next council or just left hanging out there as a fiscal or other type of liability.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I really appreciate the member’s answer. That’s not quite what I anticipated because of the formulation of 50B(1), where it’s before designing the ecosystem limit. So I guess, the only way, I think that the member was saying, the councils have out of paying that regulatory relief is to have no limit, which is not what I thought.
Can I ask him just two examples related to Lake Forsyth. Isn’t the way that the current market works for land in that area that because the water discharges are limited because of Plan Change 6, the value of the land is lower; that new landowners pay less for that land because its commercial value is lower now? Isn’t the value of those discharges already included?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I do appreciate the member’s broad and deep knowledge of many specific issues around New Zealand. The member’s made a very valuable contribution with her questions in this debate. I’m not familiar with that specific case. The information you’re seeking from me, I can only provide it in relation to this clause.
I’ll refer the member to clause 50B(1)(c), the “cost-benefit analysis of the proposed limit”, must be had regard to when developing ecosystem limits. Now, the costs might be the cost of choosing a particular limit and what that might require, in terms of if it’s applied to private land, are the costs of providing regulatory relief to the landowners whose use of that land is impaired in the way provided for in the legislation. So I hope that’s clear. We have covered this extensively and I don’t intend to go back to it.
When it comes to the other matters that the member raised, if with existing planning controls being applied to land—I think the member mentioned Plan Change 6—if somebody buys a piece of land with existing planning controls on it after this legislation takes effect, and they willingly accept those controls in the sell and purchase process, caveat emptor, buyer beware. That landowner will not be eligible for regulatory relief. We do not intend that people arrive and go “now, I want regulatory relief because of this thing”. You have purchased the land with these controls on it. So we’re trying to be pragmatic and practical in the way we approach it. But absolutely appreciate the member’s concern that particular communities, they might want to set ecological health limits that protect a particular value, like the habitat of eels, for example, or tuna, and they will have the ability to do that. Where there is a cost to doing that, that will be transparent and available to the community planners and decision makers at the time.
A small question on this point at clause 50B. The member in the chair was talking about regulatory relief and that applies to biodiversity, but regulatory relief does not apply to water standards, freshwater quality. Please tell me if I’m wrong. And so is he then saying that when he’s talking about costs, he’s talking about 50B(1)(c), that cost-benefit analysis of the proposed limit, or is he saying that regulatory relief applies to every ecosystem health limit?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
No. In the scope of the bill, it only applies, in the National Environment Bill, to indigenous biodiversity.
Thank you, Mr Chair. And noting your guidance to keep moving and I’m directly keeping moving.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Good.
My Amendment Paper, which I want to touch on in this, what should be a short call, is number 674. This is of absolute relevance to the bill because this is where the environmental limits framework fails and it fails to deliver. It’s in the space in the consideration of the actual setting of these environmental limits. And it’s the fact that the so-called environmental limits are not actually environmental limits because there are numerous clauses throughout the environmental limits section—including 49A, 50B, 56, and 57A—where it makes it really clear that these so-called environmental limits are only considered when you look at social and economic factors.
Now, this is a fatal flaw when it comes to, you know, the attempt at this being any form of an enduring framework. I would like to hear from the member whether he would consider the fact that environmental limits can stand alone as they are, as environmental limits; the social and economic factors can come into the timing of the achievement of those limits. That is how it has played out and absolutely can play out in the future, instead of compromising the environmental limit itself by those factors.
What is really deceptive when you have social and economic factors coming into the actual environmental limits themselves is that it is really hard for communities to know what they are actually aiming for, and the biophysical state they’re aiming for, and why they are aiming for it, which is another really clear part of this whole system. It’s: why are we trying to aim for that, and under what time frame?
My amendments that I’m proposing are: let’s simply leave the environmental limits framework, but let’s uphold its integrity. I’m interested in whether the member in the chair, Simon Court, would consider this and uphold its integrity by having environmental limits that are environmental limits, because we know that clouding it with these social and economic factors is not going to get us anywhere.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The member Lan Pham raises a really good point, so I just want to clarify the intent of the legislation, but before I do, I want to reflect on the member’s concern that limits set under this new framework will not be enduring.
Let’s be clear: none of the attempts to establish national bottom lines for water quality, whether it’s nitrogen or any other matter, has been enduring. Despite 35 years of the Resource Management Act, national policy statements for freshwater, national environmental standards, none of them has endured. It’s because setting an aspirational limit that covers the whole country, or even a region, in the absence of confronting the trade-offs—who lives in the community, who benefits from a certain limit, who pays the cost, what opportunities are forgone in terms of economic growth and change, in terms of social development, in terms of social mobility—by selecting a limit that is so constraining that the activities that are reasonably expected to occur there—remember New Zealand is still largely unoccupied. We have developed large parts of it for primary production and forestry and our towns and cities, but it’s still relatively unoccupied and undeveloped. To establish environmental limits that severely constrain people’s social mobility and ability to provide for their families and to assume that that is the only thing that matters has not worked. It has not endured.
I do appreciate the member’s concern that we provide for environmental limits that are enduring, that continue to have social licence, but in order to do that, the intention of this legislation, the intention of the Government, the clear intention of Minister Bishop and I, is that we confront those matters at the time the limits are set, not choose an aspirational limit and then look the other way and wonder why there’s so much noise, there’s so much grit, the environment continues to degrade in places because it’s impossible to implement the tools that we have to implement. Very specific limits, particularly around fresh water—we simply don’t have that level of specificity in the way that we have inputs into the natural environment and responses. Now, we might know, for example, how long it takes for a drop of water to land on a mountain top, say, above Pupu Springs—forgive me; that’s the term I’ve always known it as—in Tākaka. We know roughly how long it takes for a drop of water to land on top of the hills—Minister Potaka might be able to help with my pronunciation.
Hon Tama Potaka
Waikoropupū.
I’m struggling. We know how long it takes, roughly, for a drop of water to land on top of the mountain and end up in those springs? It’s about eight years. But there are very few places in New Zealand where we have that level of detail, and it’s very, very difficult and expensive to get.
It’s important, when we’re setting limits, that we aspire but that we confront the costs of what setting certain levels of limits might mean to the community that we operate in, to our local economy, to our social aspirations and social mobility, and that we make the call then, because, if we provide communities with that opportunity to have that conversation and to make those trade-offs, it is far more likely—and, in fact, that is our intention—that environmental limits are enduring and that communities will then be able to plan a pathway to achieving them. If they are aspirational or if they are more close to the status quo, there is a realistic and practical pathway to achieving them. I absolutely get the member’s concern, but I am confident, this Government is confident, Minister Bishop is confident, that what we have set out here—the methodology—is the best way for achieving enduring limits and durable and achievable aspirations for our environment.
Does the member in the chair, Simon Court, accept that taking into account social and economic considerations in environmental limits compromises the environmental limit as a concept?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
No, absolutely not. We all exist in the environment. We live in the environment, we have houses in the environment, we build in the environment, we dig minerals out of the environment that we use to turn into things like cell phones, which I’m sure the member has at least one of, as does every member in this Chamber.
What else do we do in the environment? We fish, we hunt, we drive—sometimes we like to drive off road. We actually like to drive on the actual environment, not on the road. All of these things are part of who we are as humans, and this is an opportunity to challenge ourselves about what is important, because we are going to have an opportunity to be very clear about what our social and economic and cultural aspirations are when we set a limit relating to ecology. When the member uses the term “environment”, I’m assuming she means ecology, because the environment is either the built environment, as defined in the Planning Bill, or the environment as defined in this bill. We need to be specific—we’re talking about ecology—and there’s a trade-off between choosing an aspirational ecology limit and balancing against all these other factors.
Now, if I go and explain this outside of this Chamber and I go to a public meeting or I go and meet with farmers or I go and meet with environmental NGOs, or I talk to young people—I talk to people at, say, a home show, where, you know, because of the career I’ve chosen, sometimes I get to spend many days standing on the cold concrete floor of the Invercargill Licensing Trust Stadium, at the Southland Home Show, where I get to meet many people who might challenge the way that the member Lan Pham and I see the world—what they want to know is that we understand the environment, the ecology of the place they live, what values they seek to protect, but also how important it is that they continue to have social, economic, and cultural opportunities to express themselves and live their best lives.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
I appreciate the difficulty of asking the members on my left to keep moving when the member in the chair, Simon Court, is very fulsome in his replies and probably giving more material to remain around this level.
Thank you, Mr Chair. To the member in the chair, Simon Court, I was speaking very specifically about biophysical ecosystem health and human health limits that are measurable. I wasn’t talking about aspiration. I was talking about pure ecosystem health function when it comes to human health and ecosystem health. But I take the member’s comments about desiring that there are pragmatic steps along the way. His own words just before were that we need to take hold of this and make sure it’s not something that’s kicked down the road.
Now, when we’re talking about the limits themselves, whatever they are, why, then, are we crippling ourselves when it comes to actual progress and time frames? My amendment, which doesn’t have a number on it but was tabled—one of the amendments tabled on Wednesday, 26 August under my name—simply, within these clauses, changes the interim limits from 10 years to five, which is what was in the original bills until they were pushed out by the majority of Government members on the select committee and the Government. The reason why that is so important is because then we would actually get somewhere.
The example that I want to give is directly related to later in the bill, where the Government has again dropped these last-minute amendments that squash Plan Change 1 and Plan Change 2 in the Waikato and Manawatū. Within that very material, it says the bills will be in place for the Waikato in 2033.
Now, what that means is that the first interim limit that comes into this system will be in place for 2043. That has got to be, to the member, an absolute failure of this system, and would he please consider a system that actually functions in a direction and a drive for some form of environmental or human health improvement.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’d just refer the member to the limit-setting process in the legislation. It’s been carefully thought out. I won’t be accepting the member’s proposed amendment. We have received reams of advice about the matters that the member refers to, and the Government’s decision, the Minister’s decision, and my decision is expressed here in the legislation through drafting. I invite the member to read it, but it’s all there.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I note that the Minister has said my questions are related to clause 55 and 56, and I note that the Minister has said that there’s been a fair bit of thought that has gone into setting limits and the methodology that is used to set limits and so on and so forth. However, in clause 55(1)(d), it basically says that the Minister, when preparing national standards to set human health limits or ecosystem health limits will need to “specify a methodology”, and it goes on to list the “management unit”, “ecosystem health limits”, and so on and so forth.
There were a fair few submissions to the Environment Committee on this whole piece about limit-setting and how Ministers will set limits, and the concern that was raised by many was that it needs to be a methodology that is specified and based on science, basically scientific baselines for these limits. I wonder if the Minister could share a little bit about what the specification or the methodology that the Minister needs to specify will be based on.
I’ll wrap up in a minute, but I’ve got a couple of other questions, particularly around whether there will be ecological modelling that needs to be done before the methodology is set, whether those will be peer reviewed, and what sort of baseline data sets will be used? I particularly refer to the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, who has repeatedly raised the fact that we don’t have baselines when it comes to measuring ecological health nationwide, so what sorts of data sets will the Minister be basing that on?
I do also have some questions for the Minister around safeguards. A fair bit of the anxiety that was expressed by submitters across this whole bill is the concentration of ministerial powers through this legislation. That is also seen when it comes to setting the methodology and establishing limits as well. What safeguards can the Minister point to in this legislation that will prevent, potentially, say, future Ministers from further weakening limits and changing methodologies as well that lead to the limit-setting?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ll answer the second part of the member’s question first. In terms of safeguards, under clause 58A, “Specifying methodologies for setting ecosystem health limits”, subclause (2), “The Minister must be satisfied that the methodology protects the life-supporting capacity of the natural environment to an acceptable standard after having considered—” a number of matters. There are significant safeguards, and in clause 58A(4), “The Minister must consider, when developing national standards that specify a methodology or minimum acceptable level, how the standards can allow for future improvements to science and … [modelling] methods in a timely manner”; in other words, by incorporating material by reference. The last thing we want is to set standards that essentially ossify. We want the system to be agile to be able to respond to new information.
In response to the member’s questions on criteria for decisions relating to environmental limits, they are set in standards in terms of clause 55, and “the Minister when preparing national standards” has to specify a methodology, and that’s in accordance with the matters in clause 58A. There is extensive detail on primary legislation, and it will be further particularised through national standards.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Going to the conversation and the bit of back and forth about the role of the economy, and I want to just to ask a simple question to the member in the chair about the relationship between clause 56, which is, “Considering impact of proposed environmental limit or methodology”, and that includes a list of things that “economy” crops up in, as does “(e) the efficacy and cost of available methods to manage effects within the proposed limit:”, and how that relates back to clause 50B(2), which is the cost that he was talking about to communities that’s not regulatory relief in terms of things that aren’t indigenous biodiversity. I want to know how those two relate to each other, and, in particular, any costings to the community, because the member in the chair was talking about how there’s going to be some transparency and there will be some costs and there will be trade-offs, so his version of limits is very different from my version of it being a backstop.
I’m then going to jump ahead to clause 79, which is in a different subpart, but it’s relevant to this line of questioning. I have a published Amendment Paper 747 that would delete clause 79 because that is, “National standards may authorise specified activities to breach the environmental limits”. There’s been some amendments to what was reported back from the Environment Committee, and this clause was not in the bill as introduced. It popped up somehow in the select committee process by the majority, and now it’s been amended in this Amendment Paper, and even if you’ve gone to all this trouble of setting an environmental limit and you’ve done your cost benefits and you’ve paid your regulatory relief, if it’s indigenous biodiversity or whatever it is, then even then, if the Minister is satisfied that there is a net public benefit in authorising the activities after having considered the public benefits of authorising the activities, and the public costs of authorising the activities, and then some harm, then you can get around these limits.
In an earlier contribution from the Minister, he said—I can’t remember what it was in relation to, but he said, “Oh, you can’t just get around these limits because there’s got be a public benefit.” But the test for the net public benefit has to include a consideration of, I guess, the public costs of authorising the activities, which I think would be some of the costs that the member in the chair was talking about before.
The bigger point of this contribution is for the member to be clear about the relevance of all the costs when setting any limit, because it seems that the cost factors crop up throughout, and that, in fact, any decision on the limit can be undone by the cost. To say, as the Minister has been saying, that this whole scheme of new legislation is going to have these environmental limits—limits that, as Lan Pham said, might not happen until sometime in the 2040s—they might just not ever exist because communities will say, “Oh, well, we can’t afford them.”, even if regulatory relief isn’t relevant given what the member has been saying about the costs and the community bearing the cost. When we hear “community bearing the cost”, that means ratepayers, and I’m happy for the member to tell me that I’m wrong and that it’s not ratepayers, that the community is devised in some other way; but I would like an answer to my bigger question as well, which is, can environmental limits always be knocked out by economic factors?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Just in response to the member’s question around how does clause 56 relate back to clause 50B and the cost-benefit analysis, clause 56 is considerations a Minister must make in relation to the impact, and the cost-benefit analysis is an additional requirement.
Just coming to the member’s questions on clause 79 about national standards which might authorise specified activities to breach a limit, there are some extensive criteria that the Minister has to satisfy, particularly around the net public benefit in authorising activities, after having considered the public benefits of authorising the activity versus the public cost. One of the things this Government is very clear about is we are not going to be hiding the cost of different options when communities and, in this case, Ministers are making decisions. For far too long, decisions about protection of environmental values have been taken in isolation from the impacts of that decision and the consequences on communities. This Government is clear: we are not hiding these costs. Communities need to know. If they choose to face the costs, they can protect values in the case of this provision. The Minister will be confronted with those costs when choosing whether a national standard may authorise a specified activity in breach of an environmental limit.
I have come back to this theme repeatedly. It is our intention that trade-offs are transparent and costs and benefits are revealed so that New Zealanders, on the whole, have an opportunity to understand what choosing different limits and choosing different courses of action means. If we don’t have that opportunity, we will be surprised when things happen that we weren’t expecting.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to pick up specifically on the Minister’s comments just then about the impacts and costs. Is his intention, for example—because I can appreciate that he’s talking about the cost of environmental protections. Is he also talking about the cost of a lack of environmental protections?
The reason I’m asking that is specifically in Canterbury, we have, for example, Ashburton, Tinwald, Selwyn District Council, and Christchurch City Council all looking on various scales at millions of dollars at the lower scale to hundreds of millions, if not in the billions, to treat drinking water or source drinking water sources that they can no longer rely on because they are too contaminated with nitrates. Is the member, when he talks about those costs and impacts, talking about that entire picture, particularly those externalities where communities are paying the costs now of a lack of protection, because that is the concern and what we heard increasingly from submitters. That’s my first question.
The second question is around the national standards. Why is it that the Government is ruling out that at a national level, national standards could set an ecosystem health limit as an option? The Government has been really deliberate in clause 58A(3)(d)—which is the subject of my amendment—and this is, again, in the grouping of amendments that were tabled at 11.53 on Wednesday. I’m proposing to delete this determinant that the national standards can absolutely not prescribe an ecosystem health limit. There are well-understood ecosystem health limits when it comes to the environment that can apply at a national scale that would actually enable the clarity of direction about how things can happen in the country, and where investment should or shouldn’t be. These types of evidence-based, scientific, and mātauranga-informed decisions can apply at a national level in the right circumstances. I don’t understand—and I’d love the member’s comments—as to why they are simply being ruled out.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In response to the member’s question around whether the costs of environmental degradation and health will be relevant, it is not the cost but the effect that must be considered.
In response to the member’s second question around environmental limits, we had this concept of national bottom lines under the Resource Management Act. It turns out that when you apply a national bottom line intended to protect an ecological value at a fast-flowing river over alluvial gravel in the South Island, that may well be the right value to apply in that circumstance—in, say, Canterbury, in the foothills of the Southern Alps. But if you tried to apply that same value to water coming out of a sediment-rich catchment —in, say, Horowhenua, Manawatū, or in Northland—it’s a completely inappropriate, so-called national bottom line or national limit to apply, because the catchment has completely different characteristics.
What we’re intending to do is to provide for communities to establish their own limits based on a national methodology, because it’s important when limits are being set that we can see at a national level that there’s a process being followed and we actually get a sense of what level of protection is being applied, what are the likely costs in different places, and what are the benefits. We need to have a much better understanding at a national level about what are the impacts of different choices, but, currently, we don’t.
I have just one direct follow-up on that one question. The member, in response, said that not the cost but the effect will be taken into account. That does not make sense for the example I’ve given with drinking water, because the effect of polluted drinking water, for example, for Christchurch City, would absolutely be avoided at any cost, and so that’s before the effect actually takes place. Where people are drinking polluted drinking water, the city would have moved to avoid that—where is that cost being picked up?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ve answered many times what the system is intended to do. Let’s be clear: nobody should be drinking contaminated drinking water. We have wastewater standards specifically intended to address that matter after the Havelock North chaos, where there were a number of regulatory failures, a number of enforcement failures, and a number of failures by public sector agencies who had all the information that they needed to have made decisions that prevented illness and, potentially, deaths—it’s not quite clear what the actual impacts were—and they failed.
We’ve had to establish a whole system to protect drinking water, stand up a new agency—Taumata Arowai—to deal with the failures of individuals and organisations that did not meet their statutory obligations. Let’s be clear: Christchurch City Council—you’ve mentioned it—has statutory obligations to provide clean drinking water. There are a number of ways they can do it. It turns out there’s technology. If you live in an apartment building in Singapore, the water you’re drinking has already been flushed by all the people who live there. It comes back up as clean drinking water. If we fire a rocket into space and you go up and stay on the space station, guess what you’re drinking? There’s no pipe coming from planet Earth—there is technology available for this stuff.
I don’t want to make light of the member’s concerns, but we have to clear that the new system provides for that information to be considered and trade-offs to be made, and where there are effects that are unacceptable and limits need to be set that provide for strong ecological values when compared to other values, communities will have the opportunity to do that.
I am rather surprised to be talking about recycled drinking water in space, but here we are. Now, I think—
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
That’s not a legitimate new topic, I might say, Ms Brooking—not when we’ve been debating this for coming up to four hours—
Oh, come on! I’ve got a whole portfolio on space.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
—as attractive a proposition as it may seem.
Well, OK. So back to these limits on planet Earth—in Aotearoa even. Now, I think there’s maybe been some conflating of the two different types of limits. We have the human health limits, which can be set nationally, which go to the drinking water standards, etc., which the member was just speaking about, and then we have the environmental limits that are not set nationally but the methodology for those is set nationally, and then some regional councils will work out what those limits are for their rohe, for their area.
So for those environmental limits where the methodology is set, my question for the member is, can you get to a situation whereby there are no limits because there have been some cost-benefit equations that effectively knock out the limits? That is the question: if there’s any mandatory requirement for them or if everybody decides they’re going be too expensive, do we then just not have limits? Never mind it’s in 2040; I’m just talking about in 2030, for instance.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
I’m not sure we can do much more with limits. When I can understand it, that’s probably time to keep moving.
Well, I was going to move on to national rules in clause 75. This is quite a big, different change though—and I note other members might want to go back to limits. The Minister keeps telling us that it’s the fundamental part of the system, yet it seems to be, perhaps, that they can be nothing—the environmental ones, not the human health ones. So clause 74, “National rules”. I have Amendment Paper 746 and this is to insert the clauses that were in the bill, as introduced, that provided for a market-based allocation. For some reason, very mysteriously, they provided a methodology for there to be market-based allocation—they didn’t set it up—but at the moment, we have the Resource Management Act that is first in, first served, and that entrenches a whole lot of gain for some individuals who were lucky enough to be the first in so that they were first served. We have a problem in the New Zealand economy where we have a whole lot of, in particular, Māori land that hasn’t been able to get the capital to get the water, to go and use it to make the land more productive, and they’re effectively locked out because of this first in, first served rule.
It also means that we are not necessarily getting the most efficient uses or the most high-value uses of that water, and I know that I am talking to an ACT member in the chair who is much more interested in the economic instruments than I am. So my suggestion here is that we reinsert those provisions from this Government, as the bill was introduced, to include that market-based allocation for water. If the member’s ready, I’ll leave it there.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I do appreciate the member’s definitely not new-found but wholesome appreciation of the markets. For the member’s benefit, that section was taken out at committee stage. It’s not in this Amendment Paper as tabled. What we do intend is that between consent holders, who have allocation, the exchange or provision of freshwater, in particular, between consent holders is enabled. We’ll be doing more work on that. You’ll see through the national policy direction the illustrative documents out for non-statutory consultation right now; there is discussion around irrigation and other matters; and we anticipate that standards will provide more detail around how that is provided for.
Currently, under the Resource Management Act, if a water-permit holder wants to share their water with a neighbour who might have a need for it with a permit holder who doesn’t have the need for it at the moment, potentially while they’re standing up a new business or developing their investment proposals, the way it’s been treated by some councils is it’s essentially treated as a new consent application. It makes it very, very difficult to make the most of the water that’s already allocated. What we have heard is that in many parts of New Zealand, water appears to be fully allocated on paper, even though when councils are looking at their groundwater bores, for example, they’re saying it doesn’t appear to have been used in the way that the paper allocation would suggest. So we want to make sure there’s provision in the system for the allocation that’s available to be utilised, and that will be further detailed out in subsequent national policy direction and standards.
Just coming back to the member’s question around limits, our ecological health limits. Are they required? Yes, a health limit or an ecological health limit will be required for each domain in each regional area.
Just a tiny little follow-up on that last point, that there does have to be—and there must be—an ecological health limit for every domain at some point eventually. Could that be an incredibly minimal limit? So, if we say there’s already seagrass, and we won’t have any further diminishment of the seagrass, could it be that ambitious and be totally the opposite of the beautiful vision the member gave us before dinner?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I have described the Government’s intent around limit-setting multiple times during this debate, particularly over the last one hour and seven minutes. I won’t go back to that. It’s unlikely there’s going to be a limit for seagrass in Central Otago. They may not need a coastal limit if they don’t have coast, but it will be up to the communities to choose the level of aspiration when it comes to ecological values, and balance them against other community aspirations, as I have described many times now in this debate. The member will know there are some very, very special places in the environment to New Zealanders, particularly to people in different districts and regions. I have no doubt that communities in those areas, whether it’s at Wai-ko-pupū Springs—
Hon Tama Potaka
Waikoropupū.
I am going to continue to struggle with that—at Pupū Springs, in Tākaka, will seek to protect that incredible natural feature by selecting appropriate limits. Again, I’ve been over this time and time again. It’s clear in legislation what the Government’s intention is, what the provisions, what the limit-setting methodologies are, what the constraints are, what Ministers have to consider and where departures may occur, and the significant constraints and tests that come into it when departures are sort or a Minister seeks to make rules, for example, that depart from or, seek to go past the limit. It’s all here in black and white—the reasons are here in black and white—and the reason is this Government believes that Parliament should make laws and we should write them down clearly so that those who are tasked with implementing the legislation and other instruments have a clear steer and they can get on with their job, which is what we intend them to do when the legislation passes and gets Royal assent one month after it passes.
It’s not clear. It is just not clear. There is so much that happens in the higgledy-piggledy Minister-setting methodologies and then in all of these economic decisions that it’s absolutely unclear. This is inefficient legislation and we should go back to my Amendment Paper 699 and just make the National Policy Statement for Freshwater Management the freshwater limit.
Now I’m going to move to clause 72, which is the “Content of national policy direction”. I have Amendment Paper 744, and this is that the national policy direction must be consistent with the purpose of this bill—which of course I would have made a proper purpose—and it must also be consistent with integrated management. As I’m sure the member in the chair knows, I think that integrated management is very sensible because we don’t all live in little silos that somehow separate us from air and water and soil and biodiversity etc.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The Government’s been very clear: integrated management is not a concept that exists in this legislation. There is a funnel. The concept of the funnel is that when making national policy direction, national policy direction essentially looks to the goals and direct key outcomes that a key instrument must achieve and provide for. It’s all set out in black and white in clause 72.
CHAIRPERSON (Greg O'Connor)
Again, we now need to be moving forward.
Yes, thank you. Moving forward, Mr Chair, I really want to touch on this new clause 61A—
Simon Court
Well, that’s going backwards.
—because it is a new section, and the removal of the caps was in the last-minute Amendment Paper from the Government, OK? This is absolutely critical to any progress on environmental limits under this Act.
I do want to respond to the member’s sort of insisting that I keep coming back to this and I keep coming back to this. This is the environmental limits section of this new resource management system that is entirely novel, some of the changes of which have just been dropped on us literally in the last minutes because Amendment Papers are still coming through. This is why it’s important that we’re able to scrutinise this, and I really appreciate the Chair moving us through.
What I want to understand, firstly, is why, when the Government and us, at the select committee process, were so—it was so emphasised to us that this new way that the Government was going to go about these reforms was through these action plans and the caps, and that was how we were going to achieve things. Then, suddenly, the primary tool, being the cap on the resource use, disappeared as a tool at the last minute. This was not agreed by the Environment Committee; this is direct lobbying of Ministers that has come in and removed this.
I would like to hear the Minister’s response as to whether removing the cap on resource use, like, for example, a maximum amount of nitrogen in a catchment per year—which has been demonstrated, particularly in Taupō, to be a tool to actually achieve some form of environmental outcome. Now, I don’t even know if the science is clear as to whether that is improving. I do think from the little I know about it that it may be holding the line. Now, if that’s the aspiration, then using caps as a tool is absolutely critical. Why has the Government removed this, above and beyond the select committee process that we went through where these were agreed? Not all of us agreed. We thought this was a baseline, and yet the Government had sought to remove them.
I think that it is absolutely critical to any form of credibility of the system that action plans are able to set caps and they are actually translated into catchment groups or whatever way it can work. I’ve got an Amendment Paper to that end, which is amending clause 64—and again, I’m sorry, Mr Chair, I don’t have a number on that. It’s still part of the amendments that I submitted on Wednesday at 11.53. This is amending clause 4. What I want to understand from the member, as well, is: without the action plans being able to put caps on resource use, what exactly does he perceive and his Government perceive to be the driver of any improvement—like what is the constraint? Is he expecting that, for example, catchment groups, councils, or a group of landowners are going to voluntarily come together and make solutions that will impact the way that they are farming currently? What is the driver? I would love to hear it.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In answer to the member’s question, we’ve amended the legislation and deleted reference to caps as they were causing confusion and they had no regulatory effect in the system. Instead, how to manage resources prior or at risk of limits being at risk of breach will be left as a matter for councils.
Thank you, Mr Chair. It is critical that we address these clauses, which are the operational heart of the environmental limits regime that the Government has outlined as critically important to this bill. They are in clause 60A through to clause 65. I’m also seeking the member’s comment and I’ll ask all of the questions together.
Building on Lan Pham’s question, my different question is that with the old clause 66, which is now deleted, we seem to have been left with a target setting and a date that can be in 10 years in the future for anything other than the target to be operative. I want to know from the member in the chair what the tension is in the system. If we acknowledge that, as he says, the caps were causing confusion, I ask whether first-in, first-served resource allocation as part of the caps system is a legitimate question, whether the action plans could do more than just coordinate and require restoration and behavioural change—these are all legitimate questions. But if he’s set himself a date that’s potentially 10 years out, that seems to be even less aspirational than any other of the transitional provisions which allow a five-year, generous runway for the new regime to be up and running. I want him to help us to understand when we might get to a point in future where councils are held to either a cap or an action plan, or even both, but not none of them, and I ask how that interacts with the other machinery in the limit-setting part of the regime.
I also have a question for him about the deletion of clause 76 at page 92. This is in the next part. It’s the restrictions on the national rules for fishing. I can’t tell if that deletion has been included somewhere else in the bill, but if it is a genuine deletion, it seems that this was a provision which protected, say, recreational fishers and their ability to enjoy this particular sport and recreational activity, and it seems to be gone. What is the justification for that, and who asked for it?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The question has come up and I’ll respond to the member, who, I think, had a similar concern. Why were caps removed? Because it simplified the legislation. To be clear, particularly for the member Lan Pham—who is concerned about the role of caps—caps can still be used; they’re just not required. They’re still a tool available to councils, should they wish to use them, but let’s be clear that clause 60B does the heavy lifting. It still requires councils not to breach limits. Caps are a tool—I see the member is very excited. She’s probably got further questions.
Just in response to Arena Williams’ question, clause 66 was merged with clause 65. I understand that that came out of the revision-tracked version of the bill coming back from the Environment Committee, and the provisions were put into new clause 60C.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m really keen to respond to the member’s comments, then, because perhaps he could elucidate for us in saying—like that’s great that caps can still be a tool. That’s really good to establish, because I wasn’t clear about that when the entire clauses were deleted, and so it’s great that, presumably, they exist somewhere else.
What I’m really interested about is what was clauses 65, 66, and 67, because these are the clauses where action plans were actually compelled to propose rules to remedy any breach of environmental limits. We’ve also got clause 66, “Avoiding breach of environmental limit”, and clause 67, “Breach of environmental limit”. In the Government Amendment Paper, which has been dropped at the last minute, these clauses are entirely deleted. I would love to be told right now that those sections have just been moved somewhere else.
Is it the case that action plans no longer have to remedy a breach of an environmental limit—noting that the environmental limits are already not environmental limits; they’re only arrived on once we look at social and economic factors. Where in the bill does it say that anyone has to do anything to improve the environment or to meet some form of limit that means that we are not in a race to the bottom?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Just in response to where those clauses have gone, please refer to my previous answer. They were moved when the revision-tracked version came back. The clauses have been amalgamated, so they’re still there. The member’s question—
Lan Pham
Where have they been moved to? I’m really keen to understand that. Where have they been moved to?
I will have to get the officials to write me another note, because I’ve replaced it in the stack—I’ve misplaced it in the stack of 200 here, OK?
Lan Pham
Please do. It would be really comforting.
But I can assure the member that it is the same answer as I previously gave. The member’s second question, I understand, was about action plans. Clauses 60, “Action plans defined”, is removed as no longer necessary. Content on action plans is provided in other clauses. I’m sure the member will then ask which ones.
Whilst the member in the chair looks for his old notepaper, I’ll go to a different clause. I’m at clause 77, which has been amended a wee bit, but I do have a published Amendment Paper, and it is Amendment Paper 700. It was for what was clause 77(3)(c), and the changes that have been made in this Amendment Paper are similar in terms of “National standards—(c) may”—and I emphasise the word “may” because my published Amendment Paper 700 changes the “may” to “must”—“include directions relating to—(i) the allocation of natural resources; and (ii) environmental limits.”
The point I’m trying to get at here is that we “must” have these environmental limits in the national standards, rather than “may”. I am particularly perturbed after the discussion we’ve had this evening that whilst the member in the chair tells me that it is compulsory to have those environmental limits, they might be akin to nothing.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Oh, I don’t accept that member’s assertion. I’ve been very clear. [Interruption] Bless you.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Whoever is sneezing, use a hanky.
Sorry, I’ve lost my train of thought. Oh, actually—
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Oh, he’s got the train back.
Oh look, I reject the member’s assertion. Limits have value. The limit-setting process is described here. As I’ve mentioned before, there are trade-offs involved. The member’s proposal that there must be limits, a set of national standards for various things—there’s only one “must”, and that’s around human health standards. That’s because that’s very important.
At a national level, we’re all humans, whether we live in—let me just pick some members. We live in Dunedin, Christchurch—
Ryan Hamilton
Hamilton
—Hamilton—that’s easy—and the North Shore of Auckland. We are the same humans, and we need our health to be protected in the same way. The people of Southland are very hardy, and I know that because when I go to Southland or I go to the airport there very early in the morning, I see people there wearing shorts and a T-shirt in the middle of winter, chucking the bags on the plane. So maybe we could learn something about human health from studying the people of Southland.
There must be a human health limit, but the intention is that environmental limits are set by regions, by communities, and, with respect to management units—which is a techie way of saying “places”—spaces and catchments. We won’t be accepting your Amendment Paper, Rachel Brooking. While I understand the purpose behind it, we don’t accept the intention.
There was a question that Lan Pham asked about where have things moved in the bill. Clause 65 and clause 67 have moved to clause 60B and clause 60C, and action plans are now found in 60D.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m just noting down those clauses so that I can read them because it’s actually really confusing when you get an Amendment Paper that is the entire bill, and, for no apparent reason, it’s just reshuffled everything. It is taking us quite a long time to work through it, but, fortunately, time is one of the things that we do have.
I’m interested in clause 77, which is about national standards, and which deals, in subclause (1), with adverse effects. It’s just interesting to me that, as I understand it, in this bill we’ve got no particular hierarchy, and so no statutory hierarchy, if you like, baked in. But here it appears that the national standards—so that’s at a national level from the Minister, I’m assuming—can dictate how and in what order adverse effects are to be avoided, mitigated, remedied, offset, or compensated, and it strikes me that that seems to be an ability of the Minister, through national standards, to prioritise. This is not an expert area of mine, by any stretch, but it strikes me that you could say, “OK, we’ve got a consenting of dairy farms in Canterbury and we want to prioritise economic growth over nitrate seepage into the water supply, and so let’s make sure with regard to the adverse effects that the mitigation for what’s going on is mitigated in an order that prioritises economic growth over water quality.”
It goes on and talks about national standards setting “when it is practicable”, which seems a really strange thing for a national standard to do, because practicability is very much about the facts on the ground, if you like. It’s about the particular activity that’s going on. If it’s riparian planting, fencing, or whatever, it’s about the particular property and activity, and then you’ve got when it’s appropriate for adverse effects to be offset or compensated.
So I’m just curious as to what’s intended by this ability at a national standard level to, essentially, order adverse effects in terms of which ones we will take steps in respect of, and then the ability of a Minister to say, essentially, that “There are some adverse effects which it’s not practical to mitigate, so don’t worry about those, and other adverse effects can be offset.”, by perhaps planting some native bush a couple of valleys over. So I’m just curious, particularly, as to how that clause 77(1) is intended to work.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I thank the member for his question. Just in relation to some of the changes that he’s observed in the Amendment Paper, some parts have moved, and that’s to provide for a more coherent translation policy intent into the legislation as drafted so that can be picked up, and, particularly when it comes to a national policy direction and national standards, that work will be started immediately by those tasked to do it.
The member asked—and it’s actually a really important point—why can national standards specify, in clause 77(1), how, where, and in what order adverse effects are to be avoided, mitigated, remedied, offset, or compensated, and when it is practicable for adverse effects to be avoided, mitigated, remedied, and when it’s appropriate for those effects to be offset or compensated. Now, the reason that this is provided for in national standards is because there may be some effects in some places that it’s important to avoid, but it may be that an activity with similar effects in a less sensitive environment, those effects can be mitigated or remedied.
This clause 77 provides another content for national standards to be very specific about how, particularly for things like infrastructure or common activities like quarries, that the effects that we anticipate from them, the ways that those effects need to be managed can be set out in a structured way and in a consistent way so that these matters don't need to be relitigated consent by consent across the country.
Hon Dr Duncan Webb
But dust is different everywhere, right?
I won’t respond to the member’s heckles. I can see that there are many members on different sides of the House who are absolutely fascinated by other content for national standards. I’d suggest the member Grant McCallum pick up a copy of the bill and refer to clause 77 so he can familiarise himself with it, because no doubt many of his constituents will be interested in approaching him as to how they might utilise the benefits of this new system.
I invite the member and I invite Catherine Wedd and Minister Tama Potaka to familiarise with it, because this legislation is going to be one of the best things that ever happens in their communities. And, of course, Vanessa Weenink. But for the benefit of the member Duncan Webb, it is important that national standards have the flexibility to set out how, when, and why the effects of different types of activities can be avoided, remedied, mitigated, offset, and compensated and in what circumstances. That is the purpose of national standards: national consistency, clearly understood ways of doing things, and a clear rationale so that it doesn’t have to be relitigated consent by consent across the country.
Thank you. That’s helpful, member in the chair, Mr Court, but it still seemed peculiar to me, so I’m going to ask another question. It was really helpful that you gave the quarry example. If you’ve got a national standard as to how the order in which effects are—
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Can I ask for the chit chat on that side of the House to come down a level just so that people can focus.
They were heckling because I was making a good point. If you take a quarry, you might have effects such as dust, noise, and runoff. Now, those three things to have a national standard that says, OK, let’s do dust first, then noise, then runoff seems really odd, because if you’ve got a quarry that’s close to residents, then dust and noise is going to be really important and runoff might not; but if you’ve got a quarry that's next to an important waterway, then runoff is going to be the most important thing and you should address that first. That should be your priority.
The quarry example is a good one. I’m glad that you gave an example because it strikes me that, for any consent or any activity, you’re going to actually want to have an order of priorities which suits the environment in which it sits.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I certainly do thank the member for that question and seeking further clarification, and he’s absolutely nailed it. An activity that might have significant impacts on people through dust, noise, traffic, for example, like a quarry, if it’s in a remote location, then those impacts on people are going to be unlikely, and probably easier to manage. If it’s a quarry in an area that’s subject to urban intensification, it’s going to be much more difficult to manage, so the purpose of national standards is to be clear as to how and in what order adverse effects are to be avoided, mitigated, remedied, offset, and compensated. Where is appropriate for those adverse effects to be offset or compensated and in what circumstances which specific effects are managed under the Natural Environment Act as it will become and the Planning Act as it will become? Because, if we think about trying to provide certainty for people who seek to invest to expand something like a quarry, knowing in advance what the national rules are that are intended to apply to manage known effects or reasonably anticipated effects is really important. If it’s a quarry or a mine, say, in a very sensitive environment, it would make sense that some effects should be avoided or mitigated, whereas, if it’s an at least sensitive environment, potentially they could be remedied ora combination of.
Look, the member and I can’t possibly hope to explore all scenarios where national standards might be applied. Even if we let this committee of the whole House stage go all the way through to Saturday night, we wouldn't have enough time. But I can assure the member that, as the Minister and I have turned our minds to how national standards will be applied, we are thinking about the very matters the member raised, and we anticipate national standards will be able to address them in an efficient way.
I wanted to go to page 92 to speak to a clause 76, which is deleted, and to ask the member in the chair, Simon Court, around why this has been deleted as restrictions on national rules around the control of fishing, because the contents of this national rule for the controls of fishing, I thought, would align quite nicely with our existing marine protections—as my colleague from our Northland electorate would know, Patukeha Ngāti Kuta and Te Uri o Hikihiki, kaiwhakahaere of rāhui tapu or marine protected areas in the Bay of Islands and Whangaruru.
When we have this transition into the new bill and the way that the new system will operate, we’ve still got a bit of grey area. I’m not quite sure as to how the marine protected areas will continue on or not, but also when we have the deletion of clause 76 around the restrictions on national rules for control of fishing, why did we delete this, and are there provisions within the legislation elsewhere that maybe I’m missing? We’ve got to go back to our communities and we’ve got to be able to convey the why and then how. So if the member in the chair could help me find the relevant part in the legislation where I can point to the community where there is provision. Kia ora.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Certainly. I thank the member for the question. That is one of the easier questions I’ve had tonight. That clause has been deleted. It’s been replaced by a catch-all clause at 10B in Part 1, which are “Rules that control fishing”. So I hope the member will be able to take her community through that.
Yeah, thank you, Mr Chair. I'm really keen to pick up on where the Minister directed me to with the movement of the breach—the action plans and breaching environmental limits. He and officials directed me to clause 60B. I’m really interested in this because what we’ve seen in this perpetual cycle, particularly over the last few decades, is that even where there have been environmental limits put in place and they have been breached or it’s well understood that they will be breached, there has not necessarily been a key driver and a key impetus to actually change things to avoid it.
Now, I’m really pleased to see that the regional council must take all reasonable steps to avoid the breach of an environmental limit and evaluate as to when that limit will be breached and how they might manage it.
The question that I’m still unclear about and which we never had a satisfactory or clear answer at select committee as to what this key driver would be is, yes, the regional council must, but when must they? We know that planning cycles are in 10 years, and we now know with the changes that the Government has made, that even interim limits, which are meant to be these stepping stones, are at 10-year intervals. When exactly is the regional council—or whatever council, be unitary or whatever—compelled to take action other than simply at the next planning cycle?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Mr Chair. At all times.
GRANT McCALLUM (National—Northland)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
I am going to take another call, but just to note that we have been getting engagement from the Minister and people have been moving methodically forward through the provisions, so that is appreciated by the committee, but I would ask members to do move forward through the provisions. I call Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I am going to move on a little bit further, noting that my colleagues may still have questions. But I think one of the things that the under-secretary has mentioned a couple of times that I thought was really interesting, and this is specifically with regard to the Minister’s Amendment Paper 710—I want to pinpoint a particular clause where we see some of these repetitions: clause 85, new subclause (3A), and we see it again in subclause (3C)(a). Now, the under-secretary previously has mentioned this term “practicable” a couple of times. Now, this is interesting, because in most cases when we’re looking at “practicable”, it means that the limit itself doesn’t need to necessarily be met if other circumstances prevent that from being met. So we see the term “practicable” in health and safety laws all the time: whether it’s “reasonably practicable”. But what isn’t clear here, let’s say in the context of national policy direction, is what are some of the limitations or expectations when setting the national policy direction on what is practicable when that isn’t being met.
We saw this sort of phrasing previously in clause 71(1)(b) in terms of “resolution of conflict as far as is practicable.” So my first question to the under-secretary is: in this case, what are some of the circumstances that will make a proposed national policy direction impracticable? When we are looking at clause 86, “Considerations for national standards”, it does state that national standards, at least for the Minister, need to be satisfied and be compliant to the same equivalent or to the same effect as the redress arrangement under the original Resource Management Act. So does that mean that that level of practicability wiggle room that you see with the national policy direction doesn’t necessarily apply to the national standard, and the national standard is a little bit more strict in terms of that wiggle room? So I want to check with the under-secretary on that question.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
This is a well-understood term in resource management. It means that the decision maker is not required to resolve completely conflicts, but should as far as practical.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I don’t think this clause has been referred to to date—because I do think it’s important that we work through every clause that the Opposition wishes to explore, in a methodical manner—and that’s clause 79, “National standards may authorise specified activities to breach environmental limits”. This kind of seems strange to me, and it’s almost a question that the Minister may not need advice on, because it’s about what this means. They’re not limits if you can breach them; they’re guidance. I guess the really interesting thing that struck me was subclause (1)(a), which has been redrafted to, essentially, say, “Do a cost-benefit analysis.” It says, “the Minister is satisfied”—in authorising breaching these limits—“that there is net public benefit … having considered—(i) the public benefits … and (ii) the public costs”. So you’ve been asked to do a cost-benefit analysis on whether or not you should breach a fundamental limit. It strikes me that this is actually at the heart of this piece of legislation, because what it’s saying is that the environment is a tradable commodity, which kind of turns the whole thing on its head.
So I guess my question to the Minister: is there anything that is not tradable? What is the bottom line if we have environmental limits that the Minister can say, “Well, drinking water for Canterbury is not as valuable as increased exports.”, if he can say that mining on the Denniston Plateau and the absolute loss of biodiversity is not as valuable as the export of coal? So I guess I’d really be interested in his explanation of the philosophy behind this clause, and whether he would support the statement, which I don’t, which is that there is nothing which can’t be sold for the right price, which is what this appears to say.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
This topic was canvassed extensively with Rachel Brooking around the public benefits of authorising activities and the public costs of authorising the activities. The member raises a number of hypotheticals. Acting in the chair tonight, I’m not able to provide legal opinions—neither is any other member of the Government. I’m also not going to challenge the committee with philosophy. Needless to say, if the Minister is satisfied there’s a net public benefit in authorising the activities after having considered clause 79(1)(a)(i) and (ii)—public benefits and public costs—and the Minister’s considered, and come to a view on, the “potential harm to any aspect of ecosystem health or human health that the … limit is intended to protect;”—and on and on it goes—there may be an authorisation for specified activities to breach environmental limits.
Let’s be clear: there are a number of significant and rigorous tests which would be applied to that decision. No doubt, for very sensitive environments where the impacts of an activity might be very significant, the Minister would no doubt at that time turn their minds to how to resolve very, very significant conflicts. But there may be other cases where the benefits significantly outweigh the costs and that decision is simpler. Again, we can’t possibly hypothesise on what might confront a future Minister, but we have provided as far as practicable, Dr Webb, a rigorous set of tests and a process. We are confident, based on the advice we’ve had, that this is appropriate in this case.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to move on to another section, noting that we are coming towards the end of Part 2, but I think this is quite a significant one. This is clause 90, “Amendments to national standards without full process”. I’ll specifically focus on subclause (1)(b). It depends on what happens after this—I’m also happy for the under-secretary to take some further advice from the officials. The reason I want to hone in on this one is because it says that the Minister may make recommendations to implement our obligations under international conventions, protocols, or agreements. In this case, I want to specifically focus on agreements. I want to give an example to the under-secretary, that when we’re looking at our New Zealand - European Union Free Trade Agreement (NZ-EU FTA), specifically when we’re looking at chapter 7 on sustainable food systems, and also chapter 19 of the free trade agreement (FTA). One of the things that is holding both parties accountable—and this is something that is binding—is regarding the protection of our natural environment.
So I do want to check, I guess, two questions, which is: (1) what has been the advice from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade for this particular part and for this bill regarding our compliance against the NZ-EU FTA and NZ-UK FTA. I think the EU FTA is probably the more crucial one at this stage for this particular purpose. If we get into a situation where we do see that it might put some of the binding aspects of our NZ-EU FTA into question, particularly around things like environmental protection and climate action, would then the Minister be able to implement national standards quite quickly and without due process? Is that something that we can now do under this particular clause—clause 90(1)(b)?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Mr Chair, thank you. Thank you, Mr Xu-Nan, for that question. This clause mirrors a similar clause in the Planning Bill. It’s intended that a Minister is able to amend a national standard without full process, specifically for the reason set out here. So it’s minor, it’s technical, it’s process, it’s in relation to, say, an update of a New Zealand standard under the Standards and Accreditation Act. The member notes that it may be to implement New Zealand’s obligations under any international convention, protocol, or agreement to which New Zealand is a party. But I’ve been advised that in the event that there was an agreement that New Zealand entered into which required the updating of a national standard, then that advice would be sought or obtained from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade. But as far as I’m aware, this is a carry-over provision from existing legislation and it mirrors the Planning Bill. We just need to make sure that every time a minor or technical amendment needs to be made in order to ensure compliance with other relevant standards, the Minister doesn’t have to go out and initiate a full consultation on a national standard.
Thank you so much. That does clarify a lot of things, but I just want to check: what the under-secretary is saying is this is only when it’s minor. What does it mean if it’s something that, for example, a party found to be more than minor—does that mean that the Minister needs to still do a full process, if under the party of an international agreement deems so? And the other question is just around whether the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MFAT) has provided any sort of advice around consistency with our existing agreements.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I don’t have anything further to add on that.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I’m wanting to address, on page 99, clause 84, the process for making a national instrument and the process that the Minister undertakes to publicly notify a national instrument. There needs to be a seeking of comment “from iwi authorities [or] from any group or sector that the Minister considers appropriate by—”. When we’re looking at the development of national instruments, if, for example, our whanaunga up Te Tairāwhiti, Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou, are impacted, the Minister needs to seek comment from Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou or others who have a marine and coastal area (MACA) takutai moana marine title, but also PSGEs—post-settlement governance entities—relevant to the rohe.
What I am wanting to understand is—because it sets out a bit of a process in terms of the consultation or to notify, and that’s in the pre space. But if the Minister decides that he is going to notify, there’s a proviso in (2)(b) where “those notified must be given what the Minister considers to be adequate time and [the] opportunity to make submissions on the subject matter of the proposal;”. I’m really keen to unpack, because we know that in iwi Māori land, whether you’re a MACA claimant, whether you’re a PSGE or a hapū or a marae, these aren’t often our day jobs—responding or replying to public notifications from Ministers or Government departments or local government.
It looks as though it’s very weighted towards what the Minister determines and what the Minister considers. Where was the workings with iwi Māori—in particular because we’ve got listed iwi groups and PSGEs and Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou as examples of those who need to be prioritised in the notification and the seeking of comment. What engagement has the member in the chair, Simon Court, or those Crown officials undertaken in terms of establishing what this process is? And then, how do we know that the Minister, in considering all things being equal, providing adequate time and opportunity for submissions to be garnered—where are the safeguards for iwi Māori in this space, knowing that sometimes a Minister’s priorities may not actually match or reflect what community or iwi Māori might think is genuine engagement and time to do the due diligence together?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I thank the member Hūhana Lyndon for her question. The Government’s been very clear, and it’s set out in legislation in Part 2, that there is a role defined for Māori to participate in the making of national direction, national instruments, and we’ve been very clear that’s one way that the Crown intends to provide for Māori interests in this legislation. That is why, under clause 84(1A), Ngāti Porou is proposed to be consulted and any relevant post-settlement governance entity in accordance with subsection (1). That is upfront and that is deliberate.
The member’s question around time frames—when we get to clause 84(2), normal time frames for public consultation on an instrument are 20 working days. That’s not uncommon; that’s the time frame for consenting, it’s the time frame for all kinds of other matters of consultation—20 working days. But, in paragraph (b), “those notified must be given what the Minister considers to be adequate time and opportunity to make submissions on the subject matter of the proposal;”. There potentially may be circumstances where more time is required, either given the sensitivity of the matters or that they have greater significance, but there may be circumstances.
Here is why we haven’t been specific: because it may be that as we go through iterating and reiterating—being agile and being responsive in the way that national instruments can change and adapt to the needs of the system and the needs of system participants—in some cases for matters that exceed that threshold of being minor and technical but aren’t requiring of a full-blown complete consultation on the whole package, there’s an in between that provides the Minister some discretion.
But I want to reassure the member that Minister Bishop and I have turned our minds extensively and received extensive, detailed advice on how the Crown fulfils its obligations to iwi Māori. Throughout this legislation, that is reflected in many, many places.
Follow up, please. Thank you to the member in the chair, Simon Court, for providing that response on the diligence and the depth of consideration of how Māori voice might be reflected in considering the making of national instruments and the development of, and how we want the system to be agile. We want it to be able to move and flex according to whatever the regional needs are, and national needs as well.
Considering, as I stated earlier, the ability to respond and the ability to be timely makes an assumption that iwi Māori have capacity to do these things according to the 20 working days or otherwise. In hapū and iwi land, we’re not necessarily sitting around waiting for the next consultation document to come out; we’ve got day jobs, most people, or they’re part-time Resource Management Act (RMA) practitioners on behalf of the hapū or the iwi. So I’m really keen to understand how it is intended that there is resource supplied to support capacity and capability—because capability sometimes requires technical expertise to come in and help iwi Māori to respond.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Look, I recall the member Hūhana Lyndon has asked me that question in relation, I think, to the Planning Bill—potentially around a similar clause in the Planning Bill. This legislation does not provide for resourcing or funding different groups, whether they be iwi Māori, iwi, or hapū, so that’s not in this scope. That’s not part of it.
But I also just want to comment on the member’s point, which I do genuinely understand—it’s not just iwi and hapū who are not sitting around waiting for the Government’s next consultation. I hear very similar things from business organisations, from the environmental NGOs, and from people who are surprised when they see a notice in the newspaper about something that’s being consulted on in their community—say, by council—and will find out afterwards they didn’t know.
Look, clearly we have an important role when producing national instruments, to follow a process, make sure there’s lots of opportunity for engagement, and particularly when we do the first national instrument—the first piece of national direction. That is why Minister Bishop and I were really, really intentional about getting the national policy direction—an illustrative version for non-statutory consultation—out for all of those individuals and groups that want to understand best how the system works. So before we get to the formal process for making a national instrument, which will follow and which will undergo statutory consultation and all the other controls around it, there is a document right now which I urge the member to have a look at, to take back to her community, and to discuss and provide feedback over—what I understand is—the next eight weeks as it’s open for submissions, which is much longer than 20 working days. The reason for that, is because we want to use this time, while the legislation passes through the House, when it achieves Royal assent, before it comes into effect, to get as much for feedback from those who are interested in the system as possible.
To all of those who’ve been listening tonight, I hope that you’ve all taken away a much greater understanding of the intent of the Government, but also how we’ve turned our minds to the detail, particularly when it comes to implementation.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
I am looking for new material. Hūhana Lyndon.
We’ve been told that thinking of resourcing and support for iwi-Māori participation, because we’re providing scope for them within the legislation to participate—but the resourcing of the system and the support to iwi Māori to participate in the system is out of scope.
I guess that comes to questions, in terms of: how do we implement the legislation to give effect and be really meaningful and purposeful? As we’ve heard, there’s 20 working days for consultation; it’s been diligently thought through in terms of the process, whereby iwi Māori, whether they’re Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou or a post-settlement governance entity or other groupings with marine customary title, as those hapū claimants that have got the titles and stuff—it just makes it really difficult, coming from Tai Tokerau and knowing that, as iwi Māori, there’s a certain level of fatigue that Māori groups do go through in terms of the churn of consultation. But also, again—and I’m just labouring the point—that resourcing of the system to support iwi-Māori engagement and provide capacity and capability appears to be a gap. So I’m just making a statement. Kia ora.
Dr VANESSA WEENINK (National—Banks Peninsula)
I move that debate on this question now close.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.
Ayes 67
Noes 49
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Motion agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Hūhana Lyndon’s Part 2 amendments to Amendment Paper 710 set out on Amendment Paper 752 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments to the amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 710 inserting new subparagraph (iia) in clause 50(1)(a) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 710 deleting clause 50A(3) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s tabled amendments to Amendment Paper 710 amending clause 50C(2) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 710 deleting clause 58A(3)(d) be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Lan Pham’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 710 amending clause 64(2) is out of order as not offering a serious alternative form of words.
The question is that Lan Pham’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 710 inserting new clause 65 regarding rules in action plans to remedy breaches be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
Parliament reported Ayes 49 and Noes 67, which differs from the party counts here (Ayes 50, Noes 67).
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Ferris, Kapa-Kingi | 2 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s tabled amendment to Amendment Paper 710 inserting new clause 65 regarding avoiding breaches of environmental limits be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment to the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment to the amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 2 set out on Amendment Paper 710 and the tabled amendment be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 49
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendments to clause 11 set out on Amendment Paper 687 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 11(1) set out on Amendment Paper 670 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 11(1)(a) set out on Amendment Paper 672 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 11 inserting new paragraphs (g) and (h) set out on Amendment Paper 712 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 11(1)(d) set out on Amendment Paper 669 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to clause 11(1)(d) set out on Amendment Paper 704 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendment to replace clause 11(1)(d) set out on Amendment Paper 724 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment inserting clause 11(2A) set out on Amendment Paper 711 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to clause 12(3) set out on Amendment Paper 745 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment deleting clause 13(1)(e) set out on Amendment Paper 698 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Lan Pham’s amendment deleting clause 15A set out on Amendment Paper 722 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment deleting clause 15A(a) set out on Amendment Paper 685 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to clause 32(2)(a)(i) set out on Amendment Paper 706 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Lan Pham’s amendments to Part 2 set out on Amendment Paper 681 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 48(1)(c) set out on Amendment Paper 673 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Lan Pham’s amendments to Part 2 set out on Amendment Paper 703 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendments to Part 2 set out on Amendment Paper 674 to delete clauses 49A(3)(d), 50B(1)(c), and 57A are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s remaining amendments to Part 2 set out on Amendment Paper 674 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment inserting clause 50(1AAA) set out on Amendment Paper 699 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment deleting clause 58A set out on Amendment Paper 753 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendment deleting clause 64 set out on Amendment Paper 676 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendments to clauses 64 and 65 set out on Amendment Paper 682 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment inserting new clause 65A set out on Amendment Paper 684 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 71 set out on Amendment Paper 675 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendments to clause 71 set out on Amendment Paper 723 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to clause 72 set out on Amendment Paper 744 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 74 set out on Amendment Paper 675 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment inserting new clause 75A set out on Amendment Paper 746 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 49
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment to clause 77(3)(a) set out on Amendment Paper 700 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendments to clauses 78 and 79 set out on Amendment Paper 683 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment deleting clause 79 set out on Amendment Paper 747 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 2 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 49
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 49 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 13 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Part 2 as amended agreed to.
Part 3 Combined plan and other matters, and Schedules 3 to 5
Part 3 Combined plan and other matters, and Schedules 3 to 5
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Members, we now come to Part 3. This is the debate on clauses 91 to 125—“Combined plan and other matters”—Schedule 3, “Coastal matters”; Schedule 4, “Water conservation orders”; and Schedule 5, “Freshwater farm plans”. The question is that Part 3 stand part.
Thank you, Mr Chair. I want to ask the member in the chair, Simon Court, questions about clauses 95 and 96. These provisions are where councils have to start thinking about their inclusions of national rules in their plans, and what they can and can’t include. Even sort of things that you might expect to be local choices are only available to councils where the national rules allow them to be local choices.
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
Did you say combined plans?
Yeah, I’m at 95—
CHAIRPERSON (Teanau Tuiono)
95, all right.
—on page 105, and 96 on page 106. The first question I have is the meaning of “preclude” in the way that these work together. The word “preclude” seems to suggest a very, very high standard—that the national rules have to actively say that local councils are precluded from including them. But it’s possible, given that we don’t have the words in front of us, that you might be able to read in when it’s heavily implied that those things are precluded, that they would also be precluded.
I just want to get some clarity from the member. Is this meant to be?
Is that allowance there for regional councils—where they’re not allowed to include a rule, is a meant to be a very high standard, or is it meant to also include things which, given the context of the national rule, are also effectively banned?
I also want to ask him about clause 95(3), where a regional council must not amend a standardised provision. This is particular question about where changing conditions mean that we’ve got a new context like changing weather. The question here is around, say, in Auckland, where a plan change—well, it was very difficult to make the change, actually, that was required, where hundreds of homes were affected by flooding and the council was required to carry through an upzoning provision. In doing so, though, that would have meant they were effectively upzoning land that needed to be downzoned because of the flooding.
So my question to him is about: what happens when things change and a council needs to make a change to what would have been a standardised provision but say, weather has changed? There is a provision for natural hazards to be recognised. But in the situation where, in Auckland, say, it wasn’t necessarily that there had been one flood or that there had been hazardous flooding, it was that there was a pattern of events which suggested that new information was available and now those houses were in places where they should not have been, but an upzone was occurring at the same time, where a council would have been held to a standard where there would have been more building in those areas.
On clause 96 itself, this is a pretty significant change in the philosophy at the regional rule level. Regional rule-making in this bill compared to the Resource Management Act is one where everything was permitted for the regional plan to be made unless there was an express provision that it couldn’t be included; now, it’s the other way around.
So I want to ask, Amendment Paper 710 actually seems to pretty significantly—it softens what was initially introduced in the bill, and there have been some changes at the Environment Committee stage around exactly that, that this was very restrictive in a way that would have meant regional councils had to change their internal processes quite a lot. I just want to ask the member to explain, now, how that change from one philosophy to another will work.
Finally—no, I’ll leave it there.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
This provision is very clear. It requires councils to included standardised plan provisions—clause 95—in the initial environment plans as directed by national instruments. Clause 96 allows councils to include bespoke plan provisions in their national natural environment plans only if this is authorised or not precluded by a national instrument This is akin to the way national environmental standards under the Resource Management Act apply to plan making.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Maybe just to help with that conversation, when the member in the chair, Simon Court, says, “akin to how things are made under Resource Management Act”, that’s in reference to regional council plans—in terms of that the onus is different for if you’re getting a discharge consent, then the assumption is that it’s not permitted unless a plan rule says its permitted; whereas for a land-use consent, so something you get under the district council, then the presumption is it is permitted unless the plan says resource consent is required. My understanding is that this scheme doesn’t change that presumption. But the member in the chair can clarify that.
My question is on clause 97, which is “Core obligations when preparing and deciding natural environmental plan”. There’s a range of things to have regard to when a plan is being applied. One of those things is a plan relating to adapting to the effects of climate change prepared by the local authority. That is a good thing to be included there.
I have Amendment Paper 685 that would include another thing to have regard to, and that is: “any emissions reduction plan prepared under the Climate Change Response Act”. So we’ve heard the member in the chair say a number of times, “Well, we don’t have to think about climate change pollution at all because the emissions trading scheme does it all”, but of course that is not how the policy settings in New Zealand work. One of the things we have under the Climate Change Response Act is an emissions reduction plan. So it would be a good thing for the councils to have regard to when preparing their documents. And of course, I have had other Amendment Papers that have, sadly, been voted down that would give some more weight to the consideration of planning to avoid climate pollution.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
This provision relates to regional councils. I’ll answer the member the Hon Rachel Brooking’s question about clause 97(4)(c) “have regard to … —(v) any plan relating to adapting to the effects of climate change prepared by a local authority;”. The legislation specifically excludes consideration of the adverse effects of greenhouse gas. It’s clear. Those matters are managed under the climate change response Act provided for with prices on carbon under the emissions trading scheme.
Thank you, Madam Chair. My question on clause 97 is 97(4)(c). This requires the authority to have regard to considerations of the coastal marine area. In clause 97(4)(c)(iv) here, there’s a useful inclusion of any regulations of bylaws—and presumably the primary legislation as well—of Acts which deal with Māori fishery rights. That’s great. That is a great inclusion. Why has the member not also included the same inclusion for rights over land? Because the rights that are associated with the coastal marine area that are Māori rights don’t seem to be different in nature than the rights over land that are Māori rights. But there’s no similar provision for, say, Acts and regulations which set out mahinga kai on land, for instance. That seems to be a non-deliberate overlooking of something which would have been good to include.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Really pleased to start with Part 3, noting the Chair’s desire that we’re simply just moving through the bill, and I intend to do that.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
And not making speeches as well. It’s purely targeted to the members for response.
Absolutely, Madam Chair, as I have been through the period so far.
Particularly on clause 97—these are about the core obligations when preparing and deciding a natural environment plan. Firstly, I have a question for the member Simon Court about, essentially, the test that “the regional council is satisfied that—”, or the council, because it may be unitary. They do not have to meet the provision in the regional spatial plan if they’re “satisfied that—”. It talks about a significant change in circumstances. They say, “(for example, a major environmental or economic event.)”
My question, firstly, for the member is: what is anticipated to be covered or consider as a “major environmental or economic event”? I think the reason why it’s really important that we get some clarity on this is because we know that, increasingly, it’s weekly, rather than monthly or yearly, where we are having significant major events when it comes to climate impacts. I’m interested as to whether there has been thought given to the fact that these events are increasing in nature, and what kind of threshold changes would constitute a significant event. So that’s my first question.
My second question is around those core obligations and relates to an Amendment Paper 726 that I have. Really, that’s about proposing, under clause 97(2)(a)(ii), that there’s an additional consideration which directions regional council decision-making when they’re setting their natural environment plan. That is around them having to have regard to “any emissions reduction plan prepared under section 5ZG of the Climate Change Response Act;”.
Now, why that is absolutely critical, and why I would really appreciate the member’s response to this suggestion, is that we know that a functional resource management system in 2026 should coherently talk to our climate change legislation. This is the bill the Government has consistently said is going to do the heavy lifting when it comes to emissions reductions and our response to climate change. It would make absolute sense—and we heard through a number of submitters throughout the entire process—that both the natural environment plans and the regional spatial plans should have these considerations. I’m really keen to hear the member’s response to that specifically. Thank you, Madam Chair.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’ll just respond to Arena Williams’ question around clause 97(4)(c)(i). If I understood the question correctly—
Arena Williams
Why isn’t it on land?
Can the member just please clarify? I wouldn’t consider it heckling.
Arena Williams
Why isn’t it on land as well?
Why isn’t the provision on 97(4)(c)(i) on land as well? There is an equivalent clause, I’ve been advised, in the Planning Bill which applies to land.
Madam Chair, if I may just answer Lan Pham’s question. In clause 97(3)(b), there is an example given about what a significant change in circumstances might be. That example is given as “a major environmental or economic event”. That stands. It’s clear. The clause provides for councils to respond in their plan to those matters, which is also a matter that Arena Williams raised in relation to Auckland floods. It’s important that councils have the ability to respond to a change in circumstances.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I take that last answer as that regional councils would have the ability to change the standardised rules if—yeah? OK, that’s great.
Clause 101 on page 109 is where I am. I’ve just listened to the member in the chair, Simon Court, answer that there is an equivalent provision in the Planning Bill to do with those land covenants that are in other Acts, but that doesn’t seem to apply to mahinga kai that is on land that is not in coastal areas. So when I ask about 101, it’s with that in mind.
The plan can’t allow an activity which will have an adverse effect on the coastal marine area where it’s protected for the gathering of shellfish or other kai—that’s great—where it’s a protected area under the takutai moana Act. I’m not arguing for a land-based similar clause. I’m arguing for the one piece of legislation which is exactly like Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou, which is the Titi Islands legislation 1978. That piece of legislation has its genesis from the deed of cession of Stewart Island in 1868. The reason that legislation is important is that a plan that allowed an activity which affected the titi on those islands would amount to the same sort of breach which is being prevented by this clause here. Clause 101 prevents an activity which would have an effect on the gathering of kai in the coastal area—same as those Titi Islands.
Some of these coastal areas that are protected under Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou’s Act are exactly the same kind of rocky outcrop formations that the islands adjacent to Stewart Island and Ruapuke are. They’re exactly the same sorts of islands with the same sorts of kai, but we’re talking about birds in the Titi Islands sense. So why is it OK that a plan in the south of the South Island can allow a permitted activity which will impact on the ability of gathering of a traditional food source, but for the hapū o Ngāti Porou, it will not? But there are only two pieces of legislation like that—it’s not like there are tonnes. Just include this one.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The matters that the member Arena Williams’ sought clarification on—on mahinga kai on land—are covered in the Planning Bill. I answered that in a previous answer.
In response to the member’s question about Titi Islands legislation, it’s not actually connected to the planning regime in the way customary fishing regulations are.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m actually just going to ask a question on the same clause, but it’s a different issue. This is clause 101(1), which says, “A natural environment plan or a proposed natural environment plan must not include a rule that classifies an activity as a permitted activity if that activity will, or is likely to, have an adverse effect that is more than minor”. So it does allow those minor impacts, and I understand that that’s a cross-reference to the specific wording within the Marine and Coastal Areas (Takutai Moana) Act as well.
My question is: what happens if there is initially a minor effect, but then that impact on the area increases and has a more detrimental impact; whether there’s a point of intervention? This applies to clause 101 and it’s repeated in clause 103 as well, which references minor impact. To my mind, I would read back into clause 94A and potentially see an independent hearing panel being able to be triggered at that stage. The reason I see that is because the options available to a group who are wishing for their customary rights to be protected are in clause 102, but that could take a considerable amount of time. In the circumstances I’ve described, we’ve got something that was initially minor, it’s now escalating in terms of its impact. You would want something triggered that allows a speedier resolution. So just whether I’m correct in terms of that being the pathway for someone in those circumstances.
Tēnā koe, Madam Chair. With respect to clause 114, Te Pāti Māori is really glad to see that the Treaty of Waitangi (Fisheries Claims) Settlement Act is being upheld in some capacity by the system. But we just want to confirm with the member in the chair, Simon Court, that this bill does not directly or indirectly alter any aspects of the fisheries settlement. I asked the Minister, actually, if this clause is sufficient to preserve the fisheries settlement in its entirety. It’s the first question there.
But when looking at the list of Treaty settlements, it would be remiss of me not to ask the member in the chair to please explain why other clauses to uphold settlements were not explicitly outlined in the original bill such as Te Ture Whaimana.
Are there any other Treaty settlements that will be breached by this bill in its current form? Are there any potential breaches that could be enabled by this bill? Those are my questions.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In response to Vanushi Walters’ question around “a plan must not permit an activity that has certain effects on protected customary rights”: yes. If an activity changes so that the impact is more than minor, then this clause would be triggered.
In response to the member Oriini Kaipara’s question, this provision that she referred to aligns with the Marine and Coastal Areas (Takutai Moana) Act. For the absence of any doubt whatsoever: the Government intends to uphold Treaty settlements to the greatest extent possible. There are provisions in Part 1 which set out the Crown’s intent. And no, we do not anticipate any Treaty breaches as a result of fulfilling the Crown’s obligations and achieving our intention.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Just confirming with the Minister: my question was about what happens when the impact changes—so it’s initially minor and then the impact changes. I assume that that answer means that then the plan would need to change or that the panel would convene because there had been a change in the circumstances. No need to reply if that’s the case on that one.
Just looking at clause 99 as well—which I wanted to ask first, but I wanted to piggyback off Arena Williams’ earlier question, which is why I went to clause 101. This says in clause 99(2)(b) a rule that allocates a natural resource use of activity “may allocate the natural resource in anticipation of the expiry of an existing permit:”. So my question is whether we could have a situation where a permit is extended, or for any other reason exceeds the period that we thought it would be in force for, causing complications in terms of any pre-emptive allocation. That was the first one. Let me see if I can find my second.
The other question I had was in relation to clause 103B. So this is the rules to protect other property from the effects of surface water. It specifies in subsection (1) that this applies for the purpose of protecting other property from the effects of surface water requirements. So I’m just curious about whether that is true for the property itself. So whether there can be more, higher performance criteria than the building code applied because the property itself would have water damage caused to it if it were only to comply with the building code. So just those two.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In response to the member Vanushi Walters’ questions around rules that may allocate a natural resource, it’s set out very clearly, in clause 99(2), that if there’s an existing allocation to an existing permit, the rule that allocates that resource, or that resource use activity, cannot allocate that same resource associated with that existing permit—that would not be fair on the existing permit holder—but may allocate the natural resource in anticipation of the expiry of an existing permit. That might be helpful when a permit holder is seeking renewal, or not continuing an activity, to be able to reallocate in anticipation of the expiry, rather than having a process where there’s a gap in the use of that resource.
If we just jump down to clause 99(2)(ca), “may allocate the natural resource to no type of activity:”—which, for the members’ benefit, particularly for those members who’ve been asking questions around the environment, means allocate resource to the environment.
In response to the member’s question, yes, the legislation does provide for rules to be made which create a higher test or a more strict condition than the building code, and that is likely to be in relation to natural hazards.
Kia ora, Madam Chair, thank you very much. I want to continue to examine clause 97 of Part 3.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Sorry, can you repeat that?
Page 106, clause 97.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
No, we’re not going backwards.
No, I’m not. I’m explaining what part of it I’m going into. I’m wanting to discuss clause 97(4) and going over to (b), (c), (d), and (e)—about all the Māori stuff—in clause 97. I’m not going backwards because we haven’t fully examined clause 97 yet.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Clause 97 is before clause 101.
Yeah, all of that. So from clause 97(4)—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
You’re missing my point, member.
Hon Rachel Brooking
Point of order. I acknowledge that we’ve been trying to move through, but, of course, there’s people in different places asking different questions, so it’s going to be impossible for us to sequence perfectly clause by clause. We’ve been doing subparts and saying when people are moving on to subparts.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I understand what you’re saying, but we’ve spent five hours on one part.
Hon Rachel Brooking
We’re on a different part now.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Yes, I know. And we’re not going to spend five hours on this one, I can tell.
Lan Pham
Point of order. We’re really happy to move through sequentially so that we’re not going back—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
What’s your point of order?
Lan Pham
I’m trying to speak to the—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
There’s no need. If the member has some new material to raise on that clause, go ahead. But we are not going backwards, OK. So raise your new material.
Ricardo Menéndez March
Speaking to the point of order.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Are you going to challenge?
Ricardo Menéndez March
No, I’m seeking your guidance—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Speaking to the point of order, Ricardo Menéndez March.
Ricardo Menéndez March
So this quite a new introduction of guidance of like the moving—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
No, it’s not. Sit down please, Mr—sit down Mr March. Sit down.
The parts of this clause that I want to examine which have not been spoken to yet by the member in the chair, Simon Court, is in relation to clause 97(4), head over to the page on page 107, where I want to talk about (b), (c), (d), and (e). All of these areas have not been discussed by anybody to date.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Clause 97(4) and (c) have been debated about 20 minutes ago.
No, no. We want to examine—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
OK. Go ahead. Quickly.
Thank you. So in terms of the way with which iwi Māori who have statutory acknowledgments, who may have mātaitai or non-commercial Māori customary fishing interests, and also the marine coastal area—MACA—Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Porou, we understand that the Minister or the regional council must take into account—kia aroha mai [my apologies], I lost my train of thought because of the raru—take into account matters relating to their input. So these are Māori groups with interest in these areas for local regional council to take into account their feedback, and other relevant groups. If we flip over to page 108, it also says that they are to “take into account the matters in the environmental covenant, to the extent that they relate to the part of the common marine and coastal area of the customary marine title area”.
So what I’m asking of the member in the seat is “taking into account” is written in the legislation, but what does that tangibly mean for councils in terms of the direction of travel that they are required to engage with iwi Māori? Is it meaningful enough or is this a paper-based desktop exercise? Is there like a hierarchy in terms of setting out how regional councils need to engage with these different iwi groups? It’s really good the way that it’s set out: it’s choice. We can see that there are different groups that are required to be engaged with, but it’s the taking into account that I want to unpack with the member in the seat. What does that look like? What are the expectations? I can’t see a hierarchy in terms of what that tangibly means in practice.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The member can answer.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
“Take into account” is a well-understood legal term. The member Hūhana Lyndon will find it throughout this legislation. It was commonly used in the Resource Management Act. I do acknowledge the member seeing that we have tried to be as particular as possible in the way that this is set out so that we provide for rights and interests.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m interested in the adaptive management incentives. I’m going to ask the member a question that I don’t think he will be surprised about, about Sustain Our Sounds. So I’m on page 111. Clause 104 is the first part of this, but it also relates to clause 167.
First: is the existing case law on adaptive management plans still meant to apply? I think that it does. So I want to ask him whether it’s still the case that clause 104 cannot lawfully be used where the environmental effects being monitored may become irreversible before the adaptive management trigger can operate. Essentially, the principal in Sustain our Sounds—for anyone who doesn’t know; I’ll just be quick—is that you can’t use adaptive management in a plan if the monitoring will show you a result once the harm has already irreversibly been done.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The adaptive management criteria here are set out clearly. The member Arena Williams’ question was: does existing jurisprudence and case law continue to apply? My expectation is it will apply as far as it continues to be, or matters that came up are relevant or outcomes are, within the scope of this legislation.
Thank you. I think that does require a change. I think what the member Simon Court has said—and he can correct me if I’m wrong—is that you can use an adaptive management plan if you have a monitoring mechanism which will indicate harm after it has been done, but you have to also fulfil the rest of the criteria which is set out in that section. I guess the problem with that, in say the case of the Sounds, was that once you have damage to a coastal area and a marine ecosystem, it is very hard to adapt over time to those adverse effects.
He’s got some adverse effects conditions here and I’m sure that they will be dealt with in the plans; even, you know, having a plan in the challenger area which sets bespoke provisions is allowed, but the question is, really, that these are, on the face of it, unlawful in the situation of, say, a salmon farm. They might be lawful in other situations, but I think what he’s told me is that they are lawful even in a salmon farm case.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
No, I’ll just clarify for the member Arena Williams: it can be any kind of harm that can then trigger the need for adaptive management.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Moving directly to my Amendment Paper 677. This is a topic that I haven’t got to at all; it’s new topic because it’s to do with core obligations when preparing and deciding natural environment plans. I’ve had a previous Amendment Paper on this, on a different subject. This one is about the necessity that the core obligations, when preparing and deciding a natural environment plan—that the regional council actually ensure that none of those provisions are conflicting with an environmental limit.
I’m really interested in the member Simon Court’s thoughts around this and commentary around this, because, presumably, the key thing that we want to achieve when it comes to natural environment plans is some improvement in environmental limits, noting that those limits have already been set, not on an environmental basis, but with the community’s social and economic needs. Therefore, given that they are already in a compromised state, would it be worthwhile—from the member and his Government—to actually put it as a core obligation that that will be a key consideration when it comes to the setting of those plans?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In response to the member Lan Pham, in relation to her Amendment Paper 677: there are already sufficient safeguards to ensure decisions in a regional spatial plan do not breach limits. For example, clause 97(2)(a) requires a regional council to comply with the environmental limits when preparing the natural environment plan. Clause 60B requires councils to take all reasonable steps to avoid breaching environmental limits; 50B(3), limits—you only have to have “regard to the regional spatial plan” rather than implement. This allows flexibility to ensure that the natural environment plan implements a spatial plan, but could do this in line with the obligation.
The natural environment plan in clause 97(3) doesn’t have to implement regional spatial plan if new information supersedes the information used for the regional spatial plan or if there’s a major event. I thank the member for her consideration, for the amendment, but we won’t be proceeding with that.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m going to move to—but noting that other people might not have moved to where I’m moving to quite yet—clause 111; that’s an exciting number to say, isn’t it?
Glen Bennett
It’s an emergency.
It is an emergency, Glen Bennett. We’re in an emergency with 111 because this is—
Hon Members
Regulatory relief.
—regulatory relief; and boo! Tonight, Madam Chair—and you were in the chair last night when I had a similar amendment paper on a different bill—I have Amendment Paper 666, and I’m quite excited about that. It is just so apt that it is on this clause.
Hon Member
Section of the beast!
That’s right. Regulatory relief even becomes more important after tonight’s conversations about environmental limits and how, whilst there are health limits, the environmental limits could be nothing because of these regulatory relief provisions and other costings and economic factors that are coming in. So this is your chance, member Court. This is your chance to do the right thing, to say yes to 666.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I feel that the member has some insights into my Spotify playlist. However, the Government will not be accepting the member’s amendment to remove regulatory relief from the system. I made the case very clearly last night when clarifying the intention of regulatory relief. It is possible, and it is intended, that if councils seek to impose controls on private property in relation to indigenous biodiversity under the Natural Environment Bill—soon to be Act, touch wood—they will be able to, but they will not be able to do it without confronting the costs of any proposed application of the planning rule in relation to indigenous biodiversity that impacts the property owner, above the threshold provided for in legislation.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m really keen to pick up on regulatory relief, and particularly noting the previous Chairs last night, when we were on the Planning Bill, advised to save all of our natural environment - related questions and content on regulatory relief for this bill, so I just want to flag that because it is in Schedule 3 of the Planning Bill, but the implications of it are very clear throughout there, and the Chair made that really clear that we would draw that line and move that part of the debate into this bill, so that’s where I’m moving to now. Thank you, Madam Chair, and that’s in response to being on clause 111 of Part 3.
Picking up from where we were, moving into the indigenous biodiversity aspects of the regulatory relief, what I’m really interested to hear from the member is the very little information that we had at the Environment Committee about regulatory relief was this extremely wide—and, actually, the report itself made it clear that it was sort of like putting your finger in the air and making up a number. But the number that they arrived at when they looked at what regulatory relief might actually cost councils, and therefore ratepayers, was in the realm of $2 billion. What I’m really interested to understand is whether the member and the Government have any more detailed information that they can share with councils and the public tonight about the aspect of that regulatory relief cost when it comes to the protection or otherwise of indigenous biodiversity.
I’m really interested in that particularly, because I understand from the provisions in this bill that there is no ability, for example, to put in place general vegetation rules—clearance rules around vegetation. What that means is that there’s a really high bar, now, when it comes to significant areas of biodiversity. When you’re below that and you basically—the biodiversity is essentially invisible. What I’d love to understand is if the Minister has more detailed responses about the cost to communities when we so clearly heard—particularly from councils across the board, but particularly those smaller councils like Waitaki or MacKenzie—that they will be unable to put in adequate protections that protect the biodiversity in their council area. So I really invite comments from the member.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Firstly, I’m absolutely stoked that the member Lan Pham is picking up regulatory relief. Excellent, we’re making great progress. But I’m concerned that the member might seek, through the planning system or environmental protection system, to protect invisible biodiversity.
I mean there may be microbes—we did get into algae at one point. But let’s be clear, the purpose of regulatory relief is when councils identify indigenous biodiversity that meets the threshold warranting consideration for protection on private property, that they will carry out an assessment. And if that assessment shows that there’s an impact on the use of that private property, which exceeds the threshold, which might trigger a regulatory relief conversation, they can first offer the private property owner the ability to receive that protection, that planning protection, voluntarily for no exchange of money or any other relief.
Because there are some people who say, “You know what? That patch of bush at the bottom of the farm that we’ve fenced off, if you’ve identified that as significant indigenous biodiversity that needs to be protected, we’re happy to accept that protection.” Some people might say, “Well, I was going to put it into a QEII covenant, but if I can achieve the same level of protection with a planning control, and it sits there on my property, that’s fine.” But as I explained extensively last night, the purpose of the regulatory relief approach is that councils that seek to impose these controls on private property are forced to, firstly, test themselves as to whether it’s really necessary and meets the significance test. These matters will be set down in regulations and there will be national standards around these matters. And if it meets the threshold, then there will be a process where councils can go through and, potentially, in exchange for protection of what they consider important public value and private property, they will be able to offer the property owner where that protection impacts their property in a way that triggers regulatory relief mechanism—rates relief, cash, additional development opportunities, another part of the property, or additional development opportunities on another property that that owner owns.
I’ll come to the member’s question. Essentially the member brought the MartinJenkins report into the debate, which estimated the potential cost of regulatory relief to council somewhere between $7 million and $2 billion. And look, I mean, some reports are really valuable, and the value in this report that shows you that there’s not a lot of people who understand how the system works. Minister Bishop and I have been very clear how the system works. I explained it in detail last night and there are many who have told me, over many years, since I began the work of developing the concepts and the policy that now has led to the development of this legislation we’re talking about today, time and time again, that protections like significant natural areas have been applied to private property in a way that impacts people’s ability to use their land at no cost, and if no tension against what the council might seek to impose. So for the first time in New Zealand history, in fact, for the first time that we know of, a system is going to be applied that puts a referee on the field—a test councils have to pass.
Now, many have asked, “Well, if it’s so novel, how do you know how it’s going to work?” Well, there is actually something that’s not too different; it’s called the Public Works Act. When, if a designating entity seeks to take land or restrict the use of land for a purpose, the landowner is entitled to compensation. That’s not a novel concept. It’s the first time it’s been done in resource management.
So for the member’s benefit and the benefits of the committee—I explained this in great detail last night—this provision refers to Part 4, Schedule 3 of the Planning Act 2025. I’ve been over it in detail. I’m happy to clarify a few matters, but we covered it extensively last night. The provision that this applies to in the Natural Environment Bill—there is only one matter—is significant indigenous biodiversity. So I’m happy to take further questions, but probably not a lot more content I can add.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Just on that point about the regulatory relief—my question is brief. It’s about the incentives for council to find any way that they can to make the sorts of changes that they need to protect ecosystems and biodiversity without using the biodiversity limb here because the member in the chair has given two ways for councils to, effectively, protect different sorts of animals, wildlife. One is by the system inputs, say water quality, say ecosystem protections, which don’t attract regulatory relief, or the system measurables, e.g. the number of eels, which does attract regulatory relief. So won’t we just see councils using the ecosystem protections which don’t attract regulatory relief to actually get the outcomes that they need?
I’ve got one more.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
How might councils protect indigenous biodiversity? They could make a park—this is outside the scope of this legislation by the way—they could turn a park into a forest; they could use their budget to make an appropriation and a long term plan to make an investment in public values of indigenous biodiversity. But what they won’t be able to do, without being confronted with a regulatory relief provision, is apply these controls to achieve public values on private property.
The other question that I had, twigged by the member in the chair, talking about those cash payments. Is that also part of the incentives regime? At clause 105, you’ve introduced what is a pretty novel, I think good, introduction to the Resource Management Act, which isn’t a feature of our planning law or the planning law of other countries.
Incentives make sense in the system, but I’m assuming that those won’t be cash payments, because a local authority distributing ratepayers money to system users does seem to be over and above what the normal function of public power would be—redistributing rates to other ratepayers in the form of a cash payment like that.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In answer to that question: how would I, standing here tonight, anticipate incentives? Look, this is important—
Arena Williams
It’s just about the cash.
Cash, potentially—but let’s be clear, natural environment plan might provide an incentive for a landowner trying to take an activity. Look, I’ve described additional development opportunities that may be available in exchange for voluntarily agreeing to, say, fence off or protect a piece of land that has indigenous biodiversity values on it. All of these matters are available to councils.
CATHERINE WEDD (National—Tukituki)
I move, That the debate on this question now close.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I’m just going to check if there are questions about aquaculture or joint plans.
Hon Rachel Brooking
Yes, I’ve got questions on clauses 128, “Wildlife approvals”, and also—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
OK, there’s a little bit left to go.
Hon Rachel Brooking
—schedules; there’s a number of schedules as well. I don’t have many questions on them.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The Hon Rachel Brooking.
Point of order, Madam Chair. Can I please clarify the advice that was given to us, from the chair last night, that we would have a fulsome assessment of the regulatory relief provisions for biodiversity. It is on the Hansard. I tried to clarify with the chair last night whether we needed anything formal. His response was, “It is on the Hansard, it will be followed through with.”
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Yes, we’ve had a line of questioning and I’ve listened to the answers. There’s nothing new coming out of the answers. But I’ve also got another call that I’m taking. I haven’t taken a closure motion. So just let us get on with it.
Thank you, Madam Chair. How about we just do some jumping around because we do have—I don’t think anyone’s touched on any of the schedules that apply to this part. Those Schedules are 2, 2A, 3, 4, and 5. I will pre-empt my comment by saying I don’t have very many comments on those schedules, but other members may.
At clause 128, the section about wildlife approvals, I have a tabled amendment to that, which is to—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Just to the member, I think that is Part 4.
Oh, have I moved on to Part 4 already?
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
But I’m happy to move on.
Oh, there we go. Sorry, I have moved on. So I think I’ll sit down. You won’t need to hear from me again, but, my colleagues, you do.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
So in response to my question before—
Sorry, no, I didn’t have anything. I’ve moved on to Part 4.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
I’m going to take one more call.
Thank you, Madam Chair. A few questions. Given that the existing Resource Management Act (RMA) controls that are in place with plans right now have been known to purchasers since their introduction and therefore internalised in terms of their land values, what is the justification for allowing the retrospective application for the relief regime? Now, the Government can swear black and blue that the retrospective nature does not exist, when they know full well that every single protection that currently exists—particularly for biodiversity, but across sites of significance for Māori—everything will be new under the new system and will be subject to regulatory relief. Now, we’ve already had pointed out very clearly to us, and I would like to understand if the member Simon Court has understood, the example of Auckland Council, where, before they even put in these rules, they have to do a property level assessment of over 20,000 properties that could be subject to regulatory relief. I’m really interested in that question.
My next question is: will assistance and compensation that has already been provided to landowners for RMA restrictions—and this has happened in a number of areas, but I want to give particularly the example of assistance provided to farmers in Taranaki around their riparian strips, which we all support. If that protection is then removed later on, why do the bills not require them to pay the council back?
I would also like to hear the Minister provide any possible assurances that the most important areas of biodiversity and landscape will be prioritised for protection, given the ecological and, actually, economic importance to these areas. That is different to the relative ability of the councils to actually pay for them, because I would really love to understand and hear from the member what the actual response is to the council saying not only is this unworkable; it will cause a chilling effect on biodiversity protections and sites of significance for Māori, and they will not be able to pay for it. This should be entirely relevant and something that we are able to explore, given how novel, as the member has said consistently, this regime is, and he’s also completely discredited the only part of information in that MartinJenkins report that he has. So if you don’t have that, what evidence is the member actually basing this whole novel concept on, other than ideology?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
It is not ideology to visit a property and to speak to a widow whose property was affected—75 percent of whose property was affected—by the application of overlays, including significant natural areas, after her husband died, and she had no recourse whatsoever—no recourse. It’s come to your contention, Lan Pham, that those who experience these controls now should know what it feels like and be happy to accept that. No—no. If they have purchased a property with the controls on them, then they will not be eligible for regulatory relief in the new system if those controls are similar. But if they did not willingly accept the controls, if they were imposed on them, then of course if a council intends to impose those type of controls that meet the threshold to protect significant indigenous biodiversity, a regulatory relief assessment and potentially regulatory relief—they will be subject to that.
Now, whether a council, having gone through the exercise of working out what’s significant, what the cost might be, what the options might be—because there might be many properties where they might wish to protect the public value of significant indigenous biodiversity, where they say, “You know what, actually, we could exchange development rights. Half the property has got significant indigenous biodiversity on it. The other half might be suitable to build”—I don’t know—“a condo on it.” All of this is going to be available to us to explore and determine in a transparent fashion. It’s never been done before in New Zealand, and this is vitally important.
Those are the trade-offs. Caveat emptor applies. If they bought a property with the existing controls and it turns out they’re similar in the new system, they won’t be eligible. We’ve been very clear: it’s not retrospective, and the trade-offs are going to be transparent. I’ve covered this extensively last night.
I understand that the member has concerns about loss of indigenous biodiversity. All I would urge the member is to provide feedback on illustrative national policy directions currently out for non-statutory consultation, to remain engaged with the development of national standards around regulatory relief, and to remain engaged in her community and through the process so that—being probably one of the more qualified people in regulatory relief now, having picked it up, as she told me in her introduction to a previous question—she remains engaged, she remains an advocate for it. We’re going to pass the legislation; it’s going to be implemented.
Thank you, Madam Chair, and thank you for taking this call when I had indicated I was going to jump into Wildlife Act approvals and go to Schedule 2A, but then I realised my mistake, and that is that schedules—I think it’s—3, 4 and 5 are all in Part 3, not Part 4. I don’t know why I hadn’t worked that out, so apologies for that.
But I do think Schedule 5 is very important, because Schedule 5 is the farm plans schedule, and it’s been changed a lot in Amendment Paper 710. Freshwater farm plans are in Schedule 5, and this is related to section 125—and I’m happy for the Clerk or someone to tell me I’m wrong again, jumping around, but I think I’m in the right part. These are major changes being made at this late stage, and there are changes to auditing and that the certifier can be the auditor, which doesn’t make very much sense to me.
I do have an Amendment Paper, and that is No. 705. At clause 9, there is “Audit of farm for compliance with freshwater farm plan”, and it says there that a farm operator must do some things. It says, “The audit must be completed in the manner prescribed in regulations.” Then, at subclause (3), “The farm operator must provide the auditor with reasonable access to the farm”. I’ve added in new subclause (4): “The frequency of audits must be determined based on the level of risk.” So that would be good.
I’ve just been a bit worried by some of the rhetoric that’s been going around about the freshwater farm plans and these changes, which I won’t go through in detail, but I’m happy for the member in the chair, Simon Court, to make any further comments on them. But will he consider my amendment? I am interested in making sure that if freshwater farm plans are to be robust and if they are to be a useful mechanism for those farmers and processes to be able to demonstrate the good things that they’re doing, then I think it’s important that not only is there a certification aspect, but when they are audited, that audit is independent and aligns with the level of risk as well, to use the language of some other people.
That’s my question on Schedule 5. I will leave that there for the member to answer and I’ll try and see if I’ve got any other questions on the other schedules now I’ve remembered.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I appreciate that the member the Hon Rachel Brooking wants to see risk managed effectively, but the amendment the member proposes is not necessary. The system already incorporates risk by determining which farm plans are certified and audited. The frequency of auditing is determined by the completion or not of actions, and an audit fail triggers a re-audit within 12 months.
TOM RUTHERFORD (National—Bay of Plenty)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.
Ayes 67
Noes 50
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Motion agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Minister’s amendments to Part 3 set out on Amendment Paper 710 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 50
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment inserting clause 97(2)(a)(iii) set out on Amendment Paper 726 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment inserting clause 97(3)(c) set out on Amendment Paper 677 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 97(4)(a) set out on Amendment Paper 681 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment inserting clause 97(4)(c)(vi) set out on Amendment Paper 685 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment inserting new clause 100 set out on Amendment Paper 746 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment deleting clause 111 set out on Amendment Paper 666 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendments to clause 122 set out on Amendment Paper 713 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendments not agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 3 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 50
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Part 3 as amended agreed to.
Part 4 Natural resource permits, and Schedules 2 and 2A
Part 4 Natural resource permits, and Schedules 2 and 2A
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Members, we come now to Part 4. This is the debate on clauses 126 to 203—“Natural resource permits”—Schedule 2, “Information required in application for natural resource permit”; and Schedule 2A, “Process for obtaining wildlife approvals under this Act”. The question is that Part 4 stand part.
Point of order. Thank you, Madam Chair. I just want to seek your clarification regarding the previous part, because I think, as my colleague the Hon Rachel Brooking has suggested, there was a little bit of misunderstanding around the fact that Schedule 2 and 2A, as you just said, actually come before Schedules 3 to 5, which are in a previous section. Now, while the Hon Rachel Brooking has spoken on Schedule 5, I just want to seek clarification—there were additional questions on Schedules 3 and 4, but while we were trying to seek a call, we noticed that our microphones weren’t working and they might not be audible. I just want to check—
Hon Member
You don’t need a mic.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
Points of order are heard in silence, please.
I do want to check with you, Madam Chair, what is, I guess, the recourse and what are the options for us when, for example, there are still two quite substantial schedules in the previous part that we weren’t able to debate on. Again, in light of the fact that unfortunately we thought that—
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
We’re now up to Part 4. No one’s mic is on unless they’re speaking, so that’s not a disadvantage. You can stand on your seat—no, you can’t, but you could wave your hands, do cartwheels in the aisle, but we won’t be going backwards.
No—no. Absolutely. I completely understand. We won’t be doing cartwheels, just for your clarification. I could do one, but I won’t. But I just want to check if it’s OK with you that in those cases, we were standing up and we were trying to take calls or raise points of order, but if the mic isn’t on, I just want to check with you that it’s OK if we raise our voice a little bit just so that any Chair in the seat is able to hear.
CHAIRPERSON (Maureen Pugh)
As long as it’s not louder than Tom Rutherford.
Tom Rutherford
Bring it on.
Is that a challenge? But yes, thank you. That’s helpful.
Madam Chair, I’m worried for my eardrums. Anyway, clause 128: as foreshadowed, we’d like to speak about clause 128. This is “Wildlife approvals”, and I’m sure other members will have things to say about this as well because it is a substantive change in that wildlife approvals will now be able to be granted through this replacement Resource Management Act process. We raised some concerns with this in our differing view and said that the bill should retain the Department of Conservation as decision maker for the Wildlife Act approvals and that it should specify appropriate time frames, if time frames were the issue, and still keep the department as the decision maker, but if there are time issues then those could be inserted into this legislation.
I have got a tabled amendment from 7.55 p.m., 26 August—I think it was last night; yes, it was last night. It’s just to delete the whole section. It’s not the most elegant amendment and I’d be happy to amend it to make it align with our differing view.
I do want to also note a concern that we had that there was a change in the Environment Committee about looking at applicants’ behaviour and whether or not they’d been convicted before, but there was a decision in the select committee not to require this information when the approval is transferred to a third party. So if I had a bad track record and was applying for a wildlife permit, that would be relevant, but if Arena Williams had a good track record, got the permit and then transferred it to me, then that would be fine—and that seems like, well, shouldn’t I just not be getting the permit if I’ve got this bad track record? I’d invite the member in the chair, Simon Court, to consider a change around that aspect, as well as making the Department of Conservation the decision maker.
Now, I’ll just quickly flick through to Schedule 2A, and this is the schedule that’s been inserted to deal with these wildlife approvals. I note a good change that appears to be made—I mean, it might have come from somewhere else, so the member in the chair can feel free to tell me if this is not a good change; if I’m misattributing goodness. But at clause 24 of Schedule 2A on page 275, there’s an insertion at (3A) noting “The Department may recover directly from a permit authority the Department’s reasonable costs incurred in providing advice under clause 4.” Why I say that it’s good is that I, of course, would like the Department of Conservation to be the decision maker within time frames in the first place, but if I can’t have that—and I would like it and I would like the member to speak to that—then it is good that the department can do cost recovery, because they are so under-funded and they need to do that.
I also note that some of the entities that can be consulted include a relevant iwi authority or post-settlement governance entity. I wonder if there also needs to be a provision for them to recover directly any reasonable costs incurred.
So I’ll round this contribution up: on Schedule 2A, this insertion at subclause (3A) that the department may recover costs—is that new or has it just been repurposed from somewhere else? Second, what about relevant iwi authorities in terms of cost recovery? And then, going back to clause 128, would the member consider reverting to the department being the decision maker but prescribing time limits for the department to make timely decisions?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
In response to the member the Hon Rachel Brooking’s question on Wildlife Act approvals, just to be clear, the bill creates a dedicated wildlife approvals process that can be processed alongside natural resource permits, retains key Wildlife Act protections, including safeguards for species viability and local populations with threatened or at-risk wildlife, and decision makers must consider relevant Department of Conservation guidance and advice, and adverse effects must be addressed. The member did confirm that this was extensively canvassed at the Environment Committee, and the Amendment Paper does not include any changes to what was reported back to the House. You’ll see there’s no changes in clause 128.
Just in response to the member’s question about Schedule 2A, clause 24(3A): the insertion of the clause, “The Department may recover directly from a permit authority the Department’s reasonable costs incurred in providing advice”, essentially corrects a drafting error omission to make it clear that when the department is required to provide advice or advice is sought in relation to a Wildlife Act permit application, the department is entitled to recover its direct costs.
In response to the member’s question as to whether the Government would consider amending the legislation to take up her amendment: no.
Thank you, Madam Chair. A general question, firstly, about Schedule 2A. I’ve heard the Government’s description and the member in the chair’s description of this as moving to a system of a one-stop shop. It makes sense at one level that you would have one approval for land use and certain wildlife—that you wouldn’t do that twice—but then it begs the question: well, is Schedule 2A the same legal test as applied under the old Wildlife Act test but for, obviously, the decision maker being different and giving different weighting consideration? Is it the same mechanism? That’s the question around Schedule 2A.
The other question I have is, you know, with the environmental regulator changing in this part from the Department of Conservation (DOC) to the councils, do councils then need to take into account those things that DOC would have been able to consider, like whether—you know, essentially they were asking the question, “Is this person a suitable person to move and disturbed wildlife?”, and not the question that the councils are asking, which is, “Is this land appropriate for development?” Is the council also empowered to make that sort of judgment when granting the application, when they don’t necessarily have that expertise? As it works now—say, if you’re a forestry company; say, if you’re a quarrying company—you will have someone on staff who is sort of qualified to deal with the making of their wildlife applications and to have expertise to engage the right people. To the member in the chair, Simon Court: do you think that system will continue?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Yes, and in response to the member Arena Williams’ earlier question, which I omitted to respond to fully, and the member has brought back the same question in some other form, the transfer—this relates to the transfer of permits—mirrors the Natural Environment Bill’s permit approach. Transfer has to comply with conditions and the transfer process provides visibility over the parties involved in the transfer. Councils can still use other tools, like increased inspection and monitoring frequency, if they’re concerned—for example, if they’re aware of issues or they’re not familiar with the operator; or, if there’s an individual who’s been the responsible person for this in an organisation like a quarry business, they can be more involved. Those protections and that responsiveness are still available in the system.
Thank you, Madam Chair. That really did answer my questions, and then the only questions I have remaining are specifically about airports. There are some provisions that are specially for airports, but I want to ask whether those provisions that exist under the old regime for airports—which are very restrictive for wildlife; appropriately so—but that are not put in place through this new sort of regime will still be carried over. The really restrictive rules that I’m talking about are for birds. Airports need to constantly be moving birds away from their runway, and it makes sense about why. But lots of them are also in places—say on the Manukau Harbour; Auckland Airport is home to a significant proportion of New Zealand’s rarest dotterels. You understand the issues here. They’re really specific consents. Are they going to just port over?
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m really pleased to take a first call on wildlife permits, because I was unable to take a call on coastal matters, water conservation orders, farm environment plans, or precautionary principles. So I really appreciate being able to speak to this one, in particular. That’s because it is a novel new aspect which is introduced through this bill. What I’m really interested to pick up on specifically in Schedule 2A is clause 4—this is in Part 1 of Schedule 2A—where the permit authority may request advice from the department. That refers to the Department of Conservation, which is a good thing.
Now, the concern here with them asking the department for advice is that later in the clause, it makes it really clear that the department is under no obligation to provide advice under this clause.
This comes squarely back to the fact that the Department of Conservation (DOC), who do hold the expertise to understand what wildlife approvals and the implications are for the often highly endangered biodiversity where the developments or activities are going to impact—they not only have the expertise but the protective purpose in their own legislation and oversight to enable that to be the best possible information. Now, the problem and the concern, which I’m really interested in hearing the member Simon Court’s response to, is if DOC, they may either choose not to—I don’t know why they would choose not to, but they may choose not to; they may also be unable to because they are under strict resourcing capacity where budget cuts have really crippled their ability to respond to these things. They may be simply unable to respond to these requests from the permitting authority.
What I’m really interested to hear the member advise—particularly those who submitted on this, but also the councils who are going to be tasked with undertaking this new role—what is their recourse there? Are they then implicated that they have to make a decision no matter what, even if they don’t have adequate advice from DOC? What is their recourse? I think what’s really concerning with it—and I’d love to hear the Minister comment specifically on this—is that councils themselves will also be under extreme resource capacity issues, particularly when it comes to the rates cap that this Government is putting in place.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
No, we’re moving on—that’s a completely different matter. I want the questions to relate—
It’s—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I know.
Thank you, it’s about the capacity. I’m not going to say anything else about it. It was the example about the capacity of councils. which we know are strained. Thank you, Madam Chair.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ll respond to a couple of questions to the member Arena Williams’ questions about airports. The question was around: do existing permits need—for wildlife, birds; it might be in an airport precinct. Those permits do not need to transfer. There’s an existing permit; it stays where it is. It doesn’t need to transfer into the new system or be reissued but if they wanted to apply for a wildlife permit under the provisions of the Natural Environment Bill for something else, some other activity, that would be a matter for them to decide under which legislation they applied.
In response to member Lan Pham’s question in relation to Schedule 2A, clause 4, “Permit authority may request advice from [the] Department”: if the member’s concerned about Department of Conservation (DOC) resourcing—I answered a question in relation to Rachel Brooking’s question on clause 24(3A) of Schedule 2A, which provides for the department to be able to recover the costs of giving advice so, in that respect, that should not be a barrier to seeking advice. But I’ve been advised that clause 4(2), “The Department is under no obligation to provide advice under this clause.”—because this legislation cannot compel the department to do something, but I think it’s entirely reasonable to anticipate that where advice is sought for a matter that crosses the threshold of where it’s important, DOC would be able to provide that advice and recover the costs of it.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you to the member for relaying that. What I am interested in is about the transfer of the function once the consent or the activity is actually granted; this is my next question on wildlife permits. My understanding is that once the activity is granted, all the compliance and enforcement actually sits with the regional council. That means there’s no authority for the Department of Conservation (DOC) in that space. What I’m interested in understanding from the member Simon Court is: what is the mechanism for the regional council to either be resourced or advised from DOC about what adequate monitoring and compliance would look like for that, and what is DOC’s role, if anything? My understanding is that they’d be completely hands off from that point. Do they have any oversight? What we understand about these wildlife permit pathways is that they’re entirely at the discretion of the applicant, whether they go down the Department of Conservation route or the council approval route. Now, should that be something that is really clarified in these bills—that there should be, or could be, an oversight role for DOC so that it’s not just passed over to under-resourced councils.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Resourcing is a matter for the organisation, but let’s be clear—and I mentioned this in my opening comments in response to questions about this matter—this provision retains key Wildlife Act protections, including safeguards for species viability, local populations, threatened or at risk wildlife, and decision makers must consider relevant Department of Conservation guidance and advice. I would expect, if there was advice forthcoming about a monitoring regime and potentially an adaptive management regime or whatever it was, that would be incorporated by the consenting authority into conditions. Of course, any adverse effects must be addressed.
I’m wanting to clarify around wildlife approvals, and in particular, if we go to clause 16 of Schedule 2A—“Decision-making framework”—where there’s a requirement for “Notification of a relevant iwi authority or post-settlement governance entity”. I’m wanting to explore—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Please limit the noise to my right.
—clause 16 in relation to the notification of the iwi authority or the post-settlement governance entity (PSGE). In this clause 16(1) and (2), it talks about the fact that the “permit authority must notify any … iwi authority or [PSGE] about [the] application for a wildlife approval if it considers that [the] notification is required to give effect to [a] Treaty settlement redress.”
There’s a couple of questions that I want to ask in relation to this, because there’s an assumption here that mana whenua or iwi of the rohe—all are settled. Therefore, is this a limiting factor, the way that we are posing this part of the legislation where it’s focused on iwi authorities and post-settlement governance entities, and you’ll only be notified if it’s related to settlement redress? Even if you do have a settlement and your Treaty settlement redress may not be relevant to this, should you still not be notified, but then, what if you aren’t settled—what if you aren’t settled? And I think about us in the North; there’s quite a few that don’t have settlements—but we are active in this space and we have a council or Crown relationships established, and we are recognised with Crown mandates. Should we still not be advised for this purpose?
If I can just ask a couple of questions with the member Simon Court to carry on this line of questioning.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Yes, he was just jumping up to answer your question; Simon Court.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’m not familiar with the particular circumstances or status of the groups that the member Hūhana Lyndon described, but under clause 16(1) of Schedule 2A, “A permit authority must notify any relevant iwi authority or post-settlement governance entity”. I expect there will be provision for authorities that aren’t post-settlement governance entities but, again, we’re trying to be as definitive as possible about what the obligations are on decision makers. It’s pretty clear in that clause.
Yes, thank you. If I can carry on with this line of questioning, because it makes an assumption that the Māori relationship with the Crown is just based on Treaty settlement alone, but we know that we have—
Simon Court
No, it’s—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The member’s saying that’s not correct, so maybe we might clarify that.
Yeah, I guess because it’s not explicit.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Just before the member carries on, the member in the chair said no, so I think we want to clarify because I don’t want you to go down a line of questioning that isn’t correct.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
It does refer to post-settlement governance entities (PSGEs)—in other words, settled iwi—but it also makes explicit provision in clause 16(1) for “any relevant iwi authority”, so there’s obviously the opportunity there for organisations that are PSGEs.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I appreciate that, because there are many that have operated under the previous Resource Management Act (RMA) regime who were recognised as iwi. I’d like to note entities such as Patuharakeke Te Iwi Trust Board or Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Hine. These entities have had recognised RMA iwi status for a really long time, so that gives comfort to the fact that they could still be considered iwi authorities in this space. If we go to subclause (2) here, so clause 16(2), if a permit authority notifies any iwi authority or post-settlement governance entity, “the permit authority must notify the applicant in the manner prescribed in regulations”—oh, and then it’s scrubbed out “if it decides to do so.” So, OK, it’s going to happen, because it’s scrubbed out.
I want to go over and consider or bring to light the voice of iwi of Te Wai Pounamu, particularly Ngāti Kuia of Te Tauihu o Te Waka, who shared in their submissions to the select committee where it had grave concerns that the proposal to transfer the Wildlife Act authorisations away from the Department of Conservation, a system which the iwi was used to and comfortable with. If it was transferred and there was a lesser obligation with respect to Te Tiriti o Waitangi, they would have grave concerns, because, fundamentally, the importance of wildlife authorisations should be a requirement of the Te Tiriti relationship anyhow. That was emphasised also by Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu, who shared that giving effect to Te Tiriti o Waitangi should remain a principal obligation of decision making when it comes to taonga such as wildlife, whatever side of the continuum we go to.
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
Look, I apologise to the member. In my previous answer in relation to relevant iwi authority post-settlement governance entities—I have been advised that relevant iwi authorities are associated with post-settlement governance entities, so on that basis, there is no additional provision for this clause to apply to other groups. I apologise to the member. I did not mean to mislead her; I just misunderstood what those terms meant.
In response to the question the member raised about concerns that groups might have where they’re familiar with the Department of Conservation process but not familiar with this process—look, we are providing this additional process through this legislation. It’s a dedicated wildlife approvals process that can be processed alongside natural resource permits. While groups might not be familiar with this process, we intend that it addresses the same issues and provides for the same processes, and there will be an opportunity for them to engage.
Thank you. Just in closing, to round off this, then—because we’ve had a bit of discussion around what is the definition of the iwi authority yesterday, last night, and today—it’s great to hear from the member in the chair confirming that an iwi authority is associated with settlement. We heard last night that large natural groupings that have a mandate with the Crown who might be entering into negotiations won’t be recognised—because that was clarified last night—for the purposes of these bills in the new system as iwi authorities. That was confirmed last night in the Planning Bill. Hapū groupings that are moving together, who have a Crown mandate, will not be recognised as iwi authorities. Groupings that have been moving through the Resource Management Act process over a number of years, a solid 20 years - odd—I talk about Patuharakeke again, in Whangārei, and Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Hine as examples. They have been operating as iwi authorities under the Resource Management Act for a long time, but they will be excluded in being defined as an iwi authority in the Natural Environment Bill. We are limiting and narrowing the scope of what iwi authorities are, because it’s all based on settlement now. Is that how we are now in terms of the Crown-Māori relationship—it’s only those that are settled?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
I’ve been advised that this clause and the description here apply only to these Wildlife Act matters.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to take us to clause 169, on page 146. I am jumping ahead, but the reason I want to get to this part is because the natural resource permits have something I’m particularly interested in, which is the bond regime. The bond regime is going to work in a different way, I think, under the new provisions, because it allows councils to have a sort of ongoing interest in consents as they are intended to play out. You have these consents, which are either conditional—that’s in the first part of the Act, and that’s a slightly different kind of creature than the consents that exist at the moment. But the bond regime is something that carries over from the Resource Management Act (RMA). There are particular ways that this is different. The first is that in the member’s version, the bond regime’s conditions are set out in secondary legislation—they’re not kept in the primary legislation—so they can be changed. I imagine that’s how he’s going to make sure that they work with those consents, which can be updated across time.
There are two things that bonds might be able to apply to. They’re very under-used in the resource management system as it is now, so, hopefully, this will be a bigger feature of the system now that there are conditional consents. Decommissioning is one. If you’re a quarry owner and you want to move out of owning that quarry, you might have a bond with the council so that if you fold up your company, you’ve still indemnified the council for the cost of the clean-up, say. Or there’s a second one, and this is what I’m asking about, because it’s new: it’s stormwater. Is the member in the chair intending to be able to use conditional consenting and bonds to be able to consent more flexibly for things like stormwater and water provision in housing developments? These are things where councils actually, effectively, do do this in practice, where councils with a very large housing developer are able to say to that housing developer that they have confidence that they’ll stand behind the development and be able to provide the stormwater works. I want to be able to do that—can this do that?
SIMON COURT (Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister Responsible for RMA Reform)
The question the member asked, as far as it relates to housing developments—this legislation is the Natural Environment Bill, so I can’t provide any advice on that. But what I can say is that the bond regime is essentially the same as the Resource Management Act, but broader powers to improve other financial assurances are set out in Schedule 8 of the Planning Bill.
Lan Pham
Point of order, Madam Chair. I can’t hear the member.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Yeah, there’s a lot of talking going on over there. I’m just trying to get this answer really quickly from Simon Court, because the Minister is in the Chamber and he needs to be in the chair, and it was because I knew that Simon Court had heard the question. But you are right—there was a lot of noise. We’re all good. We’ll swap now.
Arena Williams
Why don’t you do the call from your chair?
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Simon Court can take a call from over there, but the Minister must be here. Had you finished, Simon Court?
In response to the question from the Chair, I had completed my answer.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
That’s great. Thank you.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I have a question for the Minister regarding a mention of Schedule 2A—and this is in clause 128. But I specifically want to ask a question on clause (3)(f) of Schedule 2A. Now, my understanding is that in this case you are applying for wildlife approval, and paragraph (f) talks about “and humanely catch, hold, or kill the animals and identify relevant animal ethics processes:” But we saw in the Wildlife (Authorisations) Amendment Act 2025 that the director-general may grant an authority under, now, new section 53A of the Wildlife Act, to authorise the killing of wildlife that is incidental, and in this case, “incidental” is defined as something that is unavoidable but foreseeable as carrying out a lawful activity.
So I guess my question to the Minister is: if a person is able to get the director-general to grant authority now under section 53A of the Wildlife Act, why bother applying for wildlife approval, particularly when around subclause (3)(f) in terms of the killing of wildlife—what is the difference between the two processes in that case?
So just for reference, the particular section that is now in the Wildlife Act is section 53A, and it was something that was added in the Wildlife (Authorisations) Amendment Act 2025.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to keep moving back to—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Just a moment. Would members please take those conversations outside.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to keep moving through, out of Schedule 2A—that’s the main part of the bill—specifically to clause 140 of Part 4, and this is about council’s requests for further information. And there’s this new clause, subclause (2A), “A permit authority may request further information from an applicant only once in relation to any 1 application, unless—”. Now, it says “unless” and there are two provisos to that, where the applicant agrees and where the information provided by the applicant changes the permit authority’s understanding of the effects, and also where the applicant changes the proposal to which the application relates.
Now, this is all really sensible stuff. What I’m really interested in is this “once” limitation. What we know from these council processes is that there are genuine things that pop up that are outside of those three considerations in subclause 2A—in paragraphs (a), (b), and (c). . What I’m also interested in understanding from the Minister is: is this regardless of scale? So does it not matter whether the activity is simply something minor or a massive development? I think that finding this out would be really helpful for local authorities in terms of not unduly constraining them from actually obtaining the information they need to be able to make a good decision. So I’m really interested in the Minister’s response to that in terms of further information.
I want to also touch on clause 146, which is about notification requirements. In the Planning Bill, there’s a different threshold for when consents actually have to be notified, and under the Planning Bill it’s when they have more than minor effects. But under the Natural Environment Bill, it is only where they have significant effects. Now, surely the general understanding of the aspects of the domains in the Natural Environment Bill where we have common pools of resources in our shared environment—surely this warrants more public involvement than for, say, sort of urban frictions and tensions managed under the Planning Bill. So why is there that sort of opposite of what you would expect when it comes to public participation in what we understand can be serious implications when it comes to activities and development under this Act? That is my next question.
Very briefly, in relation to Lawrence Xu-Nan’s question about the Wildlife Act, I’m advised it is a different pathway to get the same kind of authorisation under the Natural Environment Act, only we are also getting a permit.
In relation to Ms Pham’s first question, the general policy position here is that the bills require further information requests being proportionate to scale and significance of the effects of the activity and generally only occur once, and I think I heard the member say that that all seemed like sensible stuff. It’s a constant source of frustration for people, the constant requests for information and the backwards and forwards—it’s a nightmare. We’re trying to limit that down. But there need to be exceptions, and they are laid out in the relevant clause, so the applicant can agree, for example. So it may be that the consent authority comes back and says that further information is required for it to be processed properly, and if the applicant agrees, two parties voluntarily choosing to consent together, it’s happy days.
In relation to the question around the significance threshold, that is a deliberate policy decision made because we think significance is the appropriate threshold.
That is a really great example that the Minister’s just given about it’s happy days if the applicant agrees. The concern and what I think is quite well known with a lot of these consenting processes and decisions made by councils, is that there are often individuals who are much less forthcoming with agreeing to provide further information. When I was saying that this all looks sensible, I was talking about the criteria that was actually set out. On the face of it, the criteria is good, but what I’m concerned about is those gaps and why we would unnecessarily constrain councils for genuine reasons that pop up.
The Minister and the Government have been happy to put, for example, in the procedural principles some general guidance around being pragmatic, being solution focused—whatever. Couldn’t this be a place where something directive like that actually guides this without unduly constraining councils to be part of that back and forth to make sure that they have the best possible information to make a decision? Now, I’m happy to move on unless the Minister wants to respond.
Only to say, the member’s right. At the risk of stating the obvious, it’s in the interests of people who wish to get permits to supply all the right information and if they chose not to, well, that’s on them.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m moving on now to clause 166, and this is something that has been removed from these new versions of the bills. What’s been hugely disappointing about this removal is that this clause is the precautionary principle. I’m really interested in hearing from the Minister the justification for its removal. I note specifically—
Hon Chris Bishop
Which clause?
It’s in between 165 and 167 but it’s been deleted from the Minister’s Amendment Paper, so it’s not there any more. My understanding is that the precautionary principle is something that has been developed in case law rather than being explicit in the Resource Management Act, so there is no change there. But when the bills were first introduced, what people submitted on was appreciating the fact that the precautionary principle would be there as a backstop to the fact that there are other erosions of environmental protections.
So what is the Minister’s response given the removal of that precautionary principle? What is his perception of what the backstop safeguards are when you don’t have enough information, when things are uncertain, there are risks of significant impacts—what is the Minister’s perception of that?
Just a bit more on the significant threshold—I said before, around public notification, it’s consistent with the enabling nature of the system. Our view is that it would encourage participation earlier on in the system, and, of course, it will include standards and plans as well.
In relation to the precautionary principles, there were concerns about how it would operate in practice given that some degree of uncertainty is inherent in many natural resource-use activities. Removing the principle does not remove environmental protection; decision makers will still need to use evidence, manage risks, and apply the protections in the legislation and national direction. For example, the bill provides for adaptive management where there is uncertainty about an activity’s effects, which the member can find in clause 167. It allows activities to proceed in stages, with baseline information, monitoring reporting, and clear environmental triggers. Where monitoring shows risks are greater than anticipated, activities can be modified, scaled back, paused, or, ultimately, discontinued.
This approach enables appropriate development while ensuring environmental risks are actively managed and irreversible effects are avoided. Precaution can still be applied, where appropriate, through national instruments, which can direct when and how precaution should be applied for particular resources, activities, or places. We felt that was a better approach than a simple statutory statement around endorsing the precautionary principle. The devil, as always with this stuff, is in the detail.
Tēnā koe, Madam Chair. My understanding of Part 4 is that it decides who’s heard, what can be ignored, and who receives the right to use the resources, which are, actually, Te Tiriti questions and they’re not merely processing concerns. The clauses, from 126 to 137, applications, prior consultations, and priorities—
Catherine Wedd
You’ve gone back.
Suze Redmayne
You’ve gone back.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I’ll be the judge of where we go to. We allowed Lan Pham to skip forward; Oriini Kaipara has been trying to take a call for a little while.
Thank you, Madam Chair. The concern in this part here is really around clause 129. Clause 129 says that prior consultation is not required. However, clause 136, on priority rules, risks perpetuating, first, an advantage, which, to my understanding, and to the understanding of the committee, means that the priority goes to whoever has a complete application for a scarce natural resource such as fresh water—they pretty much get it first.
With that in mind, in relation to clause 136, priority rules, which risks perpetuating, first, an advantage and an exclusion of mana whenua interests, my question to the Minister, really, is: why does clause 129 expressly remove a prior consultation requirement where taonga or settlement interests may be affected? Then, when must an applicant engage the relevant iwi or hapū before the design is fixed? The reason for that question is that the real concern is notification after lodgment is equivalent to partnership while options remain open. That’s a genuine concern from iwi that have been talking directly to us.
Clause 129 is a carry-over from the Resource Management Act, and the key is to get these things into plans. It’s not really relevant in relation to the Treaty, because there are other provisions in both bills around Treaty obligations through settlements and also Māori interests through national instruments—and then the obligations contained in the goals, and then the national policy directions and the standards that flow from the goals in relation to Māori interests.
Thank you, Madam Chair—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I know you can be very quick and concise.
Yes. I’ve got three quick questions.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Thank you.
The first one: I just want to thank the Minister responsible for RMA Reform for his response around the interaction with the Wildlife Act. A quick follow-up question on that: if both are the same path to the same goal, what would people likely choose—for example, is there a preference? Is one more costly than the other, for example? I just want to check what the likelihood is of people treading one path over the other.
I’m going to move on to clause 148. This is clause 148(2)(ca) and 149(3)(ba). Both of these provisions have included this new area—a new definition has been included around controlled activity. I wanted to check, in those cases, how different, then—would a permit authority, in those two clauses, consider the restricted discretionary activity differently from a controlled activity? From what I’m seeing, the drafting is identical except for one being a restricted discretionary activity and one being a controlled activity that’s been inserted in Amendment Paper 710. I just want to get confirmation from the Minister on that.
My final question is on clause 156(1)(a)(ii). This particular wording has changed from “the natural environment” to “natural resources”. I understand why we have, potentially, “natural resources” to be consistent with the other uses, but would one consider the interpretation of “natural resources” as a synonym for “natural environment”?
I’ll just deal with the first question, and I’ll come back on the other two. In answer to the first question—“What would people choose?”—it’s over to applicants, but the Natural Environment Bill provides a one-stop shop, so why would you not just choose that?
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’ve got a small contribution to make on clauses 164 and 164A, which goes to my published Amendment Paper 747 and relates to the references to clause 79. Of course, we’ll remember clause 79—
Hon Chris Bishop
Which clause?
I’m at page 142. Clause 79 is in a different part, and it’s to do with the Minister’s override of limits, if the limits even exist. We had a long discussion in the other part, and it turns out that not even—maybe, maybe we’ll have environmental limits. But, if there is an environmental limit, the Minister, at clause 79, can get around them. My amendment here is to delete that reference to clause 79, because I also have another amendment to delete all of clause 79.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Sorry, can you give me the number of your amendment?
Amendment Paper 747.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Thank you.
Given that we’re on matters for which a permit must not be granted, it would be good if that would include just a simple breach of an environmental limit. Given that we’ve had the discussion we had in the earlier part, we know that these environmental limits are highly unlikely to ever occur, and so there’s no need to have an exception to the requirement to the inability to grant a permit if there’s a breach.
My question is whether the Minister will agree with me that a breach is a breach—don’t worry about an exception, because it’s so unlikely to ever happen anyway in his dastardly scheme.
“Dastardly” is a bit strong; I’ll put that down to it being 11.28 at night. I mean, I think we had a discussion at question time about this—I can’t remember who it was; I had four questions to deal with today.
Hon Member
Lan.
Lan, was it? Righto. The amendment the member the Hon Rachel Brooking’s proposing is inconsistent with Government policy, so we won’t be supporting it. It would mean, for example, that the Government would not be able to set standards that enable significant infrastructure or enable activities that have net public benefits that would otherwise breach environmental limits, and I refer the member to clause 79, which she was talking about.
In relation to Mr Xu-Nan’s questions, the third one is a drafting issue between “natural resources” and “natural environment”. In relation to his second question around controlled activities, the difference is that you have to grant controlled activities whereas, with restricted discretionary activities, there are limited reasons to decline, and then the plans provide further direction in relation to that.
Thank you very much. It’s great we’ve got the Minister responsible for RMA Reform here. I wanted to ask about page 145, which is Part 4—clause 167A, related to Te Ture Whaimana o Te Awa o Waikato. I never got a chance earlier in the day, but it’s good that we’re here now and we’ve got this provision in Part 4 to explore this. The tribes of the Waikato and Waipā rivers have reached out to this side of the House. We’ve enjoyed their company today—great advocates, I have to say. They rolled out and shared correspondence with us that they had met with the Minister on 14 August. There were proposals that were agreed to in terms of what happened in the Planning Bill previously for Te Ture Whaimana o Te Awa o Waikato. I wanted to speak to this one here in clause 167A as another really good example of how the Crown has listened and has worked with iwi groupings on wording that was agreeable between parties.
Now, what we experienced previously with the Planning Bill amendment—they had understood that these agreed amendments were to be appendices to what was to be voted on, but that kind of didn’t occur. Rather, it was within the bundle. I’m wanting to explore with the Minister a way whereby—I appreciate the advocacy of the iwi group that came together and met with us and this side of the House and their advocacy around our need to tautoko Te Ture Whaimana o Te Awa o Waikato and the agreed words that have been negotiated with the Minister. If the Minister would consider clauses particular to Te Ture Whaimana o Te Awa o Waikato being pulled out as maybe appendices to this or put it as a schedule of some sort so we can actually show some tautoko for the goodwill that the Minister has shown towards Ngāti Raukawa, Te Nehenehenui, Te Arawa, Waikato-Tainui, Tūwharetoa—the grouping that has been advocating for quite some time to uphold the Treaty settlement and the health and wellbeing of Waikato and Waipā.
I’m pleased you had a good kōrero with my good friends the river iwi. I also have enjoyed fellowship with them—quite a bit.
Arena Williams
The river elves!
What’s that?
Arena Williams
It sounds like you’ve got a fellowship with the river elves.
Ha, ha! Tuku Morgan—Matua Morgan is Gandalf.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
It must be 11.32 p.m. That was provoked. Carry on with the question.
It was—it was. It’s in the Hansard now; I think the member will live to regret that one.
I mean, I’m not really sure what the member Hūhana Lyndon is asking, because, firstly, there’s no such thing as appendices in bills. There are schedules, but, to be honest, the schedules are way less prominent and significant than actual primary clauses in legislation, which become sections. I mean, we’ve reached an agreement with the river iwi here in relation to Te Ture Whaimana o Te Awa o Waikato, as the member says. I’m really proud of that, and it reflects the good-faith obligations entered into by the Crown over many years. It’s there in black and white, not just in clause 167A but in a variety of other statutory provisions in the Planning Bill and, also, the Natural Environment Bill, so I think it’s pretty good.
The member might want to expand a bit further, but I don’t think burying it in a schedule is likely to be that—well, it certainly doesn’t have any legal change, for starters, and, actually, the Parliamentary Counsel Office works out what the appropriate provisions are. I’m really comfortable having it in the primary bill rather than the schedules.
I guess I’m wanting to ask for an opportunity for us to look for a way whereby we can actually vote for something in favour. It’s nearly midnight, so—
Hon Chris Bishop
You can vote for the bill! Join the journey of change.
Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan
Madam Chair?
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Lawrence Xu-Nan, I thought you told me you had three questions before, and you asked them. I call Lan Pham.
Madam Chair, thank you. I’m really keen to touch on some aspects of public participation—or lack of public participation, it might be. These relate to clause 146, which is about notification requirements if the previous section around mandatory public notification does not apply. I’ve got Amendment Paper 720 around that.
The reason why I’m proposing these amendments—and I’m interested in the Minister responsible for RMA Reform’s comments on this—is that, yes, this entire framework is moving to a much more permissive and enabling framework. I can absolutely understand that. Where I’m concerned about that is that, for the past few decades, where I have been involved in not only council processes but Resource Management Act processes, I’ve seen it demonstrated time and time again how valuable elements of public participation can be to making good decisions. So I’m really keen to offer the Minister an option in both of these clauses—firstly, where public notification could be permitted if there are more than minor adverse effects on the environment. That would be the first aspect of it.
The second aspect, which I’m proposing in clause 152, is that—this bill introduces what’s called, essentially, a qualifying resident test, where you can make a submission on a publicly notified application only if you are actually resident in that area. Now, what we know about the jurisdictions that we have across the country is that people’s interests, people’s connection to place, doesn’t abide by, for example, district council or city or regional boundaries. Often, you have people who are living on the edges of whatever boundary, and the concern is that this is going to be a real barrier to their genuine participation in the places that they love, the places that they’re connected to, the places they may work in and live in—this is potentially a barrier.
This Amendment Paper 720 would be bringing into line what we heard so clearly from submitters, including the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, about not unduly restricting participation when it comes to public notification. It’s already met those thresholds that public notification is necessary; why limit it unnecessarily to qualifying residents? I’m keen to hear the Minister’s response to that. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I was simply referring to the fact that I had three questions for that particular call. I do have more questions for this part—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
It’s a shame the member didn’t clarify that at the time, but I’ll let you do some final questions.
All right, Madam Chair. I am moving on—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
So am I.
I finished on clause 156 previously, so I’m on clause 162. This is about applicants’ compliance history.
Now, I know that there was a comparable section in the Planning Bill; however, I think even in the Planning Bill, and certainly here, one of the questions we haven’t asked is what happens when there have been, let’s say, infringement notices or convictions, etc., if the person is overseas. In this case, it talks about convictions under this Act, but what I’m not seeing in this particular bill is what happens if an applicant, whether they are a natural person or not, had comparable offences or convictions in an overseas jurisdiction. Would the permit authority need to check other things, or would that be, for example, covered under the Overseas Investment Act, etc.? I just want to check, because it occurred to me that that is something that is comparable from an overseas conviction.
I am going to move on to the next clause. I’m actually going to speak on my colleague Lan Pham’s Amendment Paper 671. Essentially, for this particular Amendment Paper, we know that the previous clause 166 has been removed as a result, which is around precautionary principles where information is uncertain or inadequate. We just think that this section is actually quite important and should be reinserted here around the precautionary principles for consideration. I want to check with the Minister if the Minister would be open to—
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
I’m sure the Minister answered—
Lan Pham
I think I had covered that.
You have covered that in clause 166? OK. In that case, ignore that question.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
If the honourable Minister wants to—
It doesn’t cover overseas convictions.
Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan
It does?
No, it doesn’t.
Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan
Oh, it does.
No—no. It covers what it says in the clause.
Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan
But what happens if there’s an overseas conviction?
Well, it’s not covered is the short answer. It’s not covered. I mean, I love your ability to—I’m thinking of rabbits and warrens and burrows, and I admire it. Even if I find it aggravating, a big part of me finds it admirable. But, as I’m sure the member’s discovering from his luminous committee stage debates, it cannot cover everything. It does not cover overseas convictions; maybe it should. Maybe there’s an amendment to come, but it doesn’t.
In relation to Lan Pham’s amendment and other discussions which I think we’ve had a couple of times now around thresholds of public notifications, the significant threshold for public notification, as I said earlier, reflects a deliberate policy choice. Changing it would not align with the Government’s objectives for notification. There are fewer opportunities to participate in permit processes and that’s designed to encourage participation earlier in the system in national instruments and plans.
In relation to her point around affected persons, I’m advised that people out of the district or the region can still be subject to targeted notification and they can still participate, but we’ve got a clear policy intent so that people in Waipukurau don’t submit on things that don’t have anything to do with where they live.
MILES ANDERSON (National—Waitaki)
I move, That debate on this question now close.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That debate on this question now close.
Ayes 67
Noes 50
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Motion agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that the Minister’s amendments to Part 4 set out on Amendment Paper 710 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendments be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 50
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Amendments agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that the Hon Rachel Brooking’s tabled amendment deleting clause 128 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment replacing clause 146(6)(a) set out on Amendment Paper 720 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Lan Pham’s amendment replacing clause 152(1) set out on Amendment Paper 719 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendment to clause 156(1) set out on Amendment Paper 681 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Lan Pham’s amendments to clauses 164 and 164A set out on Amendment Paper 683 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendments deleting clauses 164(1)(c)(i) and 164A set out on Amendment Paper 747 are out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
The question is that Lan Pham’s amendment inserting clause 166 set out on Amendment Paper 671 be agreed to.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That the amendment be agreed to.
Ayes 50
Noes 67
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
| Noes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
Amendment not agreed to.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
The Hon Rachel Brooking’s amendment inserting new subpart 7 of Part 4 set out on Amendment Paper 746 is out of order as being inconsistent with a previous decision of the committee.
Party vote
A party vote was called for on the question, That Part 4 as amended be agreed to.
Ayes 67
Noes 50
| Party | Count |
|---|---|
| Ayes | 67 |
| NationalNew Zealand National | 48 |
| ACTACT New Zealand | 11 |
| NZ FirstNew Zealand First | 8 |
| Noes | 50 |
| LabourNew Zealand Labour | 34 |
| GreenGreen Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | 14 |
| Te Pāti MāoriTe Pāti Māori | 1 |
| Named members Kapa-Kingi | 1 |
Part 4 as amended agreed to.
Part 5 Key roles
Part 5 Key roles
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Members, we come now to Part 5, which is the debate on clauses 215 to 241, “Key roles”. The question is that Part 5 stand part.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m really interested in going to new clause 219A, in Amendment Paper 710. This is about the delegation of functions by the Minister to the Environmental Protection Authority. This is about the function to actually monitor the implementation and effectiveness of this Act, and that includes regulations in force under it and national instruments. I’m really interested to hear from the Minister responsible for RMA Reform, because I was quite surprised to see this clause in here. It is a new clause that has come in in the Government’s last-minute amendments.
Hon Chris Bishop
Which clause?
Clause 219A, on page 174. Why I’m interested in this is because earlier—and I can’t remember where in the bill, but earlier in the bill—there is a function for the Ministry for Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport to assess the effectiveness and the efficiency of the bills. I’m interested as to what the differences are here, because there’s very little detail, and when you’re sort of further splitting these things across both MCERT and the Environmental Protection Authority, I think it would be really helpful to understand, particularly when it comes to the assessment of the effectiveness and implementation, why there has been this division and where they have landed on.
I’m advised it’s a carry-over from the Resource Management Act (RMA), so it just clarifies the delegation to the Environmental Protection Authority. It’s a carry-over from existing provisions in the RMA.
I’m interested in that, because is that, therefore, unnecessary duplication? Like, what is actually the function of this versus what the chief executive of the Ministry for Cities, Environment, Regions and Transport has now been tasked with in quite some detail about the functions and efficiencies? I think that, if there is going to be this role for the Environmental Protection Authority—which, again, is another agency that we know is under considerable constraints—why? I think we should be able to answer that and understand that, rather than just chuck it in here.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I’m moving further forward, and this is related to the transfer of powers—wherever that is—at clause 232. I’m on page 179 of the Minister’s Amendment Paper 710. I want to talk briefly about the transfer of powers and the joint management agreements, and then iwi participation agreements. These are at the back end of Part 5.
For a long time, there have been these provisions—section 33 and the joint management provisions in the Resource Management Act—that can include going to an iwi authority. Now, they’re not included in these powers before us. That’s gone. Also, the Mana Whakahono ā Rohe agreements that are more recent, that came in under the Hon Nick Smith, are also gone. The Minister will say the legislation has changed remarkably after the select committee process happened—he came to think that—but the iwi participation agreements are now included.
So, simple question: do the iwi participation agreements allow for the equivalent of section 33 of the Resource Management Act transfer of powers, now in clause 232, and joint management agreements in clause 236? It’s a simple question; I think I know the answer, and it’s a very sad day.
Oh, I’ve just dropped my good blue pen. My apologies.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Do you want one?
No, no, I’m good. Thank you. In relation to clause 219A, I’m not really sure what the member Lan Pham’s getting at. Clause 219A is a carry-over from the Resource Management Act. It’s a “may”, it’s not a “must”; it’s a “may delegate to the EPA”. It needs to be read in the light of clause 219, which is the delegation of functions by Ministers and chief executives. Both of these provisions are standard provisions when it comes to complicated statutory schemes and regulatory schemes.
In relation to Rachel Brooking’s question, she is right that iwi authorities are excluded from the transfer of powers, and no, the answer is that iwi participation agreements cannot authorise the transfer of powers.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Dr Lawrence Xu-Nan—very short one. I’m just looking at the clock, because some of us have to go to bed, and you have to write more policy! I’ll take a quick question.
OK. Just following on from the previous question, I want to check, in this case, just clarifying: with the joint committee appointed under clause 30 of Schedule 7 of the Local Government Act 2002—so this is clause 231(c). This might be a basic question: are they elected, or can they also be appointed?
No, they’re elected.
CHAIRPERSON (Barbara Kuriger)
Members, the time has come for me to leave the Chair. The committee will resume at 9 a.m. tomorrow.
Sitting suspended from 11.55 p.m. to 9 a.m. (Friday)